949 resultados para policy of nationalities


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The work examines the change involving the Church in Tunisia from the period of the Protectorate to the present through the fundamental moments of independence (1956) and the signing of the ‘Modus vivendi’ (1964). In the first structure of the “modern” Church, a fundamental role was played by the complex figure of the French Cardinal Charles-Allemand Lavigerie who, while giving strong impulse to setting up disinterested charitable social initiatives by the congregations (Pères Blancs, Soeurs Blanches and others), also represented the ideal of the ‘evangelizing’ (as well as colonial) Church which, despite its declared will to avoid proselytism, almost inevitably tended to slip into it. During the French Protectorate (1881-1956) the ecclesiastic institution concentrated strongly on itself, with little heed for the sensitivity of its host population, and developed its activities as if it were in a European country. From the social standpoint, the Church was mostly involved in teaching, which followed the French model, and health facilities. In the Church only the Pères Blancs missionaries were sincerely committed to promoting awareness of the local context and dialogue with the Muslims. The Catholic clergy in the country linked its religious activity close to the policy of the Protectorate, in the hope of succeeding in returning to the ancient “greatness of the African Church”, as the Eucharistic Congress in Carthage in 1930 made quite clear. The Congress itself planted the first seed in the twentyfive- year struggle that led the Tunisian population to independence in 1956 and the founding of the Republic in 1957. The conquest of independence and the ‘Modus vivendi’ marked a profound change in the situation and led to an inversion of roles: the Catholic community was given the right to exist only on the condition that it should not interfere in Tunisian society. The political project of Bourguiba, who led the Republic from 1957 to 1987, aimed to create a strongly egalitarian society, with a separation between political and religious powers. In particular, in referring to the Church, he appeared as a secularist with no hostility towards the Catholics who were, however, considered as “cooperators”, welcome so long as they were willing to place their skills at the service of the construction of the state. So, in the catholic Community was a tension between the will of being on the side of the country and that of conserving a certain distance from it and not being an integral part of it. In this process of reflection, the role of the Second Vatican Council was fundamental: it spread the idea of a Church open to the world and the other religions, in particular to Islam: the teaching of the Council led the congregations present in the country to accept the new condition. This new Church that emerged from the Council saw some important events in the process of “living together”, of “cultural mixing” and the search for a common ground between different realities. The almost contemporary arrival of Arab bishops raised awareness among the Tunisians of the existence of Christian Arabs and, at the same time, the Catholic community began considering their faith in a different way. In the last twenty years the situation has continued to change. Side by side with the priests present for decades or even those born there, some new congregations have begun to operate, albeit in small numbers: they have certainly revitalized the community of the faithful, but they sometimes appear more devoted to service “within” the Church, than to services for the population, and are thus characterized by exterior manifestations of their religion. This sort of presence has made it possible for Bourguiba's successor, Ben Ali (president from 1987 to 2011), to practice forms of tolerance even more clearly, but always limited to formal relations; the Tunisians are still far from having a real understanding of the Catholic reality, with certain exceptions connected to relations on a personal and not structured plane, as was the case in the previous period. The arrival of a good number of young people from sub-Saharan Africa, most of all students, belonging to the JCAT, and personnel of the BAD has “Africanized” the Church in Tunisia and has brought about an increase in Christians' exterior manifestations; but this is a visibility that is not blatant but discreet, with the implicit risk of the Church continuing to be perceived as a sort of exterior body, alien to the country; nor can we say, lacking proper documentation, how it will be possible to build a bridge between different cultures through the “accompaniment” of Christian wives of Tunisians. Today, the Church is living in a country that has less and less need of it; its presence, in the schools and in health facilities, is extremely reduced. And also in other sectors of social commitment, such as care for the disabled, the number of clergymen involved is quite small. The ‘revolution’ in 2011 and the later developments up to the present have brought about another socio-political change, characterized by a climate of greater freedom, but with as yet undefinable contours. This change in the political climate will inevitable have consequences in Tunisia’s approach to religious and cultural minorities, but it is far too soon to discuss this on the historical and scientific planes.

