873 resultados para Landscape. Real estate-tourism. Urban planning. Urban legislation. Nísia Floresta
Resumo:
El artículo se refiere a la propuesta de la Secretaría de Planeamiento de la Municipalidad de Rosario para el reordenamiento urbanístico del área central y primer anillo perimetral expuesta públicamente en marzo 2007 y al proceso de discusión previo a su elevación al Concejo Municipal para su tratamiento en la ciudad de Rosario. Se trata de dar cuenta acerca de las dificultades encontradas –y los intereses manifestados– para arribar a una propuesta consensuada acerca de la transformación y futuro de la ciudad y del valor otorgado a su patrimonio construido. En el trabajo a presentar se abordará las siguientes cuestiones: situación en el momento en que se formula la propuesta, la propuesta de reordenamiento urbanístico, los mecanismos de discusión, la reacción de los actores, la oposición del mercado inmobiliario (Cámara Argentina de la Construcción, Asociación de empresarios de la Vivienda, Cámara Inmobiliaria, Colegio de Arquitectos), la opinión y participación de los concejales y del mundo académico, las propuestas de los vecinos y la opinión del comité de expertos convocados para la audiencia pública. El trabajo se basa fundamentalmente en el análisis del discurso de los distintos actores en base notas oficiales, comunicados de prensa, apuntes de reuniones, información periodística, presentaciones escritas ante la audiencia pública, documentos de expertos. Para la interpretación de la dinámica del proceso de construcción de tiene en cuenta la documentación municipal respecto de la dinámica de la construcción en la ciudad en los últimos años, la opinión de economistas especializados en el tema y la opinión de agentes inmobiliarios.
Resumo:
The goal of the work described in this paper is to develop a visual line guided system for being used on-board an Autonomous Guided Vehicle (AGV) commercial car, controlling the steering and using just the visual information of a line painted below the car. In order to implement the control of the vehicle, a Fuzzy Logic controller has been implemented, that has to be robust against curvature changes and velocity changes. The only input information for the controller is the visual distance from the image center captured by a camera pointing downwards to the guiding line on the road, at a commercial frequency of 30Hz. The good performance of the controller has successfully been demonstrated in a real environment at urban velocities. The presented results demonstrate the capability of the Fuzzy controller to follow a circuit in urban environments without previous information about the path or any other information from additional sensors
Resumo:
La Región Metropolitana de Madrid (RMM) ha sufrido una gran transformación urbana en el periodo 1985-2007, en el cual ha crecido la población, ha crecido fuertemente el cuerpo físico, pero sobre todo han crecido su coste y su consumo, lo que supone que se ha vuelto más insostenible. Para tratar de comprender esta evolución asimétrica se ensayan sucesivos modelos que tratan de explicar la transformación de la realidad a través de la articulación de las formas de poder y sus políticas asociadas dentro del contexto local-metropolitano. Si se compara la transformación urbana en el periodo 1985-2007 respecto a la registrada durante el desarrollismo previo al presente periodo democrático, se encuentran similitudes, como el amplio consumo de suelo, pero el modelo desarrollista se inscribe en otras lógicas y tiene otros parámetros de contexto y es congruente ya que las últimas décadas del Régimen Franquista se caracterizan por un importantísimo aumento poblacional que se correspondía con el fuerte crecimiento industrial de la RMM. Esa congruencia relativa se pierde en el periodo estudiado, a pesar de que en 1985, se aprueba el Plan General de Ordenación Urbana de Madrid centrado en la ciudad existente y con un crecimiento contenido, y que puede considerarse un modelo abortado. Tras numerosas transformaciones políticas, económicas, sociales y urbanísticas se llega a una situación opuesta a la prevista en el citado Plan. Más de veinte años después, en 2007, se presentan no solo síntomas de agotamiento del modelo finalmente adoptado, sino su quiebra dramática tanto en su dimensión inmobiliario-financiera como del espacio del bienestar. Es precisamente la supresión de los mecanismos de regulación lo que ha caracterizado la evolución de los modelos urbanos, en correspondencia con la desregulación de las actividades económicas y de los flujos de capital propios del modelo "neoliberal". La actual crisis financiera internacional, en especial en algunos países periféricos europeos como España, ha demostrado cómo las políticas económicas que se han llevado a cabo, fuera de toda regulación, han resultado insostenibles. Pero no se trata solo de una crisis económica. En el caso español, de todas las dimensiones de la crisis, destaca la dimensión urbana, o el auge y caída del ciclo inmobiliario, debido a la urbanización intensiva del territorio en relación con el circuito secundario de la acumulación capitalista, habiendo tenido especial incidencia en algunos territorios como la RMM. En la Región Metropolitana de Madrid la situación actual es de crisis urbana, causada principalmente por el divorcio entre las necesidades y la producción de ciudad, pues no se ha basado el crecimiento en la creación de nuevos hogares, u otras cuestiones demográficas, sino en la acumulación de capital a través del crecimiento de la ciudad. Además, dicho crecimiento está conformado por una expansión urbana descontrolada, con mayores requerimientos energéticos que el modelo compacto y complejo tradicional, lo que unido a la escala de los procesos, supone un sistema urbano progresivamente ineficiente. El caso de la RMM resulta paradigmático, ya que la región ha desempeñado un papel como laboratorio de nuevas formas de gobierno y planificación que han dado un mayor protagonismo al espacio, que ha entrado en las