882 resultados para Congo (Democratic Republic)


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This study is intended to investigate the validity of the stability diagram (SD) aided multivariate autoregressive (MAR) analysis for identifying modal parameters of a real truss bridge. The MAR models are adopted to fit the time series of the dynamic accelerations recorded from a number of observation points on the bridge; then the modal parameters are extracted from the MAR model coefficient matrix. The SD is adopted to determine statistically dominant modes. In plotting the SD, a number of stability criteria are further adopted for filtering out those modes with unstable modal parameters. By the present method, the first five modal frequencies and mode shapes are identified with very high precision, while the damping ratios are identified with high precision for the 1st mode but with poorer precision for higher modes. Moreover, the ability of the SD in selecting structural modes without getting involved in any model-order optimization problem is highlighted through a comparison study.

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Book review in Lusotopie 2007, volume 2 of Claúdio Jone , Press and democratic transition in Mozambique, 1990-2000, Johannesbourg (Afrique du Sud), Institut français d’Afrique du Sud, 2005, 102 p.

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The critique of human rights has proliferated in critical legal thinking over recent years, making it clear that we can no longer uncritically approach human rights in their liberal form. In this article I assert that after the critique of rights one way human rights may be productively re-engaged in radical politics is by drawing from the radical democratic tradition. Radical democratic thought provides plausible resources to rework the shortcomings of liberal human rights, and allows human rights to be brought within the purview of a wider political project adopting a critical approach to current relations of power. Building upon previous re-engagements with rights using radical democratic thought, I return to the work of Ernesto Laclau and Chantal Mouffe to explore how human rights may be thought as an antagonistic hegemonic activity within a critical relation to power, a concept which is fundamentally futural, and may emerge as one site for work towards radical and plural democracy. I also assert, via Judith Butler's model of cultural translation, that a radical democratic practice of human rights may be advanced which resonates with and builds upon already existing activism, thereby holding possibilities to persuade those who remain sceptical as to radical re-engagements with rights.

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The occurrence of Bursaphelenchus species in the Czech Republic is poorly known, the first report of the genus being made by Kubátová et al. (2000) who reported the association of B. eremus with the hyphomycetous microfungus, Esteya vermicola, and the bark beetle, Scolytus intricatus, collected from Quercus robur, in central Bohemia. To date, four other species have been reported from the country, namely B. fungivorus (Braasch et al., 2002), B. hofmanni (see Braasch, 2001), B. mucronatus (see Braasch, 2001) and B. vallesianus (Gaar et al., 2006). More recently, a survey for Bursaphelenchus species associated with bark- and wood-boring insects in the Czech Republic identified B. pinophilus Brzeski & Baujard, 1997 from the Moravia region. Although this represents a new country record, it was also associated with nematangia on the hind wings of a new insect vector. A total of 404 bark- and wood-boring insects were collected from declining or symptomatic trees and screened for the presence of Bursaphelenchus. Bark and longhorn beetles were captured manually after debarking parts of the trunk displaying symptoms of insect attacks. Longhorn beetle larvae were also collected together with logs cut from the trunk. Logs were kept at room temperature in the laboratory until insect emergence. Each adult insect was individually dissected in water and examined for nematodes. All nematodes resembling dauer juveniles of Bursaphelenchus were collected and identified by molecular characterisation using a region of ribosomal DNA (rDNA) containing the internal transcribed spacer regions ITS1 and ITS2. ITS-RFLP analyses using five restriction enzymes (AluI, HaeIII, HinfI, MspI, RsaI) were performed to generate the species-specific profile according to Burgermeister et al. (2009). Species identification was also confirmed by morphological data after culture of the dauers on Botrytis cinerea Pers. ex Ft., growing in 5% malt extract agar. During this survey, only species belonging to the Curculionidae, subfamily Scolytinae, revealed the presence of nematodes belonging to Bursaphelenchus. Dauers of this genus were found aggregated under the elytra in nematangia formed at the root of the hind wings (Fig. 1). The dauers were identified from 12 individuals of Pityogenes bidentatus (Herbst, 1783) (Coleoptera: Scolytinae) collected under the bark of Pinus sylvestris trunks. Each insect carried ca 10-100 dauers. The ITS-RFLP patterns of the dauers so obtained confirmed the identification of B. pinophilus associated with this insect species. Bursaphelenchus pinophilus has been found mainly in Europe and has been reported from various countries such as Poland (Brzeski & Baujard, 1997), Germany (Braasch, 2001), and Portugal (Penas et al., 2007). The recent detection of this species associated with dead P. koraiensis in Korea (Han et al., 2009) expands its geographical distribution and potential importance. It has been found associated only with Pinus species, but very little is known about the insect vector. The bark beetle, Hylurgus ligniperda, was initially suggested as the insect vector by Pe-nas et al. (2006), although the nematode associated with this insect was later reclassified as B. sexdentati by morphological and molecular analysis (Penas et al., 2007). According to the literature, P. bidentatus has been cited as a vector of Ektaphelenchus sp. (Kakuliya, 1966) in Georgia, and an unidentified nematode species in Spain (Roberston et al., 2008). Interestingly, B. pinophilus was found in the nematangia formed at the root of the hind wings of P. bidentatus. Although this phenomenon is not so common in other Bursaphelenchus species, B. rufipennis has been found recently in such a structure on the hind wings of the insect Dendroctonus rufipennis (Kanzaki et al., 2008). Although other nematode species (e.g., Ektaphelenchus spp.) are frequently found associated within the same nematangia (see Kanzaki et al., 2008), in this particular case, only dauers of B. pinophilus were identified. The association between B. pinophilus and P. bidentatus represents the first report of this biological association and the association with the Scolytinae strengthens the tight and specific links between this group of Bursaphelenchus species and members of the Scolytinae (Ryss et al., 2005).