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W artykule zaprezentowano wyniki badań ankietowych, których celem było zbadanie postaw pracowników naukowych Uniwersytetu im. Adama Mickiewicza wobec projektu powołania repozytorium instytucjonalnego. Przedstawiona w artykule szeroka analiza wyników, nie tylko ukazała postawę kadry naukowej Uniwersytetu wobec planów wdrożenia tego innowacyjnego, podnoszącego prestiż instytucji pomysłu, ale także dała wskazówki dotyczące tworzenia optymalnej polityki zarządzania przyszłym jego organizatorom. Szczególną uwagę zwrócono na kwestie związane z deponowaniem i udostępnianiem dokumentów w repozytorium, wskazano również na potrzebę promowania tej idei w środowisku naukowym.

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Społeczeństwo, w którym egzystuje współczesny człowiek, jest nie tyle trudne, ile bardzo złożone. Dlatego też wielu ludzi nie radzi sobie z różnymi problemami natury osobistej i społecznej. Wielu z nich doświadcza wykluczenia społecznego definiowanego jako efekt różnego rodzaju upośledzeń społecznych, wobec czego jednostka lub grupa nie może w pełni uczestniczyć w życiu gospodarczym, społecznym, ekonomicznym i politycznym społeczeństwa, do którego należy. Podmiotem wykluczenia społecznego jest przede wszystkim jednostka, która na drodze realizacji własnego humanitas została wykluczona w sposób przez siebie zawiniony lub doznała wykluczenia z powodu niewłaściwej polityki państwa. Do najważniejszych problemów lokujących się w obrębie wykluczenia autor zalicza: niepełnosprawność, bezrobocie, bezdomność, uzależnienia, samotność i ubóstwo. Scharakteryzowano przywołane powyżej obszary wykluczenia oraz podjęto próbę wskazania sposobów pomocy jednostkom, które stały się ofiarami wykluczenia. Podstawową instytucją pomagającą tym osobom jest pomoc społeczna, której pierwszym i podstawowym celem jest ulepszanie życia społecznego. Ważne miejsce zajmują w niej pracownicy socjalni, którzy jako jednostki wykształcone i kompetentne mogą wpływać na lepsze życie człowieka. Niestety, współcześnie nie zawsze w wystarczający sposób zaspokajane są podstawowe potrzeby zagubionych osób. Najsilniej dotykają one grupy i jednostki najsłabsze. Wskutek owych braków w polityce społecznej oraz w jej przedmiotowych zakresach: w polityce ludnościowej, rodzinnej, edukacyjnej, mieszkaniowej, polityce podziału dochodu, zabezpieczenia społecznego, zatrudnienia, następuje erozja najsłabszych ogniw systemu społecznego. Konieczne zatem wydaje się otwarcie polityki państwa na różne problemy społeczne, nie zawsze zawinione przez jednostkę, ale przez system, w którym się ona znalazła.

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Celem niniejszego opracowania jest analiza założeń polityki ochrony cyberprzestrzeni RP zaprezentowanych w dokumencie zatytułowanym Polityka ochrony cyberprzestrzeni Rzeczypospolitej Polskiej, zaprezentowanym w 2013 r. przez Ministerstwo Administracji i Cyfryzacji i Agencję Bezpieczeństwa Wewnętrznego. Artykuł poddaje analizie postulaty i wytyczne tam zamieszczone, jak również konfrontuje te założenia z elementami systemu ochrony cyberprzestrzeni RP. Zgodzić należy się z twórcami tej strategii, iż zapewnienie stanu pełnego bezpieczeństwa teleinformatycznego, jest niemożliwe. Można mówić jedynie osiągnięciu pewnego, akceptowalnego jego poziomu. Wydaje się, że do osiągnięcia tego celu, powinna w znaczącym stopniu przyczynić się realizacja priorytetów polityki ochrony cyberprzestrzeni RP, a wśród nich w szczególności określenie kompetencji podmiotów odpowiedzialnych za bezpieczeństwo cyberprzestrzeni, stworzenie i realizacja spójnego dla wszystkich podmiotów administracji rządowej systemu zarządzania bezpieczeństwem cyberprzestrzeni oraz ustanowienie wytycznych w tym zakresie dla podmiotów niepublicznych, stworzenie trwałego systemu koordynacji i wymiany informacji pomiędzy podmiotami odpowiedzialnymi za bezpieczeństwo cyberprzestrzeni i użytkownikami cyberprzestrzeni, zwiększenie świadomości użytkowników cyberprzestrzeni w zakresie metod i środków bezpieczeństwa.