dinámicas centrales principalmente por el apoyo al crecimiento físico, a la vez que han confluido circunstancias específicas, como un nuevo impulso al centralismo, lo que ha potenciado ciertas políticas, como considerar la ciudad como motor de crecimiento económico y de competitividad en el concierto europeo y mundial de ciudades. El estudio del papel de la planificación y sus crisis en la sucesión de los modelos, muestra su función nuclear en la propia constitución de estos —es parte fundamental de su aparato de regulación— y su valor no solo para poder entender el periodo, sino para poder proyectar otro futuro urbano. Este enfoque conduce a establecer la relación del planeamiento con las diferentes crisis económicas en el periodo de estudio lo que permite diferenciar tres momentos de dicha relación: la planificación urbanística austera bajo la influencia de la crisis fordista, la salida de la crisis a través de la imposición de un modelo urbano basado en el sobreproducción de espacio urbano, y la entrada en una crisis inmobiliaria y de financiarización en relación a la adopción de un modelo multidimensionalmente insostenible. El análisis de este periodo es la base para apuntar perspectivas que permitan transformar el gobierno urbano hacia un modelo urbano más deseable, o mejor aún, otros futuros posibles, que se enmarcan dentro de la alternativa principal que supone la sostenibilidad. Madrid's Metropolitan Region (MMR) has undergone a major urban transformation in the period 1985-2007, where the population has grown up, the built environment has grown strongly, but mostly its cost and consumption have grown, which means that it has become unsustainable. To try to understand this evolution successive asymmetric models are tested in order to explain the transformation of reality through the articulation of forms of power and its associated policies in that localmetropolitan context. Comparing the urban transformation in the period 1985-2007 to the existing during developmentalism in the current predemocratic period, both have similarities in terms of land consumption, but the previous developmentalism model is part of another logics and has got other context parameters. It is consistent since the last decades of the Franco Regime was characterized by an important population increase that corresponded to strong industrial growth of the MMR. This relative consistency is lost during the study period, although in 1985, with the approval of the Master Plan of Madrid that was focused on the existing city, with a limited growth, and it may be considered an interrupted model. After numerous political, economic, social and urban changes, there is the opposite situation to that foresight under that Plan. Over twenty years later, in 2007, there are not only signs of exhaustion of the model which was finally adopted, but also its dramatic collapse in both real estate and financial dimension of space as well. The urban transformation under analysis has relaunched the hegemony of the sectors that rule the growth of the Madrid's Metropolitan Region and it is supported by decision making and financing of the different administrations with the passivity of the social stakeholders and citizens. This has meant the removal of regulatory mechanisms that have characterized the evolution of urban models, corresponding to the deregulation of economic activities and capital flows according to "neoliberal" model. The current international financial crisis, especially in some European peripheral countries like Spain, has shown how economic policies that have been carried out, without any regulation, have proven unsustainable. But it is not only an economic crisis. In the Spanish case, of all the dimensions of the crisis, it is the urban dimension that is highlighted, or the rise and fall of real estate cycle, due to intensive urbanization of the territory in relation to the secondary circuit of capital accumulation, having had a particular impact in some territories such as the Madrid's Metropolitan Region. In Madrid's Metropolitan Region there is the current situation of urban crisis, mainly caused by the divorce between needs and the city (space) production, because no growth has been based on creating new homes, or other demographic issues, but in the capital accumulation through growth of the city. Furthermore, this growth is made up of urban sprawl, with higher energy requirements than the traditional compact and complex one, which together with the scale of processes, is increasingly an inefficient urban system. The case of Madrid's Metropolitan Region is paradigmatic, since the region has played a role as a laboratory for new forms of governance and planning have given a greater role to space, which has entered the core dynamics supported mainly by physical growth, while specific circumstances have come together as a new impulse to centralization. This has promoted policies such as considering the city as an engine of economic growth and competitiveness in the international and the European hierarchy of cities. The study of the role of planning and crisis in the succession of models, shows its nuclear role in the constitution of these models is a fundamental part of its regulatory apparatus- and also its value not only to understand the period, but to anticipate to other urban future. This approach leads to establish the relationship of planning with the various crises in the study period, allowing three different moments of that relationship: the austere urban planning under the influence of Fordist crisis, the output of the crisis through imposition of an urban model based on the overproduction of urban space, and entry into a housing crisis and financialisation in relation to the adoption of a multi-dimensionally unsustainable model. The analysis of this period is the basis for targeting prospects that translate urban governance towards a more desirable urban model, or better yet, other possible futures, which are part of the main alternative that is sustainability.
