The impact of safety politics in the current globalization context

The globalization is a process of economical, social, cultural and political integration motivated by the needs generated by a consumption-orientated society and a set of factors that have led to its development, such as reducing transport costs, the technological advancement and the development of communication networks. However, the phenomenon of globalization has been accompanied by increasing levels of insecurity as a result of various types of threats and transnational crimes that the International Community seeks to control and minimize. Throughout this work, we examined how the globalization process has been developing and how nations are able to maintain security levels consistent with their economical status and social development, without disturbing the normal course of organizations’ economical activity and the well-being of people. From the investigation developed we concluded that, besides the confirmation that economic integration and the opening of markets have influence on internal consumption, market globalization and migrations have been causing modifications in the consumption habits. We also concluded that the security measures implemented by States or by the International Community affect international trade, but do not imply disproportionate costs or significant delays in transactions. Likewise, we concluded that the control measures implemented in international trade are sufficient to ensure the safety of the people and nations, enabling us to confirm two of the three conjectures raised in this study.

Impact of relative size and language on the attitudes between nations and linguistic groups : The case of Switzerland

This study explores the impact of relative size on the intra- and intergroup attitudes of groups who either share a language or have a different language. For that purpose, we examined international attitudes, comparing a small nation, Switzerland, and two larger nations, Germany and France. We found support for the assumption that large neighbouring nations pose a threat to the smaller nation's identity, especially when they are linguistically similar. Consequently, in line with Tajfel's Social Identity Theory (1978), the smaller nation's inhabitants evaluate those of the larger nation less positively, liking them less and perceiving them to be more arrogant than vice versa. By investigating the special case of the French-speaking and the German-speaking Swiss as linguistic groups within their own nation we were able to demonstrate that these groups seek support with the larger-linguistically-similar nation to defend themselves against the more direct in-country threat to their identity. They acknowledge the similarity with the larger nation, yet keep defending their social identity by expressing a dislike for this perceived similarity.

The People's Republic of China and her relations with the countries of the association of Southeast Asian nations : 1969-1975

Phe Ihesis examines the evolution of the -policies of the People fs Jtenublie of China towards J?hail°nd, PTal ysia, Singapore, Iidonesia pad the Philip-pines, organised in the Association of Southeast Asian Nations from 1969 to 1975• 2ze first central point of this study is an *ir sumption that the foreign relations of The People's Tepublic of Chi la Towards Southeast ^sia have been motivated by a dynamic interplay of t^o main factors: (1) Farxist-Leninist ideology and ICao J^e-tung Ph^ught, which dictate to China to behave as a revolutionary Dover vhich must assist the insurgent movements in the area in their strug fle to overthrow the local governments; (2) national interest, vhich demands of China to safeguard the southern flank of her territory bordering on Southerst 'sia through Friendly relations, trade and ot*»er conventional inrtniments of diplomacy. hile the tvo main motive factors are nuTually antagonistic and exclusivet the Chinere leaders are nevertheless at te mi ting to oring them iirco a coherent policy under Mao's theory of tve {hniity of op-nosites," vhich believes that it is -possible to reconcile these co-posing tendencies into a dynamic enuibrium through vhich both opnosites could be promoted at the same time although not to the same extent* la other words, the Chinese leaders conceive the dynamic equilibrium as a continuum between them in a mix in which one or the other orientation predominates in different •periods* Bins we might see China1 s conduct motivated in one period by mostly ideological considerations at the expense of the staire-to-state relations, then ve might see her policy in the middle of the continuum and suf ering from immo bill sine and just muddling through, or finally ?fe might see her emphasising friendly ties at the expense of support of revolutionary movements at the other extreme -point of the spectrum* !fhe mechanism vhich enables Peking to move from one pole to the other of the spectrum is activated by the following elementsJ (1) the result of an internal power struggle within the leadership in Peking between ideologically radical and moderate elements, which enables the victorious faction to initiate nev policies; (2) Peking's assessment of the changing intentions and capabilities of the major powers in the area; (3) internal changes within the countries of the area and the changing attitudes of their governments towards China; (4) changing fortunes of revolutionary movements operating in the area* 'Phe second major point of this study is an assertion that while China's conduct toward Southeast *lsia after her foundation in 1949 was primarily based upon ideological considerations, the beginning of the seventies saw the national interest reasserting itself as the leading motive factor* Thus China talks with her neighbours in Southeast asia in terms of relevance of fllong historical ties," casting herself into the role of a benevolent "older brother11 who is entitled to reopect and deference in exchange for patronage and protection* Hence the traditional echoes of the past are emerging ever stronger and influencing her postures towards the region, while the open support to revolutionary moevments is underplayed at the moment.

