Who needs evidence? Radical Feminism, the Christian Right and sex work research in Northern Ireland

This chapter describes my experiences of conducting research on commercial sex in Belfast, Northern Ireland which was conducted as part of a larger British Academy – Leverhulme Trust funded study that examined the policing and legal regulation of commercial sex in Belfast (Northern Ireland) along with three other cities: Manchester (England), Berlin (Germany) and Prague (Czech Republic). This study provided the first empirical analysis of commercial sex in the jurisdiction and was instrumental in shedding light on prevalence rates for those involved in the industry as well as providing demographic information on the age, nationality and sexual orientation of sex workers along with the sector worked in, whether on-street or off-street. In the chapter I consider my role as a researcher and highlight some of the difficulties that I experienced conducting what was seen as controversial research in the politically, socially and culturally conservative context of Northern Ireland.

The influence that politicians, community leaders and the media have on confidence in the police in Northern Ireland

n January 2014, the Northern Ireland Policing Board (NIPB) commissioned the University of Ulster to conduct research into public confidence in policing to help inform the work of the Board and its oversight of police service delivery. More specifically, the research team were tasked with exploring ‘the influence that politicians, community leaders and the media have on public confidence in policing in Northern Ireland’. To date, the subject of ‘confidence in policing’ within a Northern Ireland context has been relatively under researched, both in academic and policy terms. Thus, the present research is the first empirical research to be produced in Northern Ireland which considers the issue of confidence in policing from the perspective of community leaders, politicians and the media – including the key influences and dynamics which underpin police confidence at a community level.

The report begins with a comprehensive review of academic literature, policy documents and contemporary events related to confidence in policing. The research then provides an overview of the methodology used to undertake the research, with the remainder of the report comprised of the findings from the discussions with representatives from the media, political parties and the community and voluntary sector who participated. The report concludes with an overview of the central findings along with a series of recommendations.

Northern Ireland Neighbourhood Watch: Participatory Mapping and Socio Demographic Uptake

Northern Ireland Neighbourhood Watch (NINW) was formally introduced to Northern Ireland in 2004 by the Police Service of Northern Ireland, Northern Ireland Policing Board and Northern Ireland Office. However, there has been little research to data as to participation in, or success of, the schemes. This research report provides one of the few empirical examinations of NINW. Using GIS mapping and socio-demographic data from the Northern Ireland Neighbourhood Information Service (NINIS), the research explores participation in NINW schemes set against religion, deprivation and crime levels at the Census Output Area (COA) level across Northern Ireland. While the research largely confirms the limited impact of neighbourhood schemes as noted in international literature, at a local level in Northern Ireland the findings evidence a distinct pattern of uptake, with the vast majority of participants in the schemes residing in affluent, low-crime, mainly Protestant areas of the country

Parading through the Peace Process:Anthropology, Governance and Crisis in Northern Ireland

Because the authors both did work on the North Ireland parades, they became integrally involved as fieldworking anthropologists in the monitoring of these events, and in the creation of policy for their management. They detail how they worked with individuals and groups at every level, from protestors on the street up to the Secretary of State for the region. Later funded to examine legal and policing approaches to protests in other countries, especially South Africa, they show how they used this comparative knowledge to urge the implementation of measures which appear to have led to a diminution of violence in the parades. Finally, they assess their own contribution to the peace process in terms of contingency, timing, luck, flexibility, and industry.

A Framework for Spatial Road Safety Assessment: Case Study of Northern Ireland

Road traffic injuries are a major health issue worldwide. There are many factors that can
affect the levels of road traffic collisions which in turn increase the levels of people killed or
seriously injured. When road traffic collisions occur, observed facts are recorded in relation
to the incident. These facts are recorded as variable observations, and for this study,
variables and indicators are defined almost equivalently. There can be hundreds of different
indicators for the various collisions, as different countries face different road situations. This
makes it difficult to perform a road safety assessment, which can be applied globally. The
goal of this study is to select the most appropriate indicators and create a composite
indicator as a function of these indicators, which can be used as summary values, allowing
ease of comparisons between the countries/regions that have undergone a road safety
assessment. The composite indicator will then be used to assess the current situation in
Northern Ireland and provide scores for ranking policing in terms of overall road safety on
their road networks.

Quand la manifestation tourne à l'émeute : les affrontements violents entre forces de l'ordre et manifestants en Côte d'Ivoire.

