Christlich-religiöse Textwelt als translatorisch-hermeneutischer Gegenstand Gegenstandsbeschreibung und Herangehensweisen

Tämä teorialähtöinen, hermeneuttinen tutkimus sijoittuu käännöstieteen sekä uskonnon- ja kielifilosofian rajapintaan. Tutkimuksessa kuvataan kristinuskon tekstimaailmaa relevantin tulkintakehyksen kautta sekä esitetään tekstimaailman tulkintaan soveltuva lähestymistapa ammattikääntäjän eli välittävän vastaanottajan näkökulmasta. Tutkimus pureutuu käännösprosessin hermeneutiikkaan eli lähdetekstin ja sen maailman tulkintaan, ymmärtämiseen ja selittämiseen liittyviin aspekteihin. Tutkimuksessa ei esitetä käännösratkaisuja. Tutkimus nostaa esiin filosofisen ja teologisen hermeneutiikan peruskysymyksiä. Niitä ovat Raamatun tekstien vaikutushistoria, erilaiset todellisuus- ja kielikäsitykset, kirkon oppi, teologian pääsuuntaukset, uskonnolliset yhteisöt ja niiden perinteet, inhimillinen kulttuuri ja aika. Ne ovat ulottuvuuksia, jotka vaikuttavat kääntäjän tekstin- ja maailmantulkintaan ja vaativat laajojen kontekstien huomioonottamista sekä lähestymistä monista eri näkökulmista. Ludwig Wittgensteinin myöhäisfilosofiaan liittyvän kielipelin idea tarjoaa ajatusmallin, jonka avulla uskonnon käsite-, merkki- ja tekstimaailmalle voidaan luoda moninäkökulmainen tulkintakehys. Kielipelin käsitettä käytetään tässä tutkimuksessa tekstien samankaltaisuutta ja erilaisuutta kokoavana järjestelmänä, joka toimii intratekstuaalisesti eli sillä on omat pelisääntönsä, tulkinnan lähteensä sekä tunnistettava identiteetti. Järjestelmän keskiössä ovat uskonnon konstituioivat käsitteet ja kertomukset, jotka ovat muiden tulkintojen eli metatekstien lähde. Kääntäjän varsinaisina tulkintakohteina ovat metatekstit, eivät raamatunkääntämiseen liittyvät kysymykset suoranaisesti. Tutkimuksessa luodaan kuitenkin tulkintamalli, jonka mukaan metatekstejä ja raamatun tekstejä luetaan rinnakkain. Ymmärtäminen ja ongelmanratkaisu rakentuvat tekstuaalisen kommunikaation pohjalta. Tekstejä luetaan sekä sääntöteorian että narratiivisen teorian valossa. Kertomus puhuttelee vastaanottajaa eri tavalla kuin sääntö. Tulkintamallissa yhdistyvät sekä analyyttinen että luovan mielikuvituksen sallima lukutapa. Molemmat toimivat yhdessä kääntäjän tekstin- merkin- ja maailmantulkinnan apuna. Tutkimuksessa pohditaan myös tekstiteorettisia kysymyksiä, tekstin ja merkin käsitteitä sekä niiden toimintadynamiikkaa. Tulkinnan mekanismi esitetään semioosin käsitteen avulla. Teksti määritellään heuristiseksi ja eksemplaariseksi kuvaukseksi maailmasta, ja se edustaa vain osaa tulkintakokonaisuudesta. Kääntäjän hermeneuttinen kenttä ulotetaan tekstinulkoiseen maailmaan, käytäntöön ja elämänmuotoon.