Gaining Insights About Water: The Value of Surveys in First Nations Communities to Inform Water Governance

Knowledge of how water is perceived, used and managed in a community is critical to the endeavour of water governance. Surveys of individuals residing in a community offer a valuable avenue to gain information about several of these aspects of water. This paper draws upon experiences in three First Nation communities to explore the values of surveys to illuminate water issues and inform water decision-making. Findings from experiences with surveys in Six Nations of the Grand River, Mississaugas of the New Credit, and Oneida First Nation of the Thames reveal rich information about how surveys can provide insights about: the connection of individuals to the land, water and their community; reasons for valuing water; perceptions of water quality and issues surrounding water-related advisories; and, degree of satisfaction with water management and governance at different scales. Community partners reflected upon the findings of the survey for their community. Dialogue was then broadened across the cases as the partners offer benefits and challenges associated with the survey. Community surveys offer an important tool in the resource managers’ toolbox to understand social perceptions of water and provide valuable insights that may assist in improving its governance.

Using First Nations Children's Literature in the Classroom: Portfolio of Learning

A portfolio was developed to encourage teachers of Aboriginal children to include First Nations mentor texts into their daily teaching practices. The artifacts within the portfolio have been produced in accordance with guiding beliefs about how students, specifically First Nations students, learn. The portfolio supports the notion that Aboriginal children need to encounter representations of their own culture, histories and beliefs within the literature in order to be successful in school. The use of First Nations children’s literature in the classroom was explored with an emphasis on how using this literature will assist in improving literacy levels and the self-esteem of First Nations students.

Plan of part of the lands of the Six Nations Indians, January 26, 1833

A plan of part of the lands of the Six Nations Indians, dated January 26, 1833. A note on the plan reads “Part of the lands of the Six Nations Indians as surveyed by order of their Superintendent, John Brant, Esq. Dated at the Mohawk Village, the 29th day of April, 1831. Part of which was returned to the office of the Honourable, the Commissior of Crown Lands, on the 31st Oct. 1831, and now rendered more complete by a continuation of the survey under the same order in 1832, and by information obtained from private practice not connected with my official instructions all of which is most respectfully submitted to the inspection and for the information of His Majesty’s Government by Lewis Burwell, Surveyor”. The map shows the early loyalist land holdings in the Brantford area.

Explanation of the Land Surrendered to the Crown by the Six Nations Indians for Mr. Dickson

Explanation of the Land Surrendered to the Crown by the Six Nations Indians for Mr. Dickson: 1 handwritten page explaining the Six Nations surrender of land to the Crown in order to allow the Crown to transfer the land to Mr. Dickson to compensate him for legal fees. [This is not an older document. It was possibly written by the Niagara Historical Society], n.d.

Picture of the world; or a description of the manners, customs and costumes of all nations

UANL

The lord's prayer in the principal languages, dialects and versions of the world: Printed in type and vernaculars of the different nations

UANL

The relevancy and effectiveness of the United Nations Convention Against Corruption

La Convention des Nations Unies contre la corruption, adoptée en 2003, est le premier outil international criminalisant la corruption de façon aussi détaillée. Ce mémoire tente d'évaluer sa portée en analysant les dispositions concernant la prévention, la criminalisation, la coopération internationale et le recouvrement d'avoirs. Il tente d’évaluer la pertinence et l'efficacité de la Convention en illustrant ses défis en matière de conformité, pour ensuite étudier d'autres outils internationaux existants qui lui font compétition. Malgré sa portée élargie, il est débattu que la Convention souffre de lacunes non négligeables qui pourraient restreindre son impact à l'égard de la conduite d'États Membres.

