855 resultados para Afghan Wars


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After Western Medicine: From Hippocrates to Xavier Bichat (H. Tristram Engelhardt, Jr.) Who Goes First? The Story of Self-Experimentation in Medicine (David Sears, M.D.) Exercise and Health: From Pre-History to the Present (Carlos Valbonna, M.D.) Supernaturalism to Rationalism and the Man Between (Student Essay Contest Winners) (Don Lassus) The Fog of War’s Silver Lining: The Lasting Impact of Military Medicine (Student Essay Contest Winners) (Ajit Vyas) From Drummers to Detail Men: Medicine and the pharmaceutical industry in the United States, 1900-1960 (Howard Brody) Eyewash and Thunderbolts: The Medical Adventures of Lewis and Clark (Herbert M. Swick) Angry Arrows and Satin Dresses: Tales from the Annals of Plague (Herbert M. Swick) The Greatest Books in the History of Neurology (Robert Gordon) Franklin Delano Roosevelt’s Paralytic Illness: What was the cause? (Armond S. Goldman)

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In summer 2005, two pilot snow/firn cores were obtained at 5365 and 5206 m a.s.l. on Fedchenko glacier, Pamirs, Tajikistan, the world's longest and deepest alpine glacier. The well-defined seasonal layering appearing in stable-isotope and trace element distribution identified the physical links controlling the climate and aerosol concentration signals. Air temperature and humidity/precipitation were the primary determinants of stable-isotope ratios. Most precipitation over the Pamirs originated in the Atlantic. In summer, water vapor was re-evaporated from semi-arid regions in central Eurasia. The semi-arid regions contribute to non-soluble aerosol loading in snow accumulated on Fedchenko glacier. In the Pamir core, concentrations of rare earth elements, major and other elements were less than those in the Tien Shan but greater than those in Antarctica, Greenland, the Alps and the Altai. The content of heavy metals in the Fedchenko cores is 2-14 times lower than in the Altai glaciers. Loess from Afghan-Tajik deposits is the predominant lithogenic material transported to the Pamirs. Trace elements generally showed that aerosol concentration tended to increase on the windward slopes during dust storms but tended to decrease with altitude under clear conditions. The trace element profile documented one of the most severe droughts in the 20th century.

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Total war is a controversial term used in the past by politicians, publicists and military officers as well as by computer specialists and academics in the present. Since its conception by French politicians during the First World War in a time of severe crisis (1916/17), it has become a term used by historians and other academics to cover a wide array of elements when looking at wars of the past. A real total war was and is impossible. Elements of total war – total war aims, total methods of warfare, total mobilization and total control – can, however, be identified and can serve as a useful tool for further transnational research on war.

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It is a well-documented fact that the Middle Ages have had a long history of instrumentalisation by nationalisms. 19th-century Eu¬rope in particular witnessed an origins craze during the process of nation-building. In the post-Shoah, post-modern West, on the other hand, we might expect this kind of medievalist master nar¬rative to have been consigned to the dustbin of history. And yet, as nationalism surges again in Europe, negotiations of national identi¬ties in medieval dress seem to have become fashionable once more. In order to come to terms with the fragmented and often contradictory presence of the Middle Ages in these discourses of national identity, I propose we consider medievalism a utilitarian product of the cultural memory. Rather than representing any ‘real’ Middle Ages, then, medievalism tailors available knowledge of the medieval past to the diverse social needs and ideologies of the present. This paper looks at a selection of Scottish examples of present-day medievalism in an attempt to investigate, in particular, the place of the medieval Wars of Scottish Independence in contemporary negotiations of ‘Scottishness’. Both the relationships envisioned between self and other and the role played by ‘the land’ in these cultural, social and political instances of national introspection offer starting points for critical inquiry. Moreover, the analysis of a scholarly intervention in the run-up to the 2014 Scottish independence referendum indicates an intriguing dialogue of academic and non-academic voices in the context of Scottish medievalist cultural memory. We thus find a wide array of uses of the Scottish Middle Ages, some of which feed into the burgeoning nationalism of recent years, while others offer more pensive and ambivalent answers to the question of what it means to be Scottish in the 21st century.

