794 resultados para POLITICAL COMMITMENT


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Finnish companies have usually formed a strategic alliance as entry mode when entering the Japanese market. However, these strategic alliances have not been studied in a general level and it remains unknown, what kind cooperation the Finnish companies are operating with their Japanese partners. Especially Finnish companies that aims to penetrate the Japanese market are eager to know more about this. The recent studies on topic have focused on a single industry or company and that is why more general level study was needed. The purpose of this study is to analyze types of Finnish–Japanese strategic alliances from the Finnish point of view. The analysis is conducted by answering the questions what strategic alliance types appear in the strategic alliances between Japanese and Finnish companies, and how commitment affects strategic alliance type. This study also examines how committed Finnish–Japanese strategic alliances are. In this study multiple case study was selected as research method. The data is collected by interviewing six representative of Finnish companies in Japan individually. Multiple case study was chosen for this study, because this study is interested in the topic in general level and this research method is suitable for this kind of research. From the interviews common attributes were pointed out and from them the big picture of the topic was created. Types of strategic alliances were determined by using previous literature on that topic. Two different types of strategic alliance were discovered: supplier alliance which is the most common one and learning alliance. The commitment of strategic alliance was measured visually by utilizing a figure that was modified for this study.The figure is originally based on earlier studies on strategic alliance types and their connection to ownership and commitment. By utilizing the figure it was noticed that commitment affects strategic alliance types: the more there is commitment involved, the more there is cooperation. Finnish–Japanese strategic alliances are not very committed despite they have existed for a long time. However, there is potential to be more committed. That is why Finnish companies should increase the commitment and attract the partners to develop the strategic alliances, because it would possible increase competitive advantage. This would be beneficial to all members within the strategic alliance.

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Global climate change and intentional climate modification, i.e. geoengineering include various ethical problems which are entangled as a complex ensemble of questions regarding the future of the biosphere. The possibilities of catastrophic effects of climate change which are also called “climate emergency” have led to the emergence of the idea of modifying the atmospheric conditions in the form of geoengineering. The novel issue of weather ethics is a subdivision of climate ethics, and it is interested in ethical and political questions surrounding weather and climate control and modification in a restricted spatio-temporal scale. The objective of geoengineering is to counterbalance the adverse effects of climate change and its diverse corollaries in various ways on a large scale. The claim of this dissertation is that there are ethical justifications to claim that currently large-scale interventions to the climate system are ethically questionable. The justification to pursue geoengineering on the basis of considering its pros and cons, is inadequate. Moral judgement can still be elaborated in cases where decisions have to be made urgently and the selection of desirable choices is severely limited. The changes needed to avoid severe negative impacts of climate change requires commitment to mitigation as well as social changes because technical solutions cannot address the issue of climate change altogether. The quantitative emphasis of consumerism should shift to qualitative focus on the aspiration for simplicity in order to a move towards the objective of the continuation of the existence of humankind and a flourishing, vital biosphere.

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The credibility of the rules and the elements of power constitute fundamental keys in the analysis of the political institutions. This paper opens the "black box" of the European Union institutions and analyses the problem of credibility in the commitment of the Stability and Growth pact (SGP). This Pact (SGP) constituted a formal rule that tried to enforce budgetary discipline on the European States. Compliance with this contract could be ensured by the existence of "third party enforcement" or by the coincidence of the ex-ante and ex-post interests of the States (reputational capital). The fact is that states such as France or Germany failed to comply with the ruling and managed to avoid the application of sanctions. This article studies the transactions and the hierarchy of power that exists in the European institutions, and analyses the institutional framework included in the new European Constitution.

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The purpose of this paper is to analyse the political economy of preferential trade agreements based on a sequential non-cooperative Stackelberg political game between a large economy and a small one, in which the political dispute of rival lobby groups defines the unilateral stance of both governments in the first stage; and the Stackelberg "coalition-proof" equilibrium defines the free trade agreement format in the second stage. Finally, a few modifications in the initial game structure are discussed in order to enhance the small economy's negotiation power. The political economy model is applied to FTAA case.

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Finnish Defence Studies is published under the auspices of the War College, and the contributions reflect the fields of research and teaching of the College. Finnish Defence Studies will occasionally feature documentation on Finnish Security Policy. Views expressed are those of the authors and do not necessarily imply endorsement by the War College.

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In this paper we extend Kaldor’s Neo-Pasinetti theorem to the scope of budgetary interventions based on political orientations. First, we take into account a system of taxes and expenditures. Second, we introduce different reaction functions for public spending showing the political role of the State in Cambridge theory of distribution. It turns out that the validity of Kaldorian results depends on the political orientation adopted by government, which diminishes the range of application of the Neo-Pasinetti theorem.