Inventing interventions : strategies of reappropriation in Native American and First Nations literatures

Ma thèse de doctorat, intitulée Inventing Interventions: Strategies of Reappropriation in Native and First Nations Literatures traite du sujet de la réappropriation de la langue anglaise et de la langue française dans les littératures autochtones du Canada et des États-Unis, en tant que stratégie d’intervention de re-narration et de récupération. De fait, mon projet fait abstraction, autant que possible, des frontières nationales et linguistiques, vu que celles-ci sont essentiellement des constructions culturelles et coloniales. Ainsi, l’acte de réappropriation de la langue coloniale implique non seulement la maîtrise de base de cette dernière à des fins de communication, cela devient un moyen envers une fin : au lieu d’être possédés par la langue, les auteurs sur lesquels je me penche ici possèdent à présent cette dernière, et n’y sont plus soumis. Les tensions qui résultent d’un tel processus sont le produit d’une transition violente imposée et expérimentale d’une réalité culturelle à une autre, qui, pour plusieurs, n’a pas réussie et s’est, au contraire, effritée sur elle-même. Je soutiens donc que les auteurs autochtones ont créé un moyen à travers l’expression artistique et politique de répondre (dans le sens de « write back ») à l’oppression et l’injustice. À travers l’analyse d’oeuvres contemporaines écrites en anglais ou en français, que ce soit de la fiction, de l’autobiographie, de la poésie, du théâtre, de l’histoire ou du politique, ma recherche se structure autour de quatre concepts spécifiques : la langue, la résistance, la mémoire, et le lieu. J’examine comment ces concepts sont mis en voix, et comment ils sont interdépendants et s’affectent à l’intérieur du discours particulier issu des littératures autochtones et des différentes stratégies d’intervention (telles la redéfinition ou l’invention) et du mélange de différentes formules littéraires.

A Modest Proposal to Clarify the Status of Coca in the United Nations Conventions

The implementation of anti-drug policies that focus on illicit crops in the Andean countries faces many significant obstacles, one of which is the cultural clash it generates between the main stakeholders. On the one hand one finds the governments and agencies that attempt to implement crop substitution and eradication policies and on the other the peasant and natives communities that have traditionally grown and used coca or those peasants who have found in coca an instrument of power and political leverage that they never had before. The confrontation about coca eradication, alternative development and other anti-drug policies in coca growing areas transcends drug related issues and is part of a wider and deeper confrontation that reflects the long-term unsolved conflicts of the Andean societies. All Andean countries have stratified and fragmented societies in which peasants and Indians have been excluded from power. In Bolivia, Ecuador and Peru most peasants belong to native communities many of which have remained segregated from “white” society. The mixing of the races (mestizaje) in Colombia occurred early during the Conquest and Colony. Those of Indian descent became subservient to the Spanish and Creoles. The society that evolved was (and still is) highly hierarchical, authoritarian, and has subjacent racist values. The resulting political system has been exclusionary of large portions of the population. Among Indian communities coca has been used for millennia and its use has become an identity symbol of their resistance against what may be looked at as foreign invasion. “The Andean Indian chews coca because that way he affirms his identity as son and owner of the land that yesterday the Spaniard took away and today the landowner keeps away from him. To chew coca is to be Indian...and to quietly and obstinately challenge the contemporary lords that descend from the old encomenderos and the older conquistadors” (Vidart, 1991: 61, author’s translation). In Andean literature on illegal drugs as well as in seminars, colloquia and other meetings where drug policies are debated, complaints are frequently expressed about the treatment of coca in the same category as cocaine, heroin, morphine amphetamines and other “hard” drugs. The complainants assert that “coca is not cocaine” and that it is unfair to classify coca, a nature given plant which has been used for millennia in the Andes without significant negative effects on users, in the same category as man made psychotropic drugs. They also argue that coca has manifold social and religious meanings in indigenous cultures, that coca is sacred and that the requirement of the1961 Single Convention demanding that Bolivia and Peru completely eradicate coca within 25 years is limiting Indigenous communities in their freedom to practice their religions. In most debates about drug interdiction, the views of those who oppose that approach are not accepted as legitimate. Indeed, “prohibitionists” demonize drugs and those who oppose drug policies in Latin America frequently demonize the United States as the imperialist power that imposes them. This dual polarization is a main obstacle to establish a meaningful policy debate aimed at broadening the policy consensus necessary for successful policy implementation. This essay surveys the status of coca in the United Nations Conventions, explains why it is confusing, and how a few changes would eliminate some of the sources of conflict and help organize and control licit coca markets in the Andes. The current disorganized and weakly controlled legal coca market in Peru has been analyzed to demonstrate its deficiencies and to illustrate possible improvements in international drug control policies.