Resumo:
El objetivo de esta Tesis doctoral es arrojar más luz sobre los mecanismos a partir de los cuales se dibuja el mapa de la desigualdad social en los sistemas urbanos contemporáneos. Para ello, en primer lugar se ha realizado una revisión crítica de los diferentes planteamientos desde los que se abordan los procesos de formación del espacio social urbano. A partir de ahí se ha aplicado el campo teórico analizado a un caso concreto muy representativo, el espacio social del Madrid de finales del siglo XX, comprobándose cómo los planteamientos tradicionales muestran carencias en cuanto a la explicación de los procesos estudiados. Por otro lado, una vez constatado que el espacio social madrileño producto del régimen de acumulación fordista destaca por un dibujo especialmente clasificado y jerarquizado, se ha analizado cuando y por qué comenzó este fenómeno de tan radical "clasificación social". Como resultado se obtiene que sólo es posible generar un discurso de explicación del espacio social estudiado considerando, por un lado, la percepción de la ciudad preexistente y, por otro, la concepción y construcción de la “planeada” por un modelo inmobiliario obligado a reconstruir en su mapa de precios una estructura social recién transformada. Una vez comprobado que la transformación que sufrieron tanto la estructura social como el modelo inmobiliario supuso un cambio de fase en la evolución de la ciudad y su espacio social se ha formulado un nuevo modelo urbano que se ha denominado “Ciudad Negocio” . En esta Ciudad Negocio destaca un modelo inmobiliario de venta de viviendas financiadas que, debido a sus propios mecanismos de funcionamiento, requiere de un espacio social muy ordenado, jerarquizado y estable que reproduzca la estructura social existente de forma visible. ABSTRACT The aim of this research project is to shed more light on the variables that draw the social inequality maps in the contemporary urban systems. For that purpose, a thoughtful review of the different theories around urban and social planning has taken place. The outcome of the analysis has been projected over a very representative sample, the social space in Madrid at the end of the 20th Century, proving the fact that traditional arguments do not explain the way the contemporary social patterns has been developed. On the other hand, once verified the fact that the social space in Madrid conceptually inherited from the Regulation School outlines a social hierarchy pattern, an analysis of the reasons that lead to such “social classification” has been performed. The research conclusions around the reviewed urban space can only be sustained by the perception of a pre-existing city and the boundaries of a real state pattern forced to match the prices to the newly transformed social structure. The transformation of the social structure and the real state model and its impact over the urban space has lead to a new urban model called “Business City”. This new urban product is built over a residential real estate market, which in nature requires of a very organised, socially classified and stabled pattern so that it mirrors the existing social structure.
Resumo:
El Anillo Verde metropolitano, definido por el Plan General de Ordenación Urbana del Área Metropolitana de Madrid en 1963 siguiendo los modelos planteados por la cultura urbanística internacional, como armadura de la estructura urbana del AMM, espacio protagonista dentro del sistema de espacios libres, lugar de uso público destinado al recreo y contacto con la naturaleza de la población madrileña, se convierte en realidad en una reserva de suelo que va entrando en juego motivado por las alianzas entre el poder institucional y la clase social dominante actuando al margen del planeamiento, poniendo en evidencia la escasez de recursos legales y culturales disponibles para la salvaguarda de los intereses comunes y, donde los condicionantes geográficos y naturales del territorio madrileño han influido decisivamente en la especialización funcional y espacial del Área Metropolitana de Madrid. Así pues considerando esta idea como HIPÓTESIS, el objetivo de la TESIS sería demostrarla, para lo cual se hace necesario primero, acotar espacial y temporalmente el objeto de estudio, es decir, del Anillo Verde metropolitano1, segundo, contextualizar histórica y disciplinarmente los presupuestos teóricos que conformaban la idea del Anillo Verde, tercero, reconocer, localizar y documentar las piezas que han ido materializando la ocupación urbana del Anillo Verde, clasificándolas según parámetros temporales, funcionales, urbanísticos y, formales, lo que permite analizar la geografía, uso, instrumentación y forma de su transformación a escala general metropolitana y, cuarto, profundizar a modo de comprobación a escala municipal y urbana en dos escenarios representativos del conjunto metropolitano: el municipio de Pozuelo de Alarcón y el distrito de Hortaleza-Barajas. El contenido del documento se divide en tres bloques, el bloque I, se centra en las bases teóricas, el bloque II sitúa el hilo argumental de la tesis a escala metropolitana y el bloque III comprueba el fenómeno a escala municipal y urbana. De esta forma, se comienza por la comprensión del significado del concepto del Anillo Verde, que va más allá de la dimensión instrumental asignada de límite y contención urbana frente al crecimiento de la ciudad industrial de principios del siglo XX, basada en la descentralización de la ciudad tradicional, para adquirir un significado más complejo, como gran espacio de reserva y salvaguarda de valores naturales y culturales que se expresaban en su territorio y que permitirían alcanzar el equilibrio entre la ciudad y sus habitantes, es decir, entre el hombre y el espacio que habita. Se hace un recorrido por las principales corrientes urbanísticas que se van nutriendo de distintas disciplinas (economía, sociología, geografía, biología, ecología) para plantear teorías que permitieran materializar un nuevo orden urbano según principios de equidad social, económica y ambiental, en una secuencia