887 resultados para Women s political participation


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Henkilökohtainen on poliittista Tutkimuksessa tarkastellaan tiedotusvälineissä käytyä neuvottelua miesten ja naisten mahdollisuuksista osallistua politiikkaan sekä siinä ilmenevää suomalaisen poliittisen julkisuuden muutosta. Tutkimuksen materiaalin muodostavat Anna-lehdessä vuosina 1975–2005 julkaistut 339 poliitikkojen henkilökuvaa, joita eritellään laadullisen tekstianalyysin keinoin. Politiikan sukupuolittunut työnjako Poliitikkojen henkilökuvat ovat Anna-lehdessä olleet henkilöhaastatteluja tai poliitikon haastatteluita yhdessä puolisonsa tai perheensä kanssa. Tutkittuna ajanjaksona Annassa on julkaistu selvästi enemmän naispoliitikkojen kuin miespoliitikkojen henkilökuvia. Poliitikkojen haastatteluissa neuvottellaan siitä, keillä on oikeus toimia politiikassa ja millaista politiikkaa miehet ja naiset voivat tehdä. Vaikka Annassa ilmestyneissä poliitikkojen henkilökuvissa on eri aikoina vastattu näihin kysymyksiin erilaisin tavoin, sukupuolittunut jako miesten yhteiskunnalliseen ja naisten yksityiseen tilaan säilyy teksteissä läpi koko tarkastellun 30 vuoden ajanjakson. Sukupuolittunut jako yhteiskunnalliseen ja yksityiseen ilmenee henkilökuvissa siten, että miehet esitetään toimimassa politiikassa vaivattomasti ja luonnollisesti, mutta naisten kuvataan ponnistelevan sen eteen, että he kykenisivät osallistumaan politiikkaan. Naispoliitikkojen henkilökuvissa toistuva kysymys on, millä edellytyksin tai millaisin rajoituksin naiset ovat voineet toimia politiikassa. Miehet edustavat poliitikon normia ja naiset poikkeusta normista. Poliitikkojen parisuhde- ja perhehaastatteluissa puolestaan käsitellään kysymyssukupuolten välisestä työnjaosta perheessä. Kirjoituksissa toistuvat kysymykset siitä, millainen tulisi olla poliitikon ja hänen puolisonsa välinen työnjako, tulisiko miespoliitikon vaimon osallistua pyyteettömästi puolison uran tukemiseen tai millä tavoin naispoliitikon puolison tulisi suhtautua vaimonsa aikaa vievään poliittiseen uraan. Naispoliitikkojen haasteita Annan julkaisemat naispoliitikkojen henkilökuvat osoittavat sekä naisten poliittiseen osallistumiseen liittyviä ongelmia että joukon erilaisia ratkaisuja niihin. Naisten ruumiillisuus on näistä haasteista keskeisin. 1970-luvun Annassa ilmestyneissä naispoliitikkojen haastatteluissa käsiteltiin toistuvasti sitä, millä tavoin politiikassa työskentelevät naiset pukeutuvat, syövät ja lepäävät. 1980-luvulla Anna pyrki tekemään naisruumiista voimavaran osoittamalla, että naisten ”luonteva” taipumus hoivaamiseen teki heistä erityisen sopivia politiikan ”pehmeiden” asioiden puolestapuhujina, kuten rauhantyön ja sosiaalisektorin asioiden hoitajina. 1980-luvun lopussa ja 1990-luvun alussa julkaistuissa teksteissä luotiin naisten poliittista yhteisöllisyyttä korostamalla heidän kokemaansa ruumiillisuuteen perustuvaa sortoa, esimerkiksi ulkonäköön liittyviä epäasiallisia huomautuksia. 2000-luvulla naispoliitikkojen henkilökuvissa vakuutettiin, että naisen ikääntyminen ei heikennä hänen kykyään tehdä politiikkaa. Samana aikakautena julkaistuissa nuorehkojen naispoliitikkojen henkilökuvissa ruumiillisuuteen otettiin toinen näkökulma. Niissä naisruumiin väitetty sopimattomuus poliittiseen työhön ratkaistiin korostamalla, että haastatellut naiset kontrolloivat ruumistaan täydellisesti. Toinen naispoliitikkojen poliittista osallistumista uhkaavana tai häiritsevänä esitetty seikka Annassa on ollut yksityiselämä. Lehden mukaan kodin, puolison ja lasten yhdistäminen menestyksekkääseen poliittiseen uraan on ollut erityisen vaikeaa. 