Microsatellite instability and cytogenetic survey in myeloid leukemias

Microsatellites are short tandem repeat sequences dispersed throughout the genome. Their instability at multiple genetic loci may result from mismatch repair errors and it occurs in hereditary nonpolyposis colorectal cancer. This instability is also found in many sporadic cancers. In order to evaluate the importance of this process in myeloid leukemias, we studied five loci in different chromosomes of 43 patients, 22 with chronic myelocytic leukemia (CML) in the chronic phase, 7 with CML in blast crisis, and 14 with acute myeloid leukemia (AML), by comparing leukemic DNA extracted from bone marrow and constitutional DNA obtained from buccal epithelial cells. Only one of the 43 patients (2.1%), with relapsed AML, showed an alteration in the allele length at a single locus. Cytogenetic analysis was performed in order to improve the characterization of leukemic subtypes and to determine if specific chromosome aberrations were associated with the presence of microsatellite instability. Several chromosome aberrations were observed, most of them detected at diagnosis and during follow-up of the patients, according to current literature. These findings suggest that microsatellite instability is an infrequent genetic event in myeloid leukemias, adding support to the current view that the mechanisms of genomic instability in solid tumors differ from those observed in leukemias, where specific chromosome aberrations seem to play a major role.

Cytogenetic studies of Brazilian pediatric myelodysplastic syndrome cases: challenges and difficulties in a large and emerging country

Myelodysplastic syndromes (MDS) and juvenile myelomonocytic leukemia (JMML) are rare hematopoietic stem cell diseases affecting children. Cytogenetics plays an important role in the diagnosis of these diseases. We report here the experience of the Cytogenetic Subcommittee of the Brazilian Cooperative Group on Pediatric Myelodysplastic Syndromes (BCG-MDS-PED). We analyzed 168 cytogenetic studies performed in 23 different cytogenetic centers; 84 of these studies were performed in patients with confirmed MDS (primary MDS, secondary MDS, JMML, and acute myeloid leukemia/MDS+Down syndrome). Clonal abnormalities were found in 36.9% of the MDS cases and cytogenetic studies were important for the detection of constitutional diseases and for differential diagnosis with other myeloid neoplasms. These data show the importance of the Cooperative Group for continuing education in order to avoid a late or wrong diagnosis.

[Kirja-arvostelu]

Kirjallisuusarvostelu

“Who is steering the ship and which constellation guides the way? Exploring transparency in the European Central Bank during the time of crisis”

This paper explores transparency in the decision-making of the European Central Bank (ECB). According to ECB´s definition, transparency means that the central bank provides the general public with all relevant information on its strategy, assessments and policy decisions as well as its procedures in an open, clear and timely manner. In this paper, however, the interpretation of transparency is somewhat broader: Information is freely available and directly accessible to those who will be affected by the decisions. Moreover, the individuals shall be able to master this material. ECB´s negative attitude towards publication of documents has demonstrated central bank´s reluctance to strive towards more extensive transparency. By virtue of the definition adopted by the ECB the bank itself is responsible for determining what is considered as relevant information. On the grounds of EU treaties, this paper assesses ECB`s accountability concentrating especially on transparency by employing principal-agent theory and constitutional approach. Traditionally, the definite mandate and the tenet of central bank independence have been used to justify the limited accountability. The de facto competence of the ECB has, however, considerably expanded as the central bank has decisively resorted to non-standard measures in order to combat the economic turbulences facing Europe. It is alleged that non-standard monetary policy constitutes a grey zone occasionally resembling economic policy or fiscal policy. Notwithstanding, the European Court of Justice has repeatedly approved these measures. This dynamic interpretation of the treaties seems to allow temporarily exceptions from the central bank´s primary objective during extraordinary times. Regardless, the paper suggests that the accountability nexus defined in the treaties is not sufficient in order to guarantee the accountability of the ECB after the adoption of the new, more active role. Enhanced transparency would help the ECB to maintain its credibility. Investing in the quality of monetary dialogue between the Parliament and the ECB appears to constitute the most adequate and practicable method to accomplish this intention. As a result of upgraded transparency the legitimacy of the central bank would not solely rest on its policy outputs.

Tulevaisuuden lähtökohdista kansanvallan kolmiliittoon. Kansallinen Edistyspuolue ja kansallisen eheytymisen politiikka 1919–1939.