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Administracja publiczna, ze względu na swoją istotę (służbę), musi spełniać oczekiwania społeczne, stąd oprócz modernizacji zasobów, reorganizacji należy także modyfikować jej mentalność. Inaczej bez systematycznego dostosowywania się do jakże dynamicznej rzeczywistości zawiedzie i przeistoczy się w dysfunkcjonalną strukturę. W społeczeństwie ryzyka, w społeczeństwie informacyjnym, a takim niewątpliwie jesteśmy, newralgicznym elementem, szczególnie w sytuacjach kryzysowych, stała się polityka informacyjna. Warto zatem scharakteryzować jej istotę i wpływ na otoczenie, by następnie podmiotom zainteresowanym bezpieczeństwem przedstawić dostosowawcze rekomendacje o kluczowym znaczeniu. Należy pamiętać, że zdecydowana większość społeczeństwa ocenia rzeczywistość na podstawie wyrywkowych informacji z mass mediów, niż na szczegółowej analizie działalności administracji publicznej.

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Wydział Historyczny

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National museums, housing â??national antiquities', were a nineteenth-century cultural phenomenon throughout Europe. In the United Kingdom, they afforded the Treasury a means of preserving relics of antiquity claimed as treasure trove. While satisfying the desire of the scientific community for the preservation of archaeological finds, and national sentiment in Scotland and Ireland, Treasury practice undermined the British Museum's eponymous mission. This paper traces the development and legal consequences of the Treasury policy of national allocation of treasure trove, including the discussion in the Museums Committee of 1898â??99 of the â??nationality' of objects and artefacts, and considers the potential wider significance of â??national antiquity' in the context of changing constitutional arrangements in the United Kingdom in the 1920s, and in the future.

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Summary: This article outlines a framework for approaching ethical dilemmas arising from the development, evaluation and implementation of child welfare policies. As such, it is relevant to policy-makers, social researchers and social workers. The central tenets of the framework are developed by drawing on ideas from moral philosophy and critical social theory. These ideas are presented as axioms, theorems and corollaries, a format which has been employed in the social sciences to offer a rational justification for a set of claims. • Findings: This process of reasoning leads to four principle axioms that are seen to shape the ethical scrutiny of social policy: 1) problematizing knowledge; 2) utilizing structured forms of inquiry to enhance understanding; 3) engendering enabling communication with those affected by the ethical concern; and 4) enhancing self-awareness. • Applications: The four axioms are then applied, by way of example, to the current and contentious, 'third way' policy of mandated prevention in child welfare, where the aim is to obviate deleterious outcomes in later life. It is argued that the framework can be applied beyond this specific concern to other pressing, ethical challenges in child welfare.

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The Irish case provides a particularly appropriate test of the increasing merit selection hypothesis deriving from the liberal theory of industrialization. This is so not only because the lateness and speed of economic change allows us to capture such change through a set of national surveys conducted in the past three decades, but also because such change was based on a sustained policy of increased openness to international competitive forces. The functional requirements of the economy and a rapid increase in the supply of those with higher educational qualifications provided an ideal context in which to observe the movement from ascription to achievement predicted by the liberal theory. However, while changes in the class structure and a rapid expansion of educational opportunity had significant consequences in terms of absolute mobility, there was no evidence of a significant shift towards meritocratic principles. At the same time as the service class increased their advantage over other classes in the pursuit of educational qualifications, the impact of educational qualifications on class destination diminished. Controlling for education, we find that the impact of class origin effects is substantial and shows little sign of diminishing over time. In our conclusion we discuss the implications of our findings in the context of the recent debate on meritocracy.