donde Europa y Estados Unidos realizaban un constante intercambio -el movimiento de la Ciudad Jardín o el Regionalismo, que dieron paso a propuestas como el Greater London o el Gran Berlín, donde la figura del Anillo Verde tenía un papel protagonista, y del que también participaría nuestro país y la ciudad de Madrid, con modelos regionales como el Plan Besteiro y urbanos como el Plan Bidagor, antecedentes directos del Plan General de Ordenación Urbana del Área Metropolitana de Madrid de 1963 que pone en marcha la ordenación del crecimiento metropolitano de Madrid. El hilo argumental de la tesis se organiza en una doble aproximación: un acercamiento a escala metropolitana a partir del reconocimiento del modelo de ciudad definido en los distintos planes generales que acompañaron el desarrollo metropolitano (municipio de Madrid y de los siete términos municipales que rodeaban a este y que tenían suelo destinado a Anillo Verde), haciendo referencia además a las relaciones con el planeamiento regional, concretando en una escala de aproximación municipal que avanza hasta la interpretación urbana detallada. El primer acercamiento tiene lugar en el bloque II y se organiza en tres capítulos. El capítulo 4 se dedica al punto obligado de partida de la geografía local, describiendo las características biofísicas de los terrenos que formaban parte del Anillo Verde, que han marcado históricamente la forma de aprovechamiento del territorio, desde las extensiones de bosques mediterráneos al norte y al oeste continuación del Monte del Pardo, a los distintos tipos de cultivo que se adaptaban al sustrato geológico y la forma del terreno (de las suaves ondulaciones de sedimentos arcósicos al norte a las extensas plataformas arenosas y yesíferas del sur), además de las zonas de huertos aprovechando las depresiones y los cursos de agua (arroyo del Monte Carmelo, arroyo de Valdebebas, arroyo del Quinto, arroyo del Santo, arroyo Butarque, arroyo Meaques y arroyo Pozuelo). Una vez reconocida la realidad física, el capítulo 5, avanza en la descripción de los distintos modelos de ciudad propuestos desde el planeamiento urbanístico, en sus distintas escalas, la regional y la municipal, como respuesta a la coyuntura social, económica y política que ha caracterizado el proceso de ocupación del Anillo Verde al compás de la construcción del AMM. Se han reunido las propuestas de planeamiento municipal de los distintos municipios que disponían de terreno calificado como Anillo Verde: Madrid, Coslada, Getafe, Leganés, Alcorcón, Boadilla del Monte y Pozuelo de Alarcón. Además se han incorporado las distintas propuestas de ordenación territorial que han servido de referencia al planeamiento municipal, en todas sus versiones, desde las sectoriales, de mayor éxito y apoyo institucional, a los distintos intentos de ordenación integral, de mayor complejidad pero de menor calado, precisamente por la dificultad de consenso entre la ordenación física y el desarrollo económico, entre los intereses privados y el beneficio público. El primer horizonte, comienza con la formulación del Plan General de Ordenación Urbana del Área Metropolitana de Madrid de 1963, su desarrollo y la puesta en marcha de los primeros planes municipales en la década de los años setenta, donde se comprueba la necesidad de un marco regional que “ordene” el territorio de forma integral y sirva de referencia a las actuaciones sectoriales que habían marcado el primer desarrollo metropolitano. El segundo, se sitúa dos décadas más tarde con la aprobación del Plan General de Ordenación Urbana de Madrid de 1985 y el conjunto de planes municipales de los términos limítrofes, que siguen su filosofía de austeridad en cuanto a crecimiento territorial. El tercero se inicia en 1997 con la siguiente generación de planes de corte neoliberal que imponen un modelo territorial basado en las grandes operaciones metropolitanas de centralidad, infraestructuras y equipamiento, que consumen de forma indiscriminada la totalidad del territorio madrileño. Será en el último capítulo del segundo bloque (capítulo 6) donde se represente gráficamente a escala metropolitana y se analicen las 229 piezas que han ido colmatando el espacio destinado a Anillo Verde, según los parámetros de estudio, en base a las cuales se plantean las primeras conclusiones generales de la tesis, poniendo de manifiesto que las alianzas entre los agentes soberanos en la construcción de la ciudad y su entorno han trasgredido sucesivamente las determinaciones del Planeamiento en su definición de modelo de ciudad y territorio, acusando la carencia de recursos instrumentales y jurídicos que alentaron el proceso de su desmantelamiento, y revelando la influencia de los condicionantes geográficos y naturales en la especialización funcional y segregación social en el conjunto del Área Metropolitana de Madrid. Se remata el discurso metropolitano con una batería de conclusiones que interpretan el fenómeno de ocupación del anillo de verdor metropolitano confirmando las hipótesis iniciales, reconociendo los valores medioambientales y culturales trasgredidos, sus diversos actores, las numerosas operaciones urbanísticas desarrolladas con distintos usos y envergadura, así como los instrumentos de planeamiento utilizados, en base a las cuales se materializa la construcción del AMM según un modelo extendido (spread), dibujando una mancha de aceite (o grase-spots según Geddes) que precisamente había querido evitarse desde el planeamiento urbanístico con la definición de un Anillo Verde, espacio inmune a la edificación, que se aleja de su papel estructurante (equilibrador entre la ciudad y sus habitantes) para convertirse en armadura de la estructura comunicativa, que una vez consolidada se convierte en la mejor aliada de la máquina inmobiliaria. El último paso, se desarrolla en el bloque III que se divide en los capítulo 7,8 y 9 y supone la comprobación de lo descrito en el conjunto de escala metropolitana, en dos aspectos fundamentales, la falta de consideración por los valores culturales y medioambientales que han modelado el