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Ever since the first exploratory expeditions in the early modern period, North America has epitomized to Europeans a promise and the hope for the fulfilment of great expectations, be it of more freedom, greater wealth, social liberation or religious tolerance. While numerous features in this dialogic intercontinental relationship will hold true for North America in its entirety, the vast northern territories which we know as Canada today began to emerge early on as a specific iconic location in European mind-maps, and they definitely acquired a distinctive profile after the formation of the USA. As a rich source of cultural exchange and an important partner in political and economic cooperation Canada has come to occupy an important position in the cultural discourses of many European nations. It is these refractions and images of Canada which this volume thoroughly explores in European literature and culture. The contributions include literature, philosophy, language, life-writing and the concept of 'Heimat' (homeland) as well as the cultural impact of the World Wars. While there is an emphasis on literary texts, other fields of cultural representation are also included.

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There is an ongoing mission in Afghanistan; a mission driven by external political forces. At its core this mission hopes to establish peace, to protect the populace, and to install democracy. Each of these goals has remained just that, a goal, for the past eight years as the American and international mission in Afghanistan has enjoyed varied levels of commitment. Currently, the stagnant progress in Afghanistan has led the international community to become increasingly concerned about the viability of a future Afghan state. Most of these questions take root in the question over whether or not an Afghan state can function without the auspices of international terrorism. Inevitably, the normative question of what exactly that government should be arises from this base concern. In formulating a response to this question, the consensus of western society has been to install representative democracy. This answer has been a recurring theme in the post Cold War era as states such as Bosnia and Somalia bear witness to the ill effects of external democratic imposition. I hypothesize that the current mold of externally driven state-building is unlikely to result in what western actors seek it to establish: representative democracy. By primarily examining the current situation in Afghanistan, I claim that external installation of representative democracy is modally flawed in that its process mandates choice. Representative democracy by definition constitutes a government reflective of its people, or electorate. Thus, freedom of choice is necessary for a functional representative democracy. From this, one can deduce that because an essential function of democracy is choice, its implementation lies with the presence of choice. State-building is an imposition that eliminates that necessary ingredient. The two stand as polar opposites that cannot effectively collaborate. Security, governing capacity, and development have all been targeted as measurements of success in Afghanistan. The three factors are generally seen as mutually constitutive; so improved security is seen as improving governing capacity. Thus, the recent resurgence of the Taliban in Afghanistan and a deteriorating security environment moving forward has demonstrated the inability of the Afghan government to govern. The primary reason for the Afghan government’s deficiencies is its lack of legitimacy among its constituency. Even the use of the term ‘constituency’ must be qualified because the Afghan government has often oscillated between serving the people within its territorial borders and the international community. The existence of the Afghan state is so dependent on foreign aid and intervention that it has lost policy-making and enforcing power. This is evident by the inability of Afghanistan to engage in basic sovereign state activities as maintaining a national budget, conducting elections, providing for its own national security, and deterring criminality. The Afghan state is nothing more than a shell of a government, and indicative of the failings that external state-building has with establishing democracy.

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In spite of the movement to turn political science into a real science, various mathematical methods that are now the staples of physics, biology, and even economics are thoroughly uncommon in political science, especially the study of civil war. This study seeks to apply such methods - specifically, ordinary differential equations (ODEs) - to model civil war based on what one might dub the capabilities school of thought, which roughly states that civil wars end only when one side’s ability to make war falls far enough to make peace truly attractive. I construct several different ODE-based models and then test them all to see which best predicts the instantaneous capabilities of both sides of the Sri Lankan civil war in the period from 1990 to 1994 given parameters and initial conditions. The model that the tests declare most accurate gives very accurate predictions of state military capabilities and reasonable short term predictions of cumulative deaths. Analysis of the model reveals the scale of the importance of rebel finances to the sustainability of insurgency, most notably that the number of troops required to put down the Tamil Tigers is reduced by nearly a full order of magnitude when Tiger foreign funding is stopped. The study thus demonstrates that accurate foresight may come of relatively simple dynamical models, and implies the great potential of advanced and currently unconventional non-statistical mathematical methods in political science.