Kansallista Edistyspuoluetta ja sen toimijoita maailmansotien välisen Suomen sisäpolitiikassa tarkasteleva väitöstutkimus paneutuu puolueen kansallista eheytymistä ajaneen poliittisen linjan taustoihin, muodostumiseen ja toteutumiseen maailmansotien välisenä aikana vuosina 1919-1939. Vahvasti aineistopohjainen ja lähdekriittinen poliittisen historian tutkimus keskittyy parlamentaarisiin toimijoihin, poliittiseen kenttään ja näiden tuottamiin aineistoihin, kuten edistyspuolueen ja sen toimijoiden arkistoihin, lehdistöön ja valtiopäiväpöytäkirjoihin. Tutkimus selvittää, millainen oli edistyspuolueen kansallisen eheytymisen linja, mihin sillä pyrittiin, miten sitä toteutettiin ja miten se toteutui. Kansainvälisen vertailun kautta tutkimuksessa luodaan myös kuva suomalaisesta liberalismista ja liberalistista. Joulukuussa 1918 perustettu Kansallinen Edistyspuolue oli liberaali puolue, jonka politiikassa korostui erityisesti liberalismin sosiaalinen tulkinta. Puolueen sisäpoliittiseksi linjaksi vastaitsenäistyneessä ja sisällissodan runtelemassa valtiossa muodostui kansallisen eheytymisen edistäminen. Ajatuksen taustalla olivat K. J. Ståhlbergin tulevaisuuden lähtökohtia hahmotelleet artikkelit, jotka julkaistiin Helsingin Sanomissa huhtikuussa 1918 sisällissodan vielä riehuessa. Ståhlbergin mukaan kansalliseen eheytymiseen ei tullut pyrkiä sodan vuoksi vaan siitä huolimatta. Nuorsuomalaiselta puolueelta perityt liberaalit periaatteet täydentyivätkin edistyspuoluelaisessa ajattelussa sisällissodan ja tasavallan puolesta käydyn valtiomuototaistelun avainkokemuksilla. Itsenäisen Suomen ensimmäisiä vuosia hallinneissa keskustahallituksissa kansallista eheytymistä edistettiin sosiaalipoliittisin uudistuksin mm. oppivelvollisuus- ja asutuslakien muodossa. Myös sisällissodan vankien armahdukset olivat osa tätä ohjelmaa. Tutkimus osoittaa, että edistyspuolueen kansallisen eheytymisen politiikan keskeisenä tavoitteena oli poliittisen sovittelun kautta integroida vasemmisto osaksi parlamentaaris-demokraattista järjestelmää. Eheytyspolitiikan todellinen käyttöarvo ja edistyspuolueen poliittiset toimintamahdollisuudet alkoivat kuitenkin heiketä vuoden 1922 eduskuntavaalien jälkeen.Tutkimuksesta käy ilmi, että toteutettu eheytyspolitiikka ja sen osittainen epäonnistuminen näkyivät sekä kommunistien jatkuvana kannatuksena että sisäpoliittisen ilmapiirin oikeistolaistumisena. Tämä kehitys nosti myös edistyspuolueessa esille voimat, jotka suosivat porvariyhteistyötä ohi keskustavasemmistolaisen eheytyspoliittisen linjan. Alkuvuosien jälkeen valtiomuototaistelun koossapitävä voima heikkeni edistyspuolueen sisällä ja 1920-luvun puolivälissä käydyt linjakiistat osoittivat, että osalle puolueen jäsenistä vuoden 1918 puoluevalinnassa keskeisemmässä roolissa oli ollut