territorio, imprimiéndole un carácter singular y específico y, la estructura del dominio del suelo, donde se reconoce de forma precisa el grupo social y los agentes encargados en cada momento de comercializar los suelos del anillo, que bajo el paraguas de la urgencia social y el engañoso beneficio popular, obtienen importantes beneficios económicos. Con esa intención, se da un salto hacia la escala municipal y urbana, seleccionando dos escenarios de estudio, el municipio de Pozuelo de Alarcón, que representa la materialización del crecimiento suburbano de la élite madrileña ocupando las zonas de mayor valor ecológico del anillo, y el distrito de Hortaleza-Barajas que ofrece su territorio a las grandes operaciones metropolitanas, apoyándose en el eje de actividad marcado por la conexión Madrid-Barcelona y el sistema aeroportuario de escala global, ambos situados al norte de la línea de borde entre la Sierra y la Mancha, ocupando por tanto los lugares más valiosos de la geografía madrileña (estructura funcional anticipada por Bidagor en 1946 en su modelo de ciudad adaptada al territorio madrileño) Una vez descrito este proceso trasgresor de límites, de normas, de conductas, y desde una perspectiva del fenómeno suficientemente documentada, en el capítulo 10, se realiza una reflexión sobre la incidencia real de la propuesta urbanística del Anillo Verde en la construcción del AMM, de la misma forma que se sugieren nuevos roles al planeamiento en un formato intencionado de largo recorrido en oposición a lo inmediato y circunstancial, que permita hacer una nueva lectura de los presupuestos teóricos que conformaban la idea del Anillo Verde, espacio articulador (medioambiental, social y cultural) del territorio madrileño. ABSTRACT The Metropolitan Greenbelt was defined by the 1963 Master Plan for the Madrid Metropolitan Area (MMA), following established international models of urban development, as the structural framework of the MMA, the principal open space within its network of open spaces and a public area of recreation and contact with nature for the residents of Madrid. In reality, however, it ha become a reserve of land in which various alliances between the institutional authorities and the dominant social class have been operating on the margin of the original plan, exposing a scarcity of legal and cultural resources for the safeguarding of common interests, and in which the geographical and natural characteristics of the territory itself have come to play an influential role in the functional specialization and spatial segregation of the MMA. With that idea as its HYPOTHESIS, the aim of this THESIS is to demonstrate its reality. The first step in this is to delineate, temporally and spatially, the object of study; i.e. the Metropolitan Greenbelt2. The second is to contextualize historically and disciplinarily those theoretical ideas which conform to the greenbelt concept. The third is to acknowledge, locate and document the elements which have characterized the urban occupation of the Greenbelt and classify these according to the parameters of time, function, urban development and form, which in turn would enable the geography, use, instrumentation and form of its transformation to be analysed on a general metropolitan scale. The fourth step, as a method of verification, is an in-depth analysis of two representative settings within the metropolitan network: the municipality of Pozuelo de Alarcón and the Hortaleza-Barajas district. The content of the document is divided into three parts. Part I focuses on the study’s theoretical foundations, Part II establishes a line of argument at the metropolitan level and Part III examines the phenomenon from a municipal and urban perspective. The thesis, then, begins with a study of the greenbelt concept itself and its meaning, which is far more complex than the accepted instrumental dimension of limiting and containing urbanization in response to the growth of the industrial city of the early 20th century, and which is based on a decentralization of the traditional city. This wider purpose is the setting aside of a large reserved space to safeguard the natural and cultural values of the region and thereby achieve a balance between the city and its residents; that is to say, between man and the space he inhabits. The principal currents of thought in urban planning will then be examined. These have drawn upon a variety of disciplines (economics, sociology, geography, biology, ecology) to develop theories for establishing a new urban order according to the principles of social, economic and environmental equity, and have involved a constant interchange between Europe and the United States. Thus, the City Garden and Regionalist movements would clear the way for proposals such as Greater London and Great Berlin, Chicago and Washington, in which the greenbelt would play a fundamental role. The participation of our own country and the city of Madrid is also discussed, through regional models such as the Besteiro Plan and urban ones like the Bidagor Plan, direct forerunners of 1963’s General Organizational Plan for the Madrid Metropolitan Area, which would set into motion the organization of Madrid’s metropolitan growth. The line of argument followed in this thesis is two-fold: first, an examination of metropolitan development in keeping with the city model as defined in the various General Plans for the development of both the municipality of Madrid and the seven surrounding municipalities which have land designated for its Greenbelt; and second, an examination of this growth in relation to Regional Planning measures, is detailed on a smaller scale (municipal and district), where the conditioning factors affecting the land property structure and the network of biophysical units may be analysed in depth. The first of these is dealt with in Part II and organized into three chapters (4, 5 and 6). Chapter 4 is dedicated to the obligatory starting point of the geographical setting itself. The biophysical characteristics of the territories set aside for the