Norteando o voto: o impacto do Programa Bolsa Família no comportamento do eleitor do Norte do Brasil

A partir de diversas perspectivas analíticas acerca da eleição presidencial de 2006, esta dissertação se propõe a analisar o impacto do programa federal de transferência de renda Bolsa Família, na decisão do voto dos moradores da região Norte do Brasil. A estratégia de pesquisa utilizada é uma análise comparativa, confrontando o resultado das urnas das eleições presidenciais de 2002 e 2006 e correlacionando o número de beneficiados pelo programa Bolsa Família com a quantidade de votos na candidatura petista de Lula da Silva, em cada município da região. Na análise empírica, foi possível identificar, no Norte do Brasil, a mudança na base eleitoral do candidato do PT em direção às cidades menos desenvolvidas, assim como o impacto positivo do programa na votação do petista, haja vista a melhora de seu desempenho eleitoral na região. No estudo, pode-se apontar, ainda, a coexistência pacífica, em 2006, de um padrão de comportamento eleitoral racional, sociológico e psicológico, com predominância do primeiro, porém, sem transformá-lo em teoria universalizante.

Nacionalidade, escola e voto: a liga nacionalista de São Paulo

O presente artigo busca efetuar uma análise do discurso e da prática político-pedagógicos da Liga Nacionalista de Sáo Paulo entre 1917 e 1922. Tratava-se, no caso, de uma organização política de cunho cívico-patriótico vinculada a uma sociedade secreta. Abrigando em seu interior representantes de camadas médias da população, inclusive professores de escolas oficiais, a Liga Nacionalista contrapunha-se ao PRP, embora fosse também dirigida por segmentos dissidentes da elite paulista. N o período em pauta, os integrantes da referida entidade defendiam, como emblema maior da causa democrática, a aliança entre a luta pela conquista do voto secreto e a defesa da expansão das oportunidades de acesso à instrução primária.

Cidadania e política

O traço marcadamente excludente e autoritário da história brasileira manifesta-se em sua plenitude quando se analisa o processo político-eleitoral e partidário. Revela com nitidez seu caráter antidemocrático e de restrição dos direitos da cidadania. Ao longo da história foram criadas regras e normas institucionais e jurídicas limitando o direito de voto e facilitando a manipulação e a fraude eleitoral.

Gênero e poder: Diva Nolf Nazário na luta pelo voto feminino

Fundação de Amparo à Pesquisa do Estado de São Paulo (FAPESP)

The behavior of brazilian senators: analyzing the exchange of votes inside the fixed committees during the 52nd legislature

Using the method of Social Networks Analysis, we’ll try to see if politicians swap votes between them seeking support for their projects, to this end, we’ll first map the behavior, activities and contacts of the Senators of the Brazilian Federative Republic within all the fixed committees which had some vote during the 52nd Legislature, then we can see the most popular and central Senators to each committee. After this analysis we wish to answer the following question: did logrolling exist in the Brazilian Senate? Previously the empirical analysis and response to the problems posed, we’ll present the necessary theoretical introduction understood by reviewing the literature on relevant subjects, whether they are purely theoretical with respect to the exchange of support, or analytical about the Brazilian political system.

Conforto térmico em espaços públicos de passagem: estudos em cidades do Estado de São Paulo

This paper presents the results of a study on the thermal comfort in open urban spaces, undertaken in pedestrian streets located in the three towns, Campinas, Baurú, and Presidente Prudente, in the state of Sao Paulo. The study was developed as part of a more extensive project on thermal comfort in different kinds of open public spaces in Brazil. The methodology involved monitoring the microclimatic variables (air and globe temperature, humidity, air velocity and global solar radiation), and structured interviews, in order to assess the actual thermal comfort through the Actual Sensation Vote (ASV) and the personal users’ variables. The Physiological Equivalent Temperature (PET) was also calculated. The results show different limits for neutral temperature in each city: 20-29ºC for Campinas, 21-30 ºC for Bauru and 14-24 ºC for Presidente Prudente). However, 59.5% of the total sample (308 out of 519 individuals) indicated comfort limits ranging from 18 to 26 ºC, which is consistent with the limits proposed by Monteiro and Alucci for the city of Sao Paulo. These results can contribute to evaluate the thermal quality of other public spaces in the same towns.