tasavaltalaisuus kuin vasemmiston integrointi ja kansallinen eheytyminen. Edistyspuolueen johto ei kuitenkaan ollut valmis luopumaan eheytyspoliittisesta linjasta ja sen ympärille luodusta puolueidentiteetistä, joten porvariyhteistyötä kannattanut oikeisto-oppositio päätyi suurelta osin eroamaan puolueesta vuonna 1927. Tutkimus osoittaa, että parlamentarismin rapautuminen ja pienelle yleispuolueelle elintärkeiden yhteistyömahdollisuuksien heikkeneminen luokkapuolueiden puristuksessa johtivat edistyspuolueen kannatuksen alamäkeen sotien välisenä aikana. Se kutistui 26 kansanedustajan keskisuuresta puolueesta vain kuuden edustajan pienpuolueeksi. Puolueidentiteetin vahvuus ja keskeisten toimijoiden puolueen kokoa suurempi poliittinen painoarvo pitivät sen lakkauttamispohdinnoista huolimatta kuitenkin koossa ja kiinni politiikan ytimessä. Oikeistoradikalismin vuodet 1920–1930-lukujen taitteessa olivat edistyspuolueellesekä uhka että mahdollisuus. Tutkimuksessa käy ilmi, että vaikka kommunisminvastaisen kansanliikkeen vaatimukset olivat edistyspuoluelaisten mielestä oikeutettuja, oli kansanliikkeen niiden ajamiseksi omaksumia laittomia ja ulkoparlamentaarisia keinoja vaikea hyväksyä. Eheytyspolitiikan kannalta katsottuna melkotoivottamalta näyttänyt tilanne kääntyi kuitenkin lopulta voitoksi: äärivasemmisto eliminoitiin, äärioikeisto ajautui paitsioon ja tie maltillisen vasemmiston ja keskustan yhteistyölle aukesi jälleen. Tämä johti lopulta vuonna 1937 punamultahallitukseen ja kansanvallan kolmiliittoon Kansallisen Edistyspuolueen, SDP:n ja Maalaisliiton kesken. Kokemus siitä, että itsenäisyys oli alati uhattuna, toi suomalaiseen liberalismiin varsin nationalistisia piirteitä, joita eurooppalaisten veljespuolueiden ohjelmista ei löydy. Liberalismiin usein liitetty mielleyhtymä sen kosmopoliittisesta, kansallisvaltioita ylittävästä luonteesta jäi Suomessa sotien välisenä aikana nationalismin ja itäisen naapurin luoman uhan varjoon. Suomen sisäpoliittinen tilanne ja geopoliittinen asema loivat vaatimuksen vahvasta kansallisesta yhtenäisyydestä. Suomalainen liberalismi määrittyikin eurooppalaisia vastineitaan voimakkaammin nuorta valtiota hallinneen kansallisuusajattelun, itsesäilytysvaiston ja kansallisen eheyden vaatimusten kautta. Tutkimuksessa todetaan, että edistyspuolueen eheytyspoliittisen linjan muotoutumista ja toteutumista vuosien 1919‒1939 aikana voi pitää idealismin voittona realismista. Lukuun ottamatta reformipolitiikan vuosia edistyspuolueen pitäytyminen valitulla linjalla näyttäytyi poliittisten toimintamahdollisuuksien kannalta katsottuna ajoittain jopa epärealistiselta. Koko sotien välistä aikaa tarkastellessa voikin todeta, että se, minkä edistyspuolue poliittisten päämäärien saavuttamisen valossa voitti, sen se menetti kannatusluvuissa.