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"The Lesson of Facism" (GS 8, S. 9-37); 1. Beitrag zum UNESCO- Projekt "Tensions Affecting International Understanding", Paris, 1948; veröffentlicht in: Hadley Cantril (editor), "Tensions That Cause Wars", Urbana, I 11., 1950, Seite 209-242. a)-d) Typoskripte mit eigenständigen und ,oder handschriftlichen Korrekturen e) deutscher Entwurf, Typsokript ,15 Blatt f) dass., Teilstück, Typoskript, 5 Blatt g) dassselbe, Typoskript mit eigenhändigen Korrekturen, 12 Blatt h)-k) deutsche Fassung, übersetzt vom Institut für Sozialforschung, 1961 h) Typoskript mit eigenhändigen und handschriftlichen Korrekturen, mit dem Titel "Die Lehren aus dem Faschismus", 30 Blatt i) Typoskript mit handschriftlichen Korrekturen, mit dem Titel "Lehren des Nationalsozialismus", 30 Blatt; mit 1 eigenhändigen Memorandum von Friedrich Pollock, 1 Blatt k)Typoskript mit handschriftlichen Korrekturen von Friedrich Pollock, 19 Blatt; 2. Eigenhändige Notizen und Entwürfe, 21 Blatt; 3. Max Horkheimer, Gordon W. Allport, Gilbert Freyre, Georges Gurvitch, Arne Naess, John Rickman, Harry S. Sullivan, Alexandre Szalai: "Statment on Tensions Affecting International Understanding"; Typsokript mit eigenhändigen Unterschriften, 5 Blatt; 4. Biographische und bibliographische Angaben zu den Verfassern von 3. a) 4 Blatt, mit eigenhändigen Notizen von Max Horkheimer b) 9 Blatt; 5. 2 Photos; 6. Max Horkheimer [?]: "An International Social Science Institut"; Typoskript mit eigenhändigen Ergänzungen, 2 Blatt; 7. Cantril, Hadley: "The Human Sciences and World Peace. The Unesco Projekt 'Tensions Affecting International Understanding'" a) Drucksache, 4 Blatt, mit eigenhändigen Notizen von Max Horkheimer b) als Typoskript vervielfältigt 4 Blatt; 8. Einladungen, 4 Blatt; 9. Kehoe, Kathleen, UNESCO: 1 Brief mit Unterschrift an Max Horkheimer, Paris, 18.06.1948, 1 Blatt; 10. Janowitz, Morris: 1 Brief- Kopie an Max Horkheimer, New York, 17.06.1948, 1 Blatt;

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La obra de Marco Aurelio es la manifestación final de la ética estoica. El Emperador de Roma vive continuamente en medio de muchas guerras por la defensa de su territorio. Pueblos germánicos atacaban sus fronteras en el noreste cuando puso en orden para sus amigos muchos pensamientos o notas recopiladas durante años. Estas notas tienen forma de un cuaderno de notas o de un diario íntimo y contenido filosófico. Las teorías contemporáneas de la autobiografía han estudiado estas formas y definen sus rasgos con precisión, pero existen múltiples diferencias entre la personalidad de los hombres antiguos y modernos. Esto vuelve espinosa la interpretación de los pensamientos aurelianos si usamos solamente los conceptos actuales de la literatura íntima. Nuestro artículo muestra estas dificultades.

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Resumen: El tema de este trabajo nos pone en el camino, estudio y reflexión sobre la construcción del concepto de “bárbaro” como oponente, contrario o antagonista de “heleno”. Esta construcción requirió de los autores de la época la necesidad de darle forma sustantiva al concepto de “heleno”, que no solo fue una figura retórica, sino un “signo identitario” importante. La afirmación de la identidad de los triunfadores de las Guerras Médicas los puso en la necesidad ideológica y política de reforzar el concepto de “heleno” desde el discurso, tal como lo habían hecho en su momento por las armas. Heródoto mismo nos indica que helenos y bárbaros son, en principio, diferentes, incluso representan regiones o espacios diferentes dentro de la ecúmene. La diferencia de lenguaje en el siglo V a. C, evolucionó hacia una forma de espacio. Aquellos que no hablaban griego fueron considerados atrasados, rudos, rebeldes e intelectualmente inferiores.

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Actualmente una de las variantes historiográficas más importantes en el estudio de la independencia en América Latina está circunscrita al análisis de la participación política de los grupos populares. En ese sentido, en aquel contexto de guerra y lucha revolucionaria en el Perú, que va desde la crisis hispana de 1808 hasta la independencia definitiva en 1824, esta investigación, a partir de un conjunto de fuentes de archivo, impresos y periódicos diversos, desarrolla las imágenes y representaciones que las elites peruanas construyeron de estos sectores sociales, algunas de las respuestas que estos últimos les infringieron y las múltiples alternativas políticas, que en aquel escenario beligerante, todos estos actores supieron concebir, negociar y utilizar políticamente.