Les manifestations de crise, en Côte d'Ivoire, ont été extrêmement violentes. Au cours des quinze dernières années, plus de 400 personnes sont mortes, tuées dans des affrontements avec les forces de sécurités ou des contre-manifestants. Malgré la gravité du problème, peu d’études scientifiques y sont consacrées et les rares analyses et enquêtes existantes portent, de façon unilatérale, sur l’identité et la responsabilité pénale des auteurs et commanditaires putatifs de cette violence. La présente étude s’élève contre le moralisme inhérent à ces approches pour aborder la question sous l’angle de l’interaction : cette thèse a pour objectif de comprendre les processus et logiques qui sous-tendent l’usage de la violence au cours des manifestations. Le cadre théorique utilisé dans cette étude qualitative est l’interactionnisme symbolique. Le matériel d’analyse est composé d’entrevues et de divers documents. Trente-trois (33) entrevues semi-dirigées ont été réalisées avec des policiers et des manifestants, cooptés selon la technique de la boule de neige, entre le 3 janvier et le 15 mai 2013, à Abidjan. Les rapports d’enquête, de l’ONG Human Rights Watch, sur les manifestations de crise, les manuels de formation de la police et divers autres matériaux périphériques ont également été consultés. Les données ont été analysées suivant les principes et techniques de la théorisation ancrée (Paillée, 1994). Trois principaux résultats ont été obtenus. Premièrement, le système ivoirien de maintien de l'ordre est conçu selon le modèle d’une « police du prince ». Les forces de sécurité dans leur ensemble y occupent une fonction subalterne d’exécutant. Elles sont placées sous autorité politique avec pour mandat la défense inconditionnelle des institutions. Le style standard de gestion des foules, qui en découle, est légaliste et répressif, correspondant au style d’escalade de la force (McPhail, Schweingruber, & Carthy, 1998). Cette « police du prince » dispose toutefois de marges de manœuvre sur le terrain, qui lui permettent de moduler son style en fonction de la conception qu’elle se fait de l’attitude des manifestants : paternaliste avec les foules dites calmes, elle devient répressive ou déviante avec les foules qu’elle définit comme étant hostiles. Deuxièmement, à rebours d’une conception victimaire de la foule, la violence est une transaction situationnelle dynamique entre forces de sécurité et manifestants. La violence suit un processus ascendant dont les séquences et les règles d’enchainement sont décrites. Ainsi, le premier niveau auquel s’arrête la majorité des manifestations est celui d’une force non létale bilatérale dans lequel les deux acteurs, protestataires et policiers, ont recours à des armes non incapacitantes, où les cailloux des premiers répondent au gaz lacrymogène des seconds. Le deuxième niveau correspond à la létalité unilatérale : la police ouvre le feu lorsque les manifestants se rapprochent de trop près. Le troisième et dernier niveau est atteint lorsque les manifestants utilisent à leur tour des armes à feu, la létalité est alors bilatérale. Troisièmement, enfin, le concept de « l’indignité républicaine » rend compte de la logique de la violence dans les manifestations. La violence se déclenche et s’intensifie lorsqu’une des parties, manifestants ou policiers, interprète l’acte posé par l’adversaire comme étant en rupture avec le rôle attendu du statut qu’il revendique dans la manifestation. Cet acte jugé indigne a pour conséquence de le priver de la déférence rattachée à son statut et de justifier à son encontre l’usage de la force. Ces actes d’indignités, du point de vue des policiers, sont symbolisés par la figure du manifestant hostile. Pour les manifestants, l’indignité des forces de sécurité se reconnait par des actes qui les assimilent à une milice privée. Le degré d’indignité perçu de l’acte explique le niveau d’allocation de la violence.

Black and Blue: Exploring Racial Bias and Law Enforcement in the Killings of Unarmed Black Male Civilians

In late 2014, a series of highly publicized police killings of unarmed Black male civilians in the United States prompted large-scale social turmoil. In the current review, we dissect the psychological antecedents of these killings and explain how the nature of police work may attract officers with distinct characteristics that may make them especially well-primed for negative interactions with Black male civilians. We use media reports to contextualize the precipitating events of the social unrest as we ground our explanations in theory and empirical research from social psychology and industrial and organizational (I/O) psychology. To isolate some of the key mechanisms at play, we disentangle racial bias (e.g., stereotyping processes) from common characteristics of law enforcement agents (e.g., social dominance orientation), while also addressing the interaction between racial bias and policing. By separating the moving parts of the phenomenon, we provide a more fine-grained analysis of the factors that may have contributed to the killings. In doing so, we endeavor to more effectively identify and develop solutions to eradicate excessive use of force during interactions between “Black” (unarmed Black male civilians) and “Blue” (law enforcement).

Mining Police-Recorded Offence and Incident Data to Inform a Definition of Repeat Domestic Abuse Victimization for Statistical Reporting

Following inspections in 2013 of all police forces, Her Majesty’s Inspectorate of Constabulary found that one-third of forces could not provide data on repeat victims of domestic abuse (DA) and concluded that in general there were ambiguities around the term ‘repeat victim’ and that there was a need for consistent and comparable statistics on DA. Using an analysis of police-recorded DA data from two forces, an argument is made for including both offences and non-crime incidents when identifying repeat victims of DA. Furthermore, for statistical purposes the counting period for repeat victimizations should be taken as a rolling 12 months from first recorded victimization. Examples are given of summary statistics that can be derived from these data down to Community Safety Partnership level. To reinforce the need to include both offences and incidents in analyses, repeat victim chronologies from policerecorded data are also used to briefly examine cases of escalation to homicide as an example of how they can offer new insights and greater scope for evaluating risk and effectiveness of interventions.