Land use and thermal comfort in the county of Ourinhos, SP

This study aims to analyze the thermal comfort in urban areas for different land uses. The ENVImet microclimatic model has been used for urban boundary layer simulation, providing the following thermal comfort indexes: PMV (Predicted Mean Vote) and PPD (Predicted Percentage of Dissatisfaction). The chosen area covers the central area in the city of Ourinhos, located in southeastern Brazilian city, with subtropical climate. Four simulations were accomplished: an area with real buildings and vegetation on site, a “grassy” area where buildings have been replaced by grass in the central area, another grassy area, known as “grass/tree”, with additional trees in, and a final area called “Park” also grassy, where trees were added all over the area. The structures which showed thermal comfort within the ISO 7730 standards were the grassy area with no trees at 9 a.m., and a paved area, as well as the park area at 3 p.m. Other situations have presented values of PMV and PPD off the limits required by the rules; they were very close to those values. The only point that presented a far cry from the comfort required was the spot in the asphalt at 9 a.m. The other situations showed PMV and PPD values not far from the limits of comfort. Only the point on the asphalt showed values far from the limit of comfort at 9 a.m.

As percepções dos jovens estudantes de Londrina/PR sobre política

Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico (CNPq)

Percepção térmica de idosos

Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES)

A questão do voto para o adulto analfabeto ou pouco letrado

The Youth and Adult Education is a reality that still stands on the school benches of Brazil. Elderly people historically get more integration in the world when appropriate to the written code. One of the issues that touch this insertion is the right to vote and, more than that, the awareness of the vote of young and adult illiterate or poorly literate. Thus, this project aims to raise throug the point of view of this student how he see himself as voter and what is their role in the democratic consolidation of this act, even if he is in the condition of illiterate or poorly literate. Therefore, a qualitative approach to research will be conducted, in which individual audio recorded interviews will be held, later transcribed and the data will be analyzed in the light of the studied literature, based on the writings of Paulo Freire. Will participate as subjects Teachers of EJA and of study the students enrolled in the Education of Young Adults rooms on the city of Bauru. The results shown in interviews with the teachers confirmed the investigation of expectations in the study of Paulo Freire which has literacy training as part of the citizenship, the results allowed the construction of the profile of a group of students. We also concluded that it was possible to deconstruct the myth of non-political consciousness of the illiterate and the presence of dialogue in pedagogical practice enabling awareness of Educating

The History of the German-Russian Colony in Lincoln

Standing at the corner of Tenth and O streets in the city of Lincoln, Nebraska, any week-day morning between 7:30 and 8 o'clock, you may see pass by you from ten to twenty women with little black woolen shawls on their heads. Ask any citizen who they are, and ninety-nine times in one hundred he will tell you they are "Russians" who live down on the bottoms, that they are going out into the offices and homes to wash and scrub and clean house, and that their husbands are street laborers or work for the railroad. He may then grow confidential and tell you that he "has no use for these people", that "they are only half human", and that he "would just as soon see the Chinese come here as those people". As a matter of fact the greater part of his information is incorrect, partly through race prejudice but chiefly through ignorance of their history. These people, of whom there are about 4,000 in the city (Including "beet fielders"), are Germans, not Russians: they are Teutons, not Slavs; they are Lutheran and Reformed, not Greek Catholics. To be sure they and their ancestors lived in Russia for over one hundred years and they came here directly from the realm of the Czar whoso bona fide citizens they were—but they never spoke the Russian language, never embraced the Greek religion, never intermarried with the Russians, and many of their children never saw a Russian until they left their native village for the new home in America. They despise being called "Russians" just as an Italian resents "Dago"; a Jew, "Sheeny"; and a German, "Dutchman". Ask them where they came from and most of the children and not a few of the grown people will say, "Germany". If you pursue your questioning as to what part of Germany, they will tell you "Saratov" or "Samara" - two governments in the eastern part of Russia on the lower course of the Volga river. The misconceptions concerning the desirability of these German-Russians as citizens arise from their unprogressiveness as compared with those Germans who come to us directly from the mother country. During their century's sojourn in Russia they have been out of the main current of civilization, a mere eddy in the stream of progress. They present a concrete example of arrested development, The characteristics which differentiate them from other Germans are not due to an inherent lack of capacity but to different environment. Notwithstanding this, the German- Russians have some admirable qualities. They bring us large stores of physical energy and an almost unlimited capacity for work. The majority of them are literate although the amount of their education is limited. They are thrifty and independent, almost never applying for public aid. They are law abiding, their chief offenses being those which are traceable to their communal life in Russia. They are extremely religious, all their social as well as spiritual life being bound up in the church which they support right royally. To be sure, the saloon gets their vote (the prohibition vote among them is increasing); but "was not the first miracle that Christ performed the turning of water into wine? If they would shut up the shows (theaters), they wouldn't need to shut up the saloons". The object of this paper is to give the historical setting in which the German-Russians have lived as one means to a better understanding and appreciation of them by our own citizens.