Limiting rights, Canadian style : the Supreme Court of Canada, American jurisprudence and section 1 of the Charter /

The addition of the Charter of Rights and Freedoms represented a fundamental shift in Canadian governance. Many saw the tabling of such a document as a further, even fmal, step towards the Americanization of the Canadian polity. While the Charter's presence has significantly altered the relationship between citizens, government and the courts, it has done so by maintaining the traditional values and experiences that has been the hallmarks of Canadian constitutionalism. This is in contrast to the fears harboured by critics suggesting that the Charter was a further Americanization of the Canadian Polity, notwithstanding the very different natures of the American Bill of Rights and the Canadian Charter. Analyzing American Supreme Court precedent use by the Canadian Supreme Court has demonstrated that such an Americanization has not, in fact, occurred. In the present analysis of American precedent use in section 1 limitation of rights cases, the citation of these precedents are at best episodic, at least on the quantitative level. Qualitatively, the Canadian Supreme Court generally uses American jurisprudence to further support broad definitions of 'great rights' . As for the more intricate details of rights limitations and the process involved in detennining how Charter rights are limited, one would be hard pressed to find even cursory references to American case law.

Rights jurisprudence and the charter : evaluating the changing structure of Canadian federalism /

Abstract . Rights jiirisprudence in Canada dates back as far as Confederation in 1867. Between this date and 1982, the organizing principle of Confederation - federalism - has kept this jurisprudence solely within the supremacy of Parliament, subject to its confines and division of powers. After 1982, however, a new constitutional organizing principle was introduced, when Prime Minister Pierre Trudeau introduced the patriation initiative, touted as the "people's package". Individual rights and freedoms were now guaranteed by the Constitution. Citizens of Canada now had a direct link to the Constitution via the Charter and there were now two significantly different organizing principles within the constitutional order widch created an unstable coexistence. This instability has led to a clash between judicially enforced Charter rights and federalism. The Charter has since had both a nationalizing and centralizing effect on Canadian federalism. This thesis explores the relationship between rights and federalism in Canada fix)m Confederation to present day by comparing the jurisprudence of pre and post Charter Canada. An analysis of Supreme Court's (and its predecessor's, the JCPC) decisions shows the profound effect the Charter has had on Canadian federalism. The result has been an undermining of federalism in Canada, with Parliamentary Supremacy replaced by Constitutional supremacy, and ultimately. Judicial Supremacy. Moreover, rights discourse has largely replaced federalism discourse. Canadians have become very attached to their Charter, and are unwilling to allow any changes to the constitution that may affect their rights as political elites discovered the hard way after the collapse of the Meech and Charlottetown Accords. If federalism is to remain a relevant and viable organizing principle in the Constitution, then governments, especially at the provincial level, must find new and iimovative ways to assert their importance within the federation.

Physical access for persons with disabilities

For persons with disabilities, the activities that able-bodied people take for granted can be major, often insurmountable challenges. Attempting to enter a restaurant for lunch with friends can result in lengthy and adversarial litigation if the facility is not accessible to a person with a disability or other mobility impairment. This litigation would be initiated after the individual was effectively refused service; a refusal based on hislher personal physical characteristics. If a shopping mall is not equipped with "access amenities", then the disabled person may be excluded from shopping there and thus exercising consumer freedom. If workplaces are not equipped to accommodate the access needs of persons with disabilities, then those people are effectively barred from gainful employment there. If a municipal goveniment building is inaccessible to disabled persons, then they may be excluded from participating in council meetings. These are all activities that the majority of the population enjoys as a matter of course, in that they represent the functions of a free citizen in a free society. If a person is excluded from such activities because of some personal characteristic, then that person is subjected to differential or discr~minatory treatment. The guarantees provided in Canadian feden! and provincial rights legislation, are such that people are not to be discriminated againsL Where buildings and facilities othen\iise open to the public are not accessible for persens with disabilities, then those people are being discriminated against. To challenge these discriminatory practices, individuals initiate complaints through the administrative justice system. To address the extent to which this is a problem, many sources were consulted. Constitutional lawyers, tribunal members, advocates for the disabled and land use planners were interviewed. Case law and legislation were reviewed. Literature on citizenship theory, dispute resolution and dispute avoidance was compiled and assessed. And, the field of land use planning was analyzed (drawing on the WTiter's educational and experiential background) as a possible alternative method for effecting systemic access for persons with disabilities. The conclusion of this study is that there does exist a proactive method for assuring access, a method that can apply the systemic remedy needed to deal with this problem. The current method, which is an adversarial and piecemeal complaint process, has proven ineffective in remedying this discrimination problem~ Failure to provide an appropriate remedy means that persons with disabilities will not enjoy the degree of citizen status enjoyed by the able-bodied. This is the current circumstance, and since equity is the aim of rights legislation, and since such legislative and administrative frameworks have failed in that purpose, then an alternative method is necessary. An alternative model is the one in which land use planning is based. It has conflict avoidance and conflict minimization as underpinnings. And, most importantly, land use planning is already a proyen method of combatting discrimination.