The role of PCCs

Dr Mark Roycroft, Senior Lecturer in Criminology at the University of East London, provides the first of two articles containing insights from his forthcoming book on "The role of PCCs". This accepted manuscript was published as two articles for Policing Insight, "What do PCCs and chief constables REALLY think of each other?" (07.03.16) and "What do PCCs REALLY think about Panels, HMIC and the IPCC?" (10.03.6).

Tackling trafficking in human beings in a security integrated Europe: addressing the challenges using trafficking schematics

This paper aims to conceptualise trafficking in human beings (THB) as an organised crime by drawing on the rational choice theory. Utilising crime scripting principles, it proposes trafficking schematics to capture and visualise THB in its entirety. Stemming from its transnational nature and varying conceptualisations, combatting THB faces challenges, such as the lack of harmonisation of policy instruments and differing stakeholder agendas. To mitigate these challenges, this paper proposes trafficking schematics. Their core lies in the modelling of THB constituent elements, including stages and their sequence, key actors and relationships, and financial modus operandi. Trafficking schematics may therefore contribute to addressing THB in a holistic, dynamic and integrated way, by enriching stakeholders’ understanding of the phenomenon and facilitating collaboration to address it. The paper contributes to theory and practice by drawing up a model of the procedural, human, logistical and environmental elements of THB that may be viewed as an instrument of public value creation.

Drones y el orden legal internacional. Tecnología, estrategia y largas cadenas de acción

The main thesis of this article is that the increasing recourse to the use of unmanned aerial systems in asymmetric warfare and the beginning routinization of U.S. drone operations represent part of an evolutionary change in the spatial ordering of global politics -- Using a heuristic framework based on actor-network theory, it is argued that practices of panoptic observation and selective airstrikes, being in need of legal justification, contribute to a reterritorialization of asymmetric conflicts -- Under a new normative spatial regime, a legal condition of state immaturity is constructed, which establishes a zone of conditional sovereignty subject to transnational aerial policing -- At the same time, this process is neither a deterministic result of the new technology nor a deliberate effect of policies to which drones are merely neutral instruments -- Rather, military technology and political decisions both form part of a long chain of action which has evolved under the specific circumstances of recent military interventions

New challenges for the EU internal security strategy

In recent years, the EU and its member states have experienced a number of changes, as well as challenges, in the areas of politics, economics, security and law. As these areas are interconnected, changes and challenges to any of them have implications for the others, as well as implications for the populations and institutions of the EU or those coming into contact with its international power and influence. This edited collection focuses primarily on security and law, particularly the EU’s internal security strategy. The EU’s Internal Security Strategy, adopted by the Spanish presidency early in 2010, followed the Lisbon Treaty in 2009, building on previous developments within the EU in the Area of Freedom Security and Justice (AFSJ) policy. The focus of the EU Internal Security Strategy is to prevent and combat “serious and organised crime, terrorism and cybercrime, in strengthening the management of our external borders and in building resilience to natural and man-made disasters”. The Internal Security strategy intersects and overlaps with the European Union’s Counter-terrorism strategy, the Strategy for the External Dimension of JHA, and the EU’s Security Strategy. The role of and interaction between these strategies, their supplementing documents, and their implications for crime, victims, the law, political relations, democracy and human rights, form the backdrop against which the chapters in this collection are written. Building on original research by its contributors, this collection comprises work by authors from a wide variety of academic and professional areas and perspectives, as well as different countries, on a variety of areas and issues related to or raised by the EU’s Internal Security Strategy, from intelligence-led policing to human trafficking and port security. This book examines, from a wide variety of disciplinary perspectives including law, geography, politics and practice, both this further refinement of existing internal provisions on cross-border crime, and the increasing external relations of the EU in the AFSJ.

KeyCrime: il “conclusive reasoning” nell’attività anticrimine della Polizia di Stato

Parlare di KeyCrime significa rapportarsi con un software che si fonda prioritariamente su di un metodo scientifico che fa proprio il ragionamento conclusivo (conclusive reasoning), applicato al decison making , pertanto all’intelligence investigativa e alla predictive policing. Potremmo pensare a KeyCrime come un paradigma operativo che si pone in sinergia tra la filosofia, il cognitivismo giuridico e le scienze applicate (Romeo F., 2006). Quando analisi e decision making trovano in un unico contesto il terreno fertile dove svilupparsi, ma ancor più, creare presupposti di ragionamento, ecco che da queste è facile comprendere da quale altra condizione sono nate, attivate e soprattutto utilizzate ai fini di un risultato: questa non è altro che “l’osservazione”; se ben fatta, profonda e scientifica offre una sistematica quanto utile predisposizione alle indagini, specialmente di carattere preventivo per l’anticrimine e la sicurezza.