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In this thesis, I argue that there are public cultural reasons that can underpin public justifications of minority rights of indigenous and national minorities in a constitutionaldemocracy. I do so by tackling diverse issues facing a liberal theory of multiculturalism. In the first essay, I criticize Will Kymlicka’s comprehensive liberal theory of minority rights and propose a political liberal alternative. The main problem of Will Kymlicka’s theory is that it builds on the contestable liberal value of individual autonomy and thus fails to take diversity seriously. In the second essay, I elaborate on the Rawlsian political liberalism assumed here by criticizing Chandran Kukathas’s version of political liberalism as overly accommodating to diversity. In the third essay, I discuss questions of method that arise for a political liberal approach to the moral-political foundations of multiculturalism, and propose a certain understanding of the political liberal enterprise and its crucial standard of reasonableness. In the fourth essay, I dwell on the political liberal ethic of citizenship and propose a strongly inclusionist interpretation of the duty of civility. In the fifth and last essay, I introduce a certain understanding of ethnocultural justice and propose a view on certain cultural reasons as public cultural reasons. Cultural reasons are public when they are based on necessarily established cultural marks of a democratic polity, as specified by the cultural establishment view; and when they are crucial for the societal cultural bases of self-respect of citizens. The arguments in this thesis support, and help to spell out, moral-political rights of indigenous and national minorities as formulated in international legal documents, such as the Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples (United Nations 2007) or the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights (United Nations 1966).

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This paper discusses the long-run history of education policies in Brazil. It is suggested that the main reason for the educational backwardness was the existence of strong political interests over education. It is also defended that these interests can be empirically observed in the allocation of public resources between the different levels of education, with political choices favouring specific groups in society. It was not a matter of lack of investment in education, but of inadequate allocation of resources. This pattern of political-based policies created a strong negative path dependence of misallocation of resources in education in Brazil, particularly with significant underinvestment in secondary education.

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ABSTRACT:The section “Lordship and Bondage” in Hegel’s Phenomenology of Spirit offers us, through the criticism of slavery, some indications regarding Hegel’s conception of human nature. In this paper some consequences of this conception for Hegel’s political philosophy are identified and presented. The analysis shows problems may emerge when we analyze some fundamental Hegelian concepts – “recognition” and shows that some “men” – if we take into consideration the way these concepts were defined in the master-slave dialectic. In light of these problems it is pointed out that Hegel’s political philosophy, and also his position regarding slavery, become less cogent and more susceptible to criticism. The last part of the text analyzes some consequences of problems related to the possibility of defining the concepts “recognition” and “men” in terms of Hegel’s model of state.

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Russia approved ambitious reform plan for the electricity sector in 2001 including privatisation of the country’s huge thermal generation assets. So far the sector had suffered from power shortages, aging infrastructure, substantial electricity losses, and weak productivity and profitability numbers. There was obvious need for foreign investments and technologies. The reform was rather successful; the generation assets were privatised in auctions in 2007-2008 and three European energy companies, E.On, Enel and Fortum, invested in and obtained together over 10% of the Russian production assets. The novelty of these foreign investments serves unique object for the study. The political risk is involved in the FDI due to the industry’s social and economic importance. The research’s objective was to identify and analyse the political risk that foreign investors face in the Russian electricity sector. The research had qualitative study method and the empirical data was collected by interviewing. The research’s theoretical framework was based on the existing political risk theories and it focused to understand the Russian government in relation to the country’s stability and define both macro-level and micro-level sources of political risk for the foreign direct investments in the sector. The research concludes that the centralised and obscure political decision-making, economic constriction, high level of governmental control in economy and corruption form the country’s internal macro-level risk sources for the foreign investors in the sector. Additionally the retribution due to the companies’ home country actions, possible violent confrontations at the Russian borders and the currency instability are externally originated risk sources. In the electricity industry there is risk of tightened governmental control and increased regulation and taxation. Similarly the company-level risk sources link to the unreformed heating sector, bargaining with the authorities, diplomatic stress between host and home countries and to companies and government’s divergent perspective for the profit-making. The research stresses the foreign companies’ ability to cope with the characteristics of Russian political environment. In addition to frequent political and market risk assessment, the companies need to focus on currency protection against rouble’s rate fluctuation and actively build good company-citizenship in the country. Good relationship is needed with the Russian political authorities. The political risk identification and the research’s conclusive framework also enable political risk study assessments for other industries in Russia