Greenbelt, and which historically have played a role in the area’s exploitation, are described here. These range from expanses of Mediterranean woodland to the north and west of Monte del Pardo to the various types of farmland that have been adapted to the geological substratum and the contours of the terrain (gentle undulations of arkosic sediment in the north, and wide sandy and gypsiferous tableland in the south), as well as orchards planted in low valleys and along watercourses (the creeks of Monte Carmelo, Valdebebas, Quinto, Santo, Butarque, Meaques and Pozuelo). Once this physical reality ha been detailed, in Chapter 5 will examine the various city models proposed by urban planners, both regionally and municipally, in response to the confluence of social, economic and political interests that have characterized the process of occupation in the Greenbelt area during the construction of the MMA. Municipal planning proposals will be collected and examined for the various municipalities which have land designated for the Greenbelt: Madrid, Coslada, Getafe, Leganés, Alcorcón, Boadilla del Monte and Pozuelo de Alarcón. Furthermore, the various territorial organization proposals which have served as references for municipal planning will also be addressed here, in all of their versions –from the sectorial, which have met with more success and institutional approval, to the many attempts at integration, which have been more complex but less influential, precisely for the difficulty of reconciling physical organization with economic development, and private interest with public benefit. The first period in this process was the development of the General Plan of 1963, followed by the first municipal development plans of the 1970s, in which the need for a regional framework that “organized” the territory in an integral fashion was defined. This would serve as a reference for the sectorial actions that marked the metropolitan area’s initial development. The second came two decades later with the approval of the General Plan of 1985, and the network of municipal plans for the surrounding communities, which followed the same philosophy of austerity with regard to territorial growth. The third would begin to take form in 1997, as a new generation of neo-liberal development plans imposed a territorial model based on centralized large-scale metropolitan operations of infrastructure and equipment, which would indiscriminately consume the totality of Madrid’s land. At the end of the Part II, in Chapter 6, the metropolitan area will be represented graphically and the 229 pieces that have been gradually encroaching upon land designated for the Greenbelt will be analysed. This analysis will be carried out according to the parameters defined for the study, and the first general conclusions of the thesis will be based on its findings. It will show how alliances between the various governing authorities in the construction of the city and its environment have successively violated established plans with regard to the definitions of city and territory, how shortages of instrumental and judicial resources have accentuated the dismantling process, and how natural and geographical factors have influenced functional specialization and social segregation in the Madrid Metropolitan Area. The final step, detailed in Part III, will address two fundamental aspects of what has just been described: the lack of consideration for the cultural and environmental values which have shaped this territory and imprinted upon it a specific and unique character; and the structure of land domination, with a precise identification of the social group and agents responsible at each stage of the Greenbelt’s commercialization, who, under an umbrella of social urgency and deceptive public benefit, have used it to obtain substantial financial rewards. For this purpose, a closer look is taken at two specific areas: the municipality of Pozuelo de Alarcón, representative of the suburban growth of an elite population which has occupied the Greenbelt areas of the greatest ecological value; and the Hortaleza-Barajas district, which has offered its territory to large metropolitan business interests, based on activities centred on the connection between Madrid and Barcelona and the system of international air travel. Both of these settings are located to the north of the line which divides the Sierra from La Mancha, and thus occupy the most valuable land in the Madrid region (a functional structure anticipated by Bidagor in 1946, with his city model adapted to the territory of Madrid). Finally, an attempt will be made to interpret the phenomenon of metropolitan Greenbelt occupation, confirming initial hypotheses, specifying the environmental and cultural values that have been violated, and identifying the various players involved, as well as numerous urbanization operations of varying sizes and interests, and the instruments of planning they have used. It will be seen from this that the construction of the MMA has in fact followed a “spread” model, a “grease spot” (as Geddes calls it) which, from the outset of the planning process and according to the definition of a greenbelt as a construction-free zone, was precisely to be avoided. This structural role (to provide a balance between a city and its residents) has thus been abandoned and the Greenbelt converted instead into a communicative framework which, once consolidated, has become the greatest ally of the real estate machine. After this process of violating limits, norms and established behaviour has been described and solidly documented, a reflection will be made on the real influence of the Greenbelt proposal in the construction of the MMA. At the same time, new roles will be suggested for future planning, roles which are deliberate and long term, in opposition to the immediate and circumstantial. This will enable a new interpretation of the theoretical principles behind the greenbelt concept, a space designed to connect the territory of Madrid environmentally, socially and culturally.