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Egypt’s Revolution of 1952 presented a major historical change to its political and economic structure, its society, and its institutions. This paper examines how Nasser’s regime operated through the state apparatus to exhibit features of modernity. Under the pretext of modernization, renovating Cairo’s authentic urban fabric was one of the channels that displayed the new ambitions to unveil a centralized system of governance and ideologies of socialism. The paper particularly looks at the city’s resurgence attempts, promoted by upgrading practices that displayed Western ideals of planning. Eventually, the contradictory planning legislative system introduced by the government raised early alarms at the problems encountered in the planning institution that was not only unable to liberate Cairo’s urban districts from its long-rooted decay, but also struggled to implement the regime’s flagship policy of social justice in a context wherein it was much needed.

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Cameron’s flagship policy of the ‘Big Society’ rests on a society/government dichotomy, diagnosing a ‘broken society’ caused by ‘big government’ having assumed the role communities once played. The remedy is greater social responsibility and the ‘Big Society’. This article argues that the dichotomy is
deceptive. We aim to show that the Big Society is big government, as it employs techniques for managing the conduct of individuals and communities such that the mentality of government, far from being removed or reduced, is bettered and made more efficient. To illustrate this, we explore two major initiatives: the National Citizen Service and the Community Resilience programme. These
projects demonstrate how practices of informing and guiding the conduct of individuals both produce agents and normalise certain values, resulting in the population being better known and controlled. Thus, far from lessening government and empowering people, the Big Society extends governmentality
throughout the social body.

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A long poem in ottava rima, based on Byron's Don Juan, concerning the Eurocrisis and the social consequences of an economic policy of austerity, particularly as it has impacted on Greece.

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Before commencement of the academic year 2012/2013 the social sciences, public health and the biomedical sciences were taught to separate modules. This reinforced the idea off separate disciplines certainly for some of the younger students and a failure to appreciate the interconnectedness (whole person) perspective on health; separately modules taught and assessed in separate silos. There was limited understanding by the lecturers of the other areas that they were not teaching to -reflecting perhaps a dis-coordinated approach to health sciences (Mason and Whitehead 2003). As a result of significant discussion and interdisciplinary negotiation the life, social sciences public health/ health education were drawn together in the one module for the academic year 2012/13. The module provides the undergraduate students with an introduction to an understanding of Life Sciences, psychology, sociology and public health and their contribution within the context of nursing and midwifery. Each week’s teaching seeks to reflect against the other module delivered in first year - addressing clinical skills. The teaching is developing innovative e-learning approaches, including the use of a virtual community. The intention is to provide the student with a more integrated understanding and teaching to the individual’s health and to health within a social context (Lin 2001; Iles- Shih 2011). The focus is on health promotion rather than disease management. The module runs in three phases across the student’s first-year and teachers to the field of adult mental health, learning disability, children’s nursing and the midwifery students -progressively building on the student’s clinical experience. The predominant focus of the module remains on health and reflecting aspects of life and social life within N. Ireland. One of the particular areas of interest and an area of particular sensitivity is engaging the students to the context of the Northern Ireland civil unrest (the Troubles); this involves a co-educational initiative with service users, only previously attempted with social work students (Duffy 2012). The service users are represented by WAVE an organisation offering care and support to bereaved, traumatised or injured as a result of the violent civil conflict `the Troubles’. The `Troubles’ had ranged over an extended period and apart from the more evident and visual impact of death and injury, the community is marked by a disproportionate level of civil unrest, the extremes of bereavement, imprisonment, displacement antisocial behaviour and family dysfunction (Coulter et al. 2012). As co-educators with the School of Nursing and Midwifery, WAVE deliver a core lecture (augmented by online material), then followed by tutorials. The tutorials are substantially led by those who had been involved with and experienced loss and trauma as a result of the conflict (Health Service users) as `citizen trainers’ and provide an opportunity for them to share their experience and their recollection of personal interaction with nursing and midwifery students; in improving their understanding of the impact of `The Troubles’ on patients and clients affected by the events (Coulter et al. 2012) and to help better provide a quality of care cognisant of the particular needs of those affected by `the Troubles’ in N.Ireland. This approach is relatively unique to nursing in N. Ireland in that it involves many of those directly involved with and injured by the `Troubles’ as `citizen trainers’ and clearly reflects the School’s policy of progressively engaging with users and carers of nursing and midwifery services as co-educators to students (Repper & Breeze 2006). Only now could perhaps such a sensitive level of training to student nurses and midwives be delivered across communities with potential educative lessons for other communities experiencing significant civil unrest and sectarian conflict.