A questão do voto para o adulto analfabeto ou pouco letrado

The Youth and Adult Education is a reality that still stands on the school benches of Brazil. Elderly people historically get more integration in the world when appropriate to the written code. One of the issues that touch this insertion is the right to vote and, more than that, the awareness of the vote of young and adult illiterate or poorly literate. Thus, this project aims to raise throug the point of view of this student how he see himself as voter and what is their role in the democratic consolidation of this act, even if he is in the condition of illiterate or poorly literate. Therefore, a qualitative approach to research will be conducted, in which individual audio recorded interviews will be held, later transcribed and the data will be analyzed in the light of the studied literature, based on the writings of Paulo Freire. Will participate as subjects Teachers of EJA and of study the students enrolled in the Education of Young Adults rooms on the city of Bauru. The results shown in interviews with the teachers confirmed the investigation of expectations in the study of Paulo Freire which has literacy training as part of the citizenship, the results allowed the construction of the profile of a group of students. We also concluded that it was possible to deconstruct the myth of non-political consciousness of the illiterate and the presence of dialogue in pedagogical practice enabling awareness of Educating

The education of the body for an "integral soldier", "physically strong, intelligent and soul superior"

This study examines the paramilitary training carried out by the Integralist Militia (Militia Integralista), unit of the Brazilian Integralist Action (Acao Integralista Brasileira, AIB) of the extreme right wing political party in Brazil in the 1930s. The training was aimed to create the "integral soldier", a "physically strong, intelligent and soul superior" one. The study analyzes issues of the newspaper "Monitor Integralista", a prescriptive and dogmatic journal of the movement, found in the Public and History Archives of the city of Rio Claro, State of Sao Paulo, and in the "A Offensiva" newspaper, microfilmed an archived at the National Library of Rio de Janeiro. It concludes that Plinio Salgado's goal, the National Head of the AIB, was to train, by using verbal persuasion, speeches, word of mouth and by vote, by force and physical combat, the integralists to defend the causes of the movement.

The EXTRIP (EXtracorporeal TReatments In Poisoning) workgroup: Guideline methodology

Extracorporeal treatments (ECTRs), such as hemodialysis and hemoperfusion, are used in poisoning despite a lack of controlled human trials demonstrating efficacy. To provide uniform recommendations, the EXTRIP group was formed as an international collaboration among recognized experts from nephrology, clinical toxicology, critical care, or pharmacology and supported by over 30 professional societies. For every poison, the clinical benefit of ECTR is weighed against associated complications, alternative therapies, and costs. Rigorous methodology, using the AGREE instrument, was developed and ratified. Methods rely on evidence appraisal and, in the absence of robust studies, on a thorough and transparent process of consensus statements. Twenty-four poisons were chosen according to their frequency, available evidence, and relevance. A systematic literature search was performed in order to retrieve all original publications regardless of language. Data were extracted on a standardized instrument. Quality of the evidence was assessed by GRADE as: High = A, Moderate = B, Low = C, Very Low = D. For every poison, dialyzability was assessed and clinical effect of ECTR summarized. All pertinent documents were submitted to the workgroup with a list of statements for vote (general statement, indications, timing, ECTR choice). A modified Delphi method with two voting rounds was used, between which deliberation was required. Each statement was voted on a Likert scale (1-9) to establish the strength of recommendation. This approach will permit the production of the first important practice guidelines on this topic.