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El objetivo de este trabajo es exponer algunas de las claves que explican los impactos ambientales de la actividad turística en la costa mediterránea española. Se analiza la instrumentalización del turismo por parte de la industria de la construcción a partir de la implementación de una serie de pautas de actuación puestas al servicio de un principio básico: el sometimiento de la conservación de los espacios naturales más frágiles y valorados a los intereses del capitalismo inmobiliario. Este argumento se ilustra mediante la exposición, desde una perspectiva histórica, geográfica y sociológica, de las dinámicas presentes en Calpe y Torrevieja: dos municipios de la Provincia de Alicante, situada en la Comunidad Valenciana, en el sudeste de España.
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Esta comunicación recorre la evolución del paisaje urbano de Benidorm, como ciudad vertical (acotado entre dos fechas clave: 1956 y 1986), con la aprobación de su PGOU, inspirado en un urbanismo funcionalista (CIAM), enfocado a un turismo de masas en aumento año tras año. Acontecimientos, turismo y planeamiento justificaban las diferentes ampliaciones urbanas de Benidorm, sometidas a constantes modificaciones y que se reflejaba en una libertad a través del análisis y relación entre el nuevo skyline vertical (de bloques y rascacielos de uso privado) y el tándem paseo marítimo-playa (de espacios urbanos de uso público). Para este seguimiento se hace necesario conocer cómo se construye la propia ciudad y, en particular, sus nuevos frentes marítimos que constituyen la postal más importante de cualquier ciudad turística litoral –su imagen–, la que se publicita como reclamo: la fachada que se extiende tras sus playas y cuyo éxito depende de la capacidad de articulación los espacios públicos que entrelazan la trama urbana con su frontera marítima.
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"DOT-T-91-12."
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Thesis (Master's)--University of Washington, 2016-06
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Awareness of extreme high tide flooding in coastal communities has been increasing in recent years, reflecting growing concern over accelerated sea level rise. As a low-lying, urban coastal community with high value real estate, Miami often tops the rankings of cities worldwide in terms of vulnerability to sea level rise. Understanding perceptions of these changes and how communities are dealing with the impacts reveals much about vulnerability to climate change and the challenges of adaptation. ^ This empirical study uses an innovative mixed-methods approach that combines ethnographic observations of high tide flooding, qualitative interviews and analysis of tidal data to reveal coping strategies used by residents and businesses as well as perceptions of sea level rise and climate change, and to assess the relationship between measurable sea levels and perceptions of flooding. I conduct a case study of Miami Beach's storm water master planning process which included sea level rise projections, one of the first in the nation to do so, that reveals the different and sometimes competing logics of planners, public officials, activists, residents and business interests with regards to climate change adaptation. By taking a deeply contextual account of hazards and adaptation efforts in a local area I demonstrate how this approach can be effective at shedding light on some of the challenges posed by anthropogenic climate change and accelerated rates of sea level rise. ^ The findings highlight challenges for infrastructure planning in low-lying, urban coastal areas, and for individual risk assessment in the context of rapidly evolving discourse about the threat of sea level rise. Recognition of the trade-offs and limits of incremental adaptation strategies point to transformative approaches, at the same time highlighting equity concerns in adaptation governance and planning. This new impact assessment method contributes to the integration of social and physical science approaches to climate change, resulting in improved understanding of socio-ecological vulnerability to environmental change.^
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Some years ago visitors and natives had a different way of enjoying the landscape of the coastal villages located in Santa Elena Province, in Ecuador. Nowadays natives of those towns are concerned about the emergent tourist industry, which is not just offering lodging but also it is increasing the construction of vacation homes or second homes. This development is showing notorious social and spatial changes in those coastal towns. Since 80's, the real-estate investments in vacation homes have not stopped. In addition, it has been increasing year in year out, to the north of the Province. Nowadays there are not just homes but also luxury complex of buildings attracting more and more seasonal tourists. This real estate growing has been constantly changing the landscape and shaping the economy of those towns. The authorities in this province are aware of those effects citing in the Province's Master Plan of Development the lack of land use policies. This study aims to describe the socioeconomic activity of coastal villages located in Santa Elena Province, which - during many years - have a resource-based economy: agriculture and fishing economy; but during this last years they have been trying to switch it to tourism. The analysis of spatial changes of the landscape and its effects as a consequence of the land use is another goal of this work. Finally, this study describes the quest of new natural tourist attractions that villagers and stakeholders have taken recently. Key words: Nature and society, sociospatial, rural landscape, coastal landscape, tourism.