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Finnish companies have usually formed a strategic alliance as entry mode when entering the Japanese market. However, these strategic alliances have not been studied in a general level and it remains unknown, what kind cooperation the Finnish companies are operating with their Japanese partners. Especially Finnish companies that aims to penetrate the Japanese market are eager to know more about this. The recent studies on topic have focused on a single industry or company and that is why more general level study was needed. The purpose of this study is to analyze types of Finnish–Japanese strategic alliances from the Finnish point of view. The analysis is conducted by answering the questions what strategic alliance types appear in the strategic alliances between Japanese and Finnish companies, and how commitment affects strategic alliance type. This study also examines how committed Finnish–Japanese strategic alliances are. In this study multiple case study was selected as research method. The data is collected by interviewing six representative of Finnish companies in Japan individually. Multiple case study was chosen for this study, because this study is interested in the topic in general level and this research method is suitable for this kind of research. From the interviews common attributes were pointed out and from them the big picture of the topic was created. Types of strategic alliances were determined by using previous literature on that topic. Two different types of strategic alliance were discovered: supplier alliance which is the most common one and learning alliance. The commitment of strategic alliance was measured visually by utilizing a figure that was modified for this study. The figure is originally based on earlier studies on strategic alliance types and their connection to ownership and commitment. By utilizing the figure it was noticed that commitment affects strategic alliance types: the more there is commitment involved, the more there is cooperation. Finnish–Japanese strategic alliances are not very committed despite they have existed for a long time. However, there is potential to be more committed. That is why Finnish companies should increase the commitment and attract the partners to develop the strategic alliances, because it would possible increase competitive advantage. This would be beneficial to all members within the strategic alliance.

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The Arctic environment is changing constantly. There are several factors that constitute to the rate and immensity of the development. The region differs from the surrounding markets that most of the countries in the region have been used to. Therefore the purpose of the study was to understand how the political environment affects Finnish companies’ strategies and business operations. The issues analyzed were the political environment in the region, the business environment and economic development, and the opportunities and threats that the Finnish companies have in Arctic. The main theories were found from strategic management and market analysis tools. The different theories and definitions were gone through in order to understand the context of the study. This is a qualitative study that uses content analysis as its main method of analyzing the data. Therefore the data analyzed was gathered from already existing material and it was analyzed until the saturation point was found. This was done in order to minimize the risks related to using secondary data. The data collected was then categorized into themes accordingly. First the general political environment in the Arctic was studied, especially the Arctic Council and its work as the main political entity. From there the focus shifted to the business environment and the general opportunities and threats that are found from Arctic economic development. China offered another point of view to this as it represented a non-Arctic state with a keen interest on the region. Lastly the two previous objectives were combined and looked through from a Finnish perspective. Finnish companies have a great starting point to Arctic business and the operational business environment gives them the framework with which they have to operate in. As a conclusion it can be said that there are three main factors leading the Arctic economic development; the climate change, the development of technology, and the political environment. These set the framework with which the companies operating in the region must comply with. The industry that is likely to lead the development is the marine industry. Furthermore it became evident that the Finnish companies operating in the Arctic face many opportunities as well as threats which can be utilized, taken advantage of or controlled through effective strategic management. The key characteristics needed in the region are openness and understanding of the challenging environment and the ability to face and manage the arising challenges.

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This thesis examines management of business relationships during conflicts. The context of this study is the international political conflict which started in 2013 and is still affecting international trade relations in 2016. More specifically, this study researches the effects of the conflict in Finnish-Russian trade. The research aim is to identify the implications of a political conflict in the Finnish-Russian business relationships and networks. Furthermore, the study will explore how does a company adapt or overcome the challenges and barriers posed by the international business environment. This research combines relevant theories in management of business relationships and networks in order to review the research data through a critical research frame. The theoretical frameworks are different structures of business relationship development processes, various stages of interaction, and characteristics and functions of business relationships. Moreover, this study will examine the effect of interdependency, commitment and trust in trade relations. Also, what are the important exchange processes and how do these processes affect business relationship and overall performance of joint business operations. Qualitative single case study method was used in this research. Case company was a Finnish multinational company. To understand the changes, the data was collected and analysed through process research approach by pattern-matching and drawing temporal bracketing over two different periods of time, first period in years 2011-2013 and second period in years 2014-2016. Empirical data was collected through a semi-structured interview and additional data was collected from internal and external secondary data sources. The findings of the study confirmed the relationship between trade and conflict. However, the effects are not significant for a company in grocery retail industry which has had earlier experience in Russia and has managed its business relationships and operations effectively. Macroeconomic factors affect companies operating in foreign dynamic markets and in order to sustain changes and to adapt, companies should invest in their business relationships. Trust-based relationships and a higher level of commitment allow companies to have more efficient and beneficial outcomes before and during uncertainty. Furthermore, well-maintained and coordinated business relationships provide the ability to adapt and overcome challenges during uncertainty. Such relationships have information, financial and social exchange processes which allow the partnering firms to have successful business relationship management in dynamic market environments.