Essays on the political economy of European integration

Recently, a rising interest in political and economic integration/disintegration issues has been developed in the political economy field. This growing strand of literature partly draws on traditional issues of fiscal federalism and optimum public good provision and focuses on a trade-off between the benefits of centralization, arising from economies of scale or externalities, and the costs of harmonizing policies as a consequence of the increased heterogeneity of individual preferences in an international union or in a country composed of at least two regions. This thesis stems from this strand of literature and aims to shed some light on two highly relevant aspects of the political economy of European integration. The first concerns the role of public opinion in the integration process; more precisely, how economic benefits and costs of integration shape citizens' support for European Union (EU) membership. The second is the allocation of policy competences among different levels of government: European, national and regional. Chapter 1 introduces the topics developed in this thesis by reviewing the main recent theoretical developments in the political economy analysis of integration processes. It is structured as follows. First, it briefly surveys a few relevant articles on economic theories of integration and disintegration processes (Alesina and Spolaore 1997, Bolton and Roland 1997, Alesina et al. 2000, Casella and Feinstein 2002) and discusses their relevance for the study of the impact of economic benefits and costs on public opinion attitude towards the EU. Subsequently, it explores the links existing between such political economy literature and theories of fiscal federalism, especially with regard to normative considerations concerning the optimal allocation of competences in a union. Chapter 2 firstly proposes a model of citizens’ support for membership of international unions, with explicit reference to the EU; subsequently it tests the model on a panel of EU countries. What are the factors that influence public opinion support for the European Union (EU)? In international relations theory, the idea that citizens' support for the EU depends on material benefits deriving from integration, i.e. whether European integration makes individuals economically better off (utilitarian support), has been common since the 1970s, but has never been the subject of a formal treatment (Hix 2005). A small number of studies in the 1990s have investigated econometrically the link between national economic performance and mass support for European integration (Eichenberg and Dalton 1993; Anderson and Kalthenthaler 1996), but only making informal assumptions. The main aim of Chapter 2 is thus to propose and test our model with a view to providing a more complete and theoretically grounded picture of public support for the EU. Following theories of utilitarian support, we assume that citizens are in favour of membership if they receive economic benefits from it. To develop this idea, we propose a simple political economic model drawing on the recent economic literature on integration and disintegration processes. The basic element is the existence of a trade-off between the benefits of centralisation and the costs of harmonising policies in presence of heterogeneous preferences among countries. The approach we follow is that of the recent literature on the political economy of international unions and the unification or break-up of nations (Bolton and Roland 1997, Alesina and Wacziarg 1999, Alesina et al. 2001, 2005a, to mention only the relevant). The general perspective is that unification provides returns to scale in the provision of public goods, but reduces each member state’s ability to determine its most favoured bundle of public goods. In the simple model presented in Chapter 2, support for membership of the union is increasing in the union’s average income and in the loss of efficiency stemming from being outside the union, and decreasing in a country’s average income, while increasing heterogeneity of preferences among countries points to a reduced scope of the union. Afterwards we empirically test the model with data on the EU; more precisely, we perform an econometric analysis employing a panel of member countries over time. The second part of Chapter 2 thus tries to answer the following question: does public opinion support for the EU really depend on economic factors? The findings are broadly consistent with our theoretical expectations: the conditions of the national economy, differences in income among member states and heterogeneity of preferences shape citizens’ attitude towards their country’s membership of the EU. Consequently, this analysis offers some interesting policy implications for the present debate about ratification of the European Constitution and, more generally, about how the EU could act in order to gain more support from the European public. Citizens in many member states are called to express their opinion in national referenda, which may well end up in rejection of the Constitution, as recently happened in France and the Netherlands, triggering a European-wide political crisis. These events show that nowadays understanding public attitude towards the EU is not only of academic interest, but has a strong relevance for policy-making too. Chapter 3 empirically investigates the link between European integration and regional autonomy in Italy. Over the last few decades, the double tendency towards supranationalism and regional autonomy, which has characterised some European States, has taken a very interesting form in this country, because Italy, besides being one of the founding members of the EU, also implemented a process of decentralisation during the 1970s, further strengthened by a constitutional reform in 2001. Moreover, the issue of the allocation of competences among the EU, the Member States and the regions is now especially topical. The process leading to the drafting of European Constitution (even if then it has not come into force) has attracted much attention from a constitutional political economy perspective both on a normative and positive point of view (Breuss and Eller 2004, Mueller 2005). The Italian parliament has recently passed a new thorough constitutional reform, still to be approved by citizens in a referendum, which includes, among other things, the so called “devolution”, i.e. granting the regions exclusive competence in public health care, education and local police. Following and extending the methodology proposed in a recent influential article by Alesina et al. (2005b), which only concentrated on the EU activity (treaties, legislation, and European Court of Justice’s rulings), we develop a set of quantitative indicators measuring the intensity of the legislative activity of the Italian State, the EU and the Italian regions from 1973 to 2005 in a large number of policy categories. By doing so, we seek to answer the following broad questions. Are European and regional legislations substitutes for state laws? To what extent are the competences attributed by the European treaties or the Italian Constitution actually exerted in the various policy areas? Is their exertion consistent with the normative recommendations from the economic literature about their optimum allocation among different levels of government? The main results show that, first, there seems to be a certain substitutability between EU and national legislations (even if not a very strong one), but not between regional and national ones. Second, the EU concentrates its legislative activity mainly in international trade and agriculture, whilst social policy is where the regions and the State (which is also the main actor in foreign policy) are more active. Third, at least two levels of government (in some cases all of them) are significantly involved in the legislative activity in many sectors, even where the rationale for that is, at best, very questionable, indicating that they actually share a larger number of policy tasks than that suggested by the economic theory. It appears therefore that an excessive number of competences are actually shared among different levels of government. From an economic perspective, it may well be recommended that some competences be shared, but only when the balance between scale or spillover effects and heterogeneity of preferences suggests so. When, on the contrary, too many levels of government are involved in a certain policy area, the distinction between their different responsibilities easily becomes unnecessarily blurred. This may not only leads to a slower and inefficient policy-making process, but also risks to make it too complicate to understand for citizens, who, on the contrary, should be able to know who is really responsible for a certain policy when they vote in national,local or European elections or in referenda on national or European constitutional issues.