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Since its foundation, militant democratic arguments have underpinned an enforced secularism in Turkey. The 2002 election of the AKP, described as a “moderate Islamist party”, has challenged Turkey’s secular identity. In the more than twelve years since the AKP has been in power, Turkey’s political landscape has experienced significant changes, with periods of extensive democratic reforms punctuated by regression in certain areas, notably freedom of expression and the right to protest. State repressive measures coupled with Recep Tayyip Erdoğan’s reluctance to exit the political stage have been the focus of much commentary and analysis. This article argues, however, that under AKP rule the Kurdish issue – critical to ensuring the normalization of politics and democratization in Turkey – has been brought in from the political cold and assesses the creation and role of the HDP (Halkların Demokratik Partisi), a Kurdish political party that is endeavoring to situate itself in the mainstream of Turkey’s political landscape. We posit that the HDP can be viewed as the offspring of this “democratic opening,” a project that was meant to ensure a radical transformation of the Kurdish issue in Turkey. Through analysing the historical trajectory of both AKP and HDP and the militant democratic arguments that led to their predecessors’ exclusion from the public sphere, this article engages with the key question of the extent to which the AKP’s treatment of the Kurdish issue has provided a vehicle for broader democratisation and facilitated a reconsideration of the Kurdish question in Turkey.

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Tese de doutoramento, Biologia (Ecologia), Universidade de Lisboa, Faculdade de Ciências, 2014

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Legislative party discipline and cohesion are important phenomena in the study of political systems. Unless assumptions are made that parties are cohesive and act as unified collectivities with reasonably well-defined goals, it is really difficult, if not impossible, to consider their electoral and legislative roles usefully. But levels of legislative party cohesiveness are also important because they provide us with crucial information about how legislatures/ parliaments function and how they interact with executives/governments. Without cohesive (or disciplined) parties,1 government survival in parliamentary systems is threatened because executive and legislative powers are fused while in separated systems presidents' bases of legislative support become less stable. How do we explain varying levels of legislative party cohesion? The first part of this article draws on the purposive literature to explore the benefits and costs to legislators in democratic legislatures of joining and acting collectively and individualistically within political parties. This leads on to a discussion of various conceptual and empirical problems encountered in analysing intra-party cohesion and discipline in democratic legislatures on plenary votes. Finally, the article reviews the extant empirical evidence on how a multiplicity of systemic, party-levels and situational factors supposedly impact cohesion/discipline levels. The article ends with a discussion of the possibilities and limitations of building comparative models of cohesion/discipline.

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This study seeks to expand our understanding of how the media increase the level of political information, by focusing on an understudied yet important learning outcome: knowledge of the political past. The article explores the factors underlying variation in the recognition of the leading actors in the transitional process in Portugal. The results show that television news and newspaper exposure foster recognition of these actors, but that media use interacts with personal experience of the transition (stronger effects among younger cohorts) and party identification (stronger impact on those who do not feel close to a political party).

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To what extent are democratic institutions resilient when nation states mobilise for war? Normative and empirical political theorists have long argued that wars strengthen the executive and threaten constitutional politics. In modern democracies, national assemblies are supposed to hold the executive to account by demanding explanations for events and policies; and by scrutinising, reviewing and, if necessary, revising legislative proposals intended to be binding on the host society or policies that have been implemented already. This article examines the extent to which the British and Australian parliaments and the United States Congress held their wartime executives to account during World War II. The research finds that under conditions approaching those of total war, these democratic institutions not only continued to exist, but also proved to be resilient in representing public concerns and holding their executives to account, however imperfectly and notwithstanding delegating huge powers. In consequence, executives—more so British and Australian ministers than President Roosevelt—were required to be placatory as institutional and political tensions within national assemblies and between assemblies and executives continued, and assemblies often asserted themselves. In short, even under the most onerous wartime conditions, democratic politics mattered and democratic institutions were resilient.

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This paper argues that the analysis of democratic national assemblies is not only impossible without discussing political parties, but also incomprehensible without recognizing parties as the most significant organizations within them. Parties have structured political groupings and demands on government even before assemblies were democratically elected. And although parties may be in decline as institutions mediating between society and government in the current era, they remain significant as organizing forces within government. The paper first explains the origins of party organizations within parliaments by exploring why individual members and the assemblies taken as a whole need parties: what are their costs and benefits? It then describes the manner in which party organizations operate in different national assembly chambers. The third section analyses types and sources of party influence, including the role played by party leaders in manipulating legislative agendas, structuring Members’ policy choices and shaping policy outcomes. The final section reviews how politi- cal scientists have sought to explain intra-party cohesion and discipline across different national assemblies.

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For two reasons, our capacity for systematic comparison of innovative participatory democratic processes remains limited. First, the category of participatory democratic innovations remains relatively vague when compared to more traditional democratic institutions and practices. Second, until recently there existed no large-sample databases that captured relevant variables in the practice of democratic innovation. The lone exception to these patterns is the Participedia database, located online. Participedia is well placed to respond to the two obstacles to systematic comparative research on democratic innovation. First, its crowdsourced data collection strategy means that many of the cases on the platform are not well known and have not been the subject of sustained academic analysis. Second, the data captured in the articles provides the basis for systematic comparative analysis of democratic innovations both within type (e.g., participatory budgeting, mini-publics) and across types. The platform allows for systematic content analysis of text descriptions and/or statistical analysis of the datasets generated from the structured data fields. This article describes the data about innovative participatory democratic processes available from Participedia, and furnishes examples of the kinds of quantitative and qualitative insights about those processes that Participedia enables.