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Monika Treut constituye un ejemplo paradigmático del cruce entre la cinematografía queer y el activismo de género en el ámbito de habla alemana. El surgimiento de categorías como disidencia sexual, queerness, pospornografía, entre otras, que generan un debate en el seno de los movimientos feministas de principios de los ochentas, tanto a nivel teórico como a nivel político y activista, son cuestiones que podemos apreciar con claridad en las películas de Treut de los años ochenta y principios de los noventa: Verführung: die grausame Frau (1984, codirigida en colaboración con Elfi Mikesch), Die Jungfrauenmaschine (1988) y My father is coming (1991). Este trabajo analiza el caso particular de Die Jungfrauenmaschine deteniéndose, por un lado, en la proyección del debate en torno a la pornografía (lo que fue conocido en los años ochentas en el movimiento feminista norteamericano como las "Sex Wars") y, por otro lado, haciendo hincapié en cómo el binarismo de género y la identidad sexual son confrontadas desde la sexualidad disidente y su representación cinematográfica

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Globalization as progress of economic development has increased population socioeconomical vulnerability when unequal wealth distribution within economic development process constitutes the main rule, with widening the gap between rich and poors by environmental pricing. Econological vulnerability is therefore increasing too, as dangerous substance and techniques should produce polluted effluents and industrial or climatic risk increasing (Woloszyn, Quenault, Faburel, 2012). To illustrate and model this process, we propose to introduce an analogical induction-model to describe both vulnerability situations and associated resilience procedures. At this aim, we first develop a well-known late 80?s model of socio-economic crack-up, known as 'Silent Weapons for Quiet Wars', which presents economics as a social extension of natural energy systems. This last, also named 'E-model', is constituted by three passive components, potential energy, kinetic energy, and energy dissipation, thus allowing economical data to be treated as a thermodynamical system. To extend this model to social and ecological sustainability pillars, we propose to built an extended E(Economic)-S(Social)-O(Organic) model, based on the three previous components, as an open model considering feedbacks as evolution sources. An applicative illustration of this model will then be described, through this summer's american severe drought event analysis

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Según Nietzsche, a partir de la Revolución Francesa tenemos que estar preparados para 'conmociones fundamentales'; desde entonces se producen acontecimientos que anuncian modificaciones infra y superestructurales para el próximo milenio, con lo cual, el orden social se ajustará al rumbo de las ?nuevas ideas?. En la actualidad, los triunfos y logros de la civilización ponen en peligro el desarrollo mismo de la cultura; son tiempos de procesos políticos extraordinarios o en otras palabras, de grandes luchas por el dominio de la tierra. Es así que se aproxima el 'ocaso de los ídolos', es decir, la ruina de las verdades antiguas pues casi todo lo que hasta el presente se llama verdad es sólo mentira y, cuando la nueva realidad se enfrente a las fabulaciones milenarias, nuestra cosmovisión sufrirá terribles sacudidas; las guerras serán inevitables y todas las instituciones basadas en el engaño y la ilusión caerán ante el asombro de los sobrevivientes. Nietzsche inicia la desacralización o 'desenmascaramiento' de las verdades eternas y la transmutación de todos los valores que son, en definitiva, procesos ineluctables. Asimismo, no hay fenómenos morales sino una 'interpretación moral de los fenómenos' o, en todo caso, una falsa interpretación. Y la moral no es otra cosa que una coacción prolongada. En la medida en que la Humanidad se aleja de la fe, más se acerca a la Ciencia, porque mientras la primera significa no querer saber qué es la verdad, la segunda nos asemeja a Dios. Según Nietzsche, estamos en ese camino. Día tras día el Hombre se perfecciona mediante la investigación de la Naturaleza; forma un cuerpo físico, mental y espiritual cada vez más enaltecido, realiza experimentos para mejorar la nutrición, el modo de vivir, la manera de interpretar los fenómenos de la Naturaleza y la expansión de la conciencia; pero en última instancia, no se trata del Hombre, pues éste tiene que ser superado. En consecuencia con lo dicho, el propósito del presente trabajo consiste en brindar una interpretación de la propuesta nietzscheana de 'Autosuperación del Hombre' en relación con los diferentes períodos de la vida intelectual de Nietzsche; la misma se inscribe en el marco de una teoría política contraria a las doctrinas antes mencionadas: la filosofía de la historia hegeliana, el socialismo, el nacionalismo, el anarquismo, la democracia y el cristianismo