The role of a minor party : a comparative study of the British Liberal Party and the Australian Country Party since 1918

and the Australian Country Party since 1918. 2. The thesis examines the proposition that the role of a minor party is determined, not by its total strength expressed as a percentage of the national vote, but by how its strength is concentrated. Australia and Britain were chosen for the comparison because of the many similarities in political culture and in the extent of class voting. Each country has a party - the Country Party in Australia and the Liberal Party in Britain - which has had a distinct impact on the political scene in their respective countries. In the period from 1918 to the present day neither party, at the national level, has ever held the largest number of seats in parliament let alone a majority of seats, and it is in this sense that they are herein defined as minor parties. In the thesis the constitutional background of and differences between Australia and Britain are reviewed, followed by a brief historical picture of each of the two parties being studied. The sources of supporc of the two parties are analysed and it is here that real differences emerge. The Country Party in Australia is a deliberately sectional party with a narrow rural base, whereas the British Liberal Party is more broadly based than either the Labour or Conservative Parties in Britain. 3. Party leadership and organisation are then discussed. Both parties have had outstanding leaders, Earle Page and McEwen for the Country Party; Asquith, Lloyd George and Grimond for the Liberal Party. Both parties have had relatively fewer leaders than their major party opponents. However, whereas the Country Party has been free of serious splits the Liberal Party was shattered on the leadership struggles of Asquith and Lloyd George. Both parties have been identified with decentralisation of state power, the Country Party through its support, albeit sometimes lukewarm of the New States Movement; the Liberal Party through its espousal of a federal system for Britain with separate Welsh, Scottish and regional assemblies. Unfortunately for the British Liberal Party the beneficiaries of their policies in this area have been relatively new nationalist parties in both Wales arid Scotland. The major part of the thesis is devoted to a study of how the electoral systems in the two countries have, in practice, worked to the advantage or disadvantage of the Country Party and the British Liberal Party. The Country Party has been as consistently over-represented in the House of Representatives as the Liberal Party has been under-represented in the British House of Commons. With the even distribution of its support the introduction of the single transferable vote, in itself, would bring little benefit to the British Liberal Party in terms of seats. Multimember urban constituencies combined with some type of list system are the only way the Liberals are likely to obtain House of Commons seats in proportion to their votes. 4. Finally, the relations of the two minor parties with their respective major parties are considered. In the conclusion the future of the two parties is reviewed. In general terms it appears that the Country Party is faced with a slow decline. Although the British Liberal Party made a major breakthrough, in terms of votes, in the February 1974 election, they were unable to maintain this momentum in the October election, even though they lost very little ground. In the long term they must make an inroad into Labour held seats if they are to progress further.

Moving from values inaction to values-in-action : an exploration of how values can be managed intentionally by national sports organizations

The study examined the intentional use of National Sport Organizations' (NSOs) stated values. Positive Organizational Scholarship (POS) was applied to an Appreciative Inquiry (AI) approach of interviewing NSO senior leaders. One intention of this research was to foster a connection between academia and practitioners, and in so doing highlight the gap between values inaction and values-in-action. Data were collected from nine NSOs through multiple-case studies analysis of interview transcripts, websites, and constitutional statements. Results indicated that while the NSOs operated from a Management by Objectives (MBO) approach they were interested in exploring how Management by Values (MBV) might improve their organization's performance. Eleven themes from the case studies analysis contributed to the development of a framework. The 4-1 framework described how an NSO can progress through different stages by becoming more intentional in how they use their values. Another finding included deepening our understanding of how values are experienced within the NSO and then transferred across the entire sport. Participants also spoke about the tension that arises among their NSO' s values as well as the dominant values held by funding agents. This clash of values needs to be addressed before the tension escalates. Finally, participants expressed a desire to learn more about how values can be used more intentionally to further their organization's purpose. As such, strategies for intentionally leveraging values are also suggested. Further research should explore how helpful the 4-1 framework can be to NSOs leaders who are in the process of identifying or renewing their organization's values.