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The growth of international tourism and the attendant economic benefits to the world nations, has been phenominal since the end of the second world war. It is considered that the industry's upsurge will continue even in the phase of various constraints exemplified in high fuel cost, constant increase in fares and the threatening world-wide recessions. Developed as well as developing countries have gained substantially from the industry. A recent development shows increasing tourist traffic towards developing countries, while developed countries still hold their fort in stable growth of tourist receipts. The strategic beneficial effects of international tourist industry are often quantified in terms of foreign exchange earnings, employments offered, and the Real Estate super-structures; but in general,the industry has innumerable direct and indirect benefits to any nation engaging in the trade. The objective of this thesis is to demonstrate by comparative analysis and proven parameters that the international tourist industry which is given low priority in development in Nigeria, can equally contribute to the nation's economic growth as other industrial sectors which receive high priority and patronage in development. The data for this paper are gathered from primary sources which are i) responses by the Federal and State Governments' tourism-related offices; ii) government publications e.a. the Third National Development Plan of Federal Republic of Nigeria; and iii) Books and collections. The secondary sources include reports,periodicals and hospitality industry publications. To formally establish the international tourist industry in Nigeria, all the governments (Federal, State and Local) and the private sector in the country, should commence the development of the industry with research and feasibility studies, to be followed by proper planning at all levels and based on the result of the research and feasibility studies.
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Residential homegardens have environmental and social roles in the urban environment. These green spaces can potentially minimize the impacts caused by the growth of cities, being an alternative to connect fragmented areas or offer refuge to wildlife and therefore support the conservation of biodiversity. In addition, the homegardens demonstrate a leading role in increasing human well-being by promoting socialization opportunities, contact with nature, local culture as well as improvements in food security for the urban families. Nevertheless, it is still unclear what specific characteristics of homegardens can act effectively in the conservation of the biodiversity, as well as in the construction of food security and well being of the homegardeners and their families. The first chapter of this thesis analyzed the diversity of plant species (native and exotic) and assessed the contribution of different types of urban gardens (ornamental and forest gardens alike) in the presence of wildlife such as birds, monkeys and lizards. In the second chapter we evaluated the contribution of those gardens to the welfare and food security of their owners. In order to do this, 41 gardens were visited in Pium, a southern coastal town in the northeastern Brazil, which also happens to be in a periurban region undergoing rapid urban expansion and pressure from the real estate market. We surveyed the planned biodiversity and fauna associated with homegardens. The data related to food security and welfare were sampled through interviews with the person in charge of taking care of the gardens. These interviews covered issues on the supply of food from the garden and absence of chemical products, as well as aspects of the GNH indicator (Gross National Happiness). The results showed that these homegardens generally contribute little to the maintenance of native plant species (native species = 29/ total = 187). From its main features, the gardens were classified as ornamental, forest gardens and forest farms. These groups had a different effect on the presence of the animals studied and the last two contained most of the sampled native species. The diversity of plants and trees was a good predictor of the presence of birds and monkeys. Thus, the contribution of yards for the conservation of biodiversity depends on the type of garden: some even can have negative effects on conservation. These results can direct new approaches to detailed understanding of gardens and also of public policies applied to urban planning. The results of the second chapter showed that the two types of forest gardens contributed to household food security, for providing food and medicinal herbs, which mostly did not have pesticides and chemical 12 fertilizers. But the three groups of gardens are important components for the well being of their stakeholders. Gardens help promote the transmission of knowledge on agriculture, socialization, contact with nature and bring up feelings related to peace and harmony. Thus, forest gardens can be considered important means to get through public projects and policies designed to encourage biodiversity and promote food security and well-being in urban areas
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The formulation of public policies, particularly those relating to social housing – SH -, follow a dialectical process of construction, which are involved in the figures of the State and tha Market.The combination of the State and Market remains in constant tension and struggle for power, which provides beyond products (policies, programs and projects), periods of crises and disruptions that can give rise to new institutional arrangements. It is possible to verify a change in the relationship between the State and the Market in the formulation of public policies of SH financing, justified by the context of the Brazilian economy growth, especially after 2003, year that began the first Lula Federal Government , and through the international financial crisis (in 2008). Thus, the State and the Real Estate Market has been undergoing a process of redefinition of their interrelations, articulating new arrangements, new scales of action and new logics of financial valorization of urban space. This peculiarity demanded the rapid thinning of speech and the proposals in the reformulation of housing policies, with the primary result within the pre-existing Growth Acceleration Program – PAC -, the release of My House , My Life – PMCMV -, established by Law 1.977 of the year 2009. Given the above, this research has as study object the relationship between financing public policies of SH, promoted by the State, and behavior of Formal Housing Market. It is believed that the established roles for each agent in the new housing finance model introduced with the PMCMV, have been adapted according to the needs of each location to make this a workable policy. It remains to identify the nature of these adaptations, in other words, what has changed in the performance of each agent involved in this process. Knowing that private capital remains where there is more chance of profit, we tend to believe that most of the adjustments were made on scale of State action. The recommendation of easing urban legislation taken by PMCMV points to how the State has been making these changes in activity to implement the production of social housing by this program. We conclude that in the change for PMCMV, the direct relationship for construction and housing projects financing began to be made between the Caixa Econômica Federal bank and the builders. The city was liberated from the direct interlocutor role between all actors involved in the production of SH and could concentrate on negotiating with the parties, focused on the effectiveness of SH public policies proposed by PMCMV. This ability and willingness for dialogue and negotiation of municipal government (represented by their managers), undoubtedly, represents a key factor for rapprochement between State and Real Estate Market in the City of Parnamirim.