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Although many Irish nationalists at the turn of the twentieth century expected Ireland to achieve self-government within their own lifetime, few could have anticipated its form or consequences: the promised land that they envisioned was to be achieved through political means rather than insurrection and partition. But while the violence of the revolutionary decade created the political structures that shape present-day Ireland, the social and economic changes of the final decades of the twentieth century, by rupturing cultural patterns that predated independence, arguably brought about a more profound dislocation. Within Southern Ireland, the focus of this essay, the long era between these periods of upheaval was initially characterised by the pursuit of national sovereignty and self-sufficiency. In contrast, the decades after the Second World War saw the gradual abandonment of that vision in favour of a more pragmatic policy of economic liberalisation. The resulting ‘modernisation’ saw many traditional aspects of Irish society replaced by individualistic values more typical of contemporary European society.

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Vivemos num mundo cada vez mais globalizado e uma das consequências é a crescente concorrência que existe entre territórios, reforçando-se a necessidade de fazer chegar aos públicos interessados, um conjunto de atributos e diferenciações, suficientemente atrativos e apelativos, para que estes territórios sejam “consumidos”, não só pelo seu reconhecimento temporal, mas também pela forma como ele se comunica. Se até ao momento esta diferenciação era apenas explicitada numa base meramente turística (pelos impactos económicos positivos que normalmente se conseguem), hoje a estratégia deve seguir um plano de marketing capaz de atrair e fixar quer residentes, excursionistas, turistas e investidores, satisfazendo-os. Dos estudos realizados é comumente aceite que o sucesso da execução de um plano de marketing territorial assenta num modelo participativo que promova e antecipe necessidades e desejos dos atores globais e que valide e identifique os pontos fortes, para ajudar a desenvolver (definir e implementar) uma estratégia sustentável, a prazo. Então é relevante chamar ao processo estes atores (públicos e privados, residentes e visitantes) envolvendo-os nesta identificação, comprometendo-os também nos seus resultados.Com este artigo apresenta-se então um estudo de caso aplicado a um território rural, na freguesia de Avelãs de Cima, tendo sido utilizada como metodologia um inquérito por questionário a todos os atores. Enumeram-se os fatores relevantes identificados, assim como os que não se desejam ver aplicados, requisitos evidentes para iniciar uma nova política de comunicação pública. Deste trabalho já resultou uma nova abordagem pelos atores públicos locais, destacando a perspetiva de utilização de sinergias pela integração dos recursos de duas outras freguesias, estando em construção um projeto comum de rotas com base nos atributos dessas localidades.-----We live in an increasingly globalized world and one of the consequences is the increasing competition that exists between areas, reinforcing the need to reach out to stakeholders, a set of attributes and differences sufficiently attractive and appealing, so that these territories are "consumed ", not only by their temporal recognition, but also for how it communicates. If so far this differentiation was only explained in a purely tourist base (by the positive economic impacts that usually can get), today the strategy must follow a marketing plan able to attract and retain residents, hikers, tourists and investors. There are studies where is commonly accepted that the successful implementation of a territorial marketing plan based on a participatory model that promotes and anticipate needs and desires of the global players and validate and identify the strengths, to help develop (define and implement) one sustainable strategy in the long term. So it is relevant to call these actors (public and private, residents and visitors) involving them in this identification and also committing them in their results. With this article we present a case study applied to a rural area in the parish of Avelãs de Cima, having been used a survey methodology for all actors. All the relevant identified factors are listed, as well as those which do not wish to see applied, clear requirements to start a new policy of public communication. This work has resulted in a new approach by local public actors, highlighting the prospect of using synergies by integrating the features of two other parishes, under construction with a common design routes based on attributes of those localities.