Community Newspapers on Microfilm

Reel 1. E.J. Palmer's Grimsby illustrated; Merritton advance; The Evening review; Niagara Falls evening review; The academy; St. Catharines constitutional; St. Catharines daily news; St. Catharines daily standard; St. Catharines daily times; St. Catharines evening journal; St. Catharines evening star. -- Reel 2. St. Catharines evening star. -- Reel 3. St. Catharines evening star. -- Reel 4. St. Catharines evening star; St. Catharines gazette; St. Catharines journal; St. Catharines semi-weekly post; St. Catharines star journal; St. Catharines weekly news; St. Catharines weekly star; St. Catharines women's patriotic journal; St. Catharines women's standard; Welland Canadian farmer supplement; Welland Canadian farmer and grange record; Welland Canal works; Welland telegraph extra; Welland telegraph; Welland tribune and telegraph. -- Reel 5. Beamsville express; Vineland Jordan post; Grimsby independent; Haldimand advocate; Haldimand tribune; Niagara onghiara; Smithville pioneer; The Irish Canadian. -- Reel 7. St. Catharines daily times. -- Reel 8. St. Catharines daily times. -- Reel 9. St. Catharines daily times. -- Reel 10. The Monck reform press; Herald (Fonthill); Independent (Grimsby); Beamsville express; Post express (Lincoln); Jordan post (Vineland); The gleaner and Niagara newspaper; Niagara advance; Pelham herald; Port Colborne news; Farmers' journal and Welland Canal intelligencer; Welland tribune; Welland Tribune; Welland tribune and telegraph; Evening tribune (Welland Ship Canal, centenary issue).

A research capacity strengthening project for infectious diseases in Honduras: experience and lessons learned

Background: In Honduras, research capacity strengthening (RCS) has not received sufficient attention, but an increase in research competencies would enable local scientists to advance knowledge and contribute to national priorities, including the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs). Objective: This project aimed at strengthening research capacity in infectious diseases in Honduras, focusing on the School of Microbiology of the National Autonomous University of Honduras (UNAH). The primary objective was the creation of a research-based graduate program for the continued training of researchers. Parallel objectives included institutional strengthening and the facilitation of partnerships and networks. Methods: Based on a multi-stakeholder consultation, an RCS workplan was designed and undertaken from 2007 to 2012. Due to unexpected adverse circumstances, the first 2 years were heavily dedicated to implementing the project's flagship, an MSc program in infectious and zoonotic diseases (MEIZ). In addition, infrastructure improvements and demand-driven continuing education opportunities were facilitated; biosafety and research ethics knowledge and practices were enhanced, and networks fostering collaborative work were created or expanded. Results: The project coincided with the peak of UNAH's radical administrative reform and an unprecedented constitutional crisis. Challenges notwithstanding, in September 2009, MEIZ admitted the first cohort of students, all of whom undertook MDG-related projects graduating successfully by 2012. Importantly, MEIZ has been helpful in expanding the School of Microbiology's traditional etiology-based, disciplinary model to infectious disease teaching and research. By fulfilling its objectives, the project contributed to a stronger research culture upholding safety and ethical values at the university. Conclusions: The resources and strategic vision afforded by the project enhanced UNAH's overall research capacity and its potential contribution to the MDGs. Furthermore, increased research activity and the ensuing improvement in performance indicators at the prime Honduran research institution invoke the need for a national research system in Honduras.

From Sisyphus’s Dilemma to Sisyphus’s Duty? A Meditation on the Regulation of Hate Propaganda in Relation to Hate Crimes and Genocide

Un résumé en français est également disponible.