1980-luvun loppuun saakka henkilökuviin rakennettiin asetelma, jossa naispoliitikkojen tuli valita työn tai perheen välillä. Vuosituhannen taitteessa Anna otti yksityiselämän ja julkisen elämän väliseen ristiriitaan uuden näkökulman: lehti alkoi esittää, että lapset ovat naispoliitikkojen työelämän voimavara. Kirjoitusten mukaan tehokkaat nuoret naispoliitikot kykenivät halutessaan olemaan sekä ”pullantuoksuisia” äitejä että menestyviä poliitikkoja. Samalla kirjoitukset kuitenkin epäsuorasti osoittivat, ettei yksityisen ja julkisen elämän ristiriita kadonnut naispoliitikkojen kuvauksista: se vain muutti muotoaan ja sai uuden ratkaisun. Miespoliitikkojen luontevana esitetty asiantuntemus Annassa julkaistut miespoliitikkojen haastattelut ovat läpi tutkitun ajanjakson uusintaneet mielikuvaa yhteiskunnallisesta tilasta miehille luontaisesti sopivana ympäristönä. Niissä puhutaan politiikasta ikään kuin se olisi ainoastaan miesten hallitsema elämänpiiri. Poliitikka näyttäytyy miesten välisen kamppailun ja veljeyden kenttänä. Henkilökuvissa miespoliitikot pyrkivät kukistamaan vastustajansa, mutta samalla menestys miesten maailmassa edellyttää muiden miesten hyväksyntää. Henkilökuvissa rakennetaan vahvasti käsitystä miespoliitikoista yhteiskunnallisina asiantuntijoina. Kirjoituksissa heille annetaan tilaa ja mahdollisuuden käsitellä ajankohtaisia poliittisia ongelmia, kuten esimerkiksi terveydenhuollon tilaa tai yleissivistyksen tasoa Suomessa. Ero Annan julkaisemiin naispoliitikkojen haastatteluihin on selvä. Niiden joukossa vuosina 1975–2005 ei ole sellaisia kirjoituksia, joissa naispoliitikolla olisi itsestäänselvästi asiantuntemusta tai arvovaltaa käsitellä koko kansakuntaa askarruttavia yhteiskunnallisia kysymyksiä. Henkilökohtainen on poliittista Annan julkaisemat poliittikkojen henkilökuvat osoittavat, millä tavoin henkilökohtaisiksi mielletyt asiat ovat muuttuneet poliittisiksi. Kärjistäen voi sanoa, että 1970-luvun puolivälissä Suomessa oli vallalla mielikuva, jossa vastakkain asettuivat miesten politiikka ja naisten yksityiselämä. Kolmessakymmenessä vuodessa tilanne on muuttunut. 1980-luvun alussa Anna argumentoi, että naisten kokemus arkielämästä ja lasten kasvattamisesta antoi heille sellaista asiantuntemusta, jota tulisi hyödyntää myös politiikassa. Annan mukaan miesten hallitseva asema politiikassa oli johtanut tilanteeseen, jossa huomattava osa kansasta ei saanut ääntään politiikassa kuuluviin. 2000-luvulle tultaessa on mahdollista nähdä, että politiikkaan on muodostunut naisille sopivana nähty toiminnan sektori, johon kuuluvat esimerkiksi sosiaali- ja terveydenhuolto, opetus-, ympäristö- ja kulttuuripolitiikka sekä kansainvälinen kehitysyhteistyö. Verrattuna 1970-luvun puolivälin tilanteeseen naiset osallistuvat luontevasti huomattavaan osaan suomalaista politiikkaa. Sukupuolittunut yhteiskunnallinen jakolinja ei kulje enää politiikan ja yksityiselämän välillä, vaan politiikan sisällä. Samalla käsitys politiikasta on muuttunut. Hyvinvointivaltion ja valtion sosiaalisektoriin liittyvien vastuiden laajentuminen on johtanut tilanteeseen, jossa naisille sopiviksi miellettyjen poliittisten osaamisalueiden määrä on kasvanut. On myös puhuttu politiikan intimisaatiosta, jolla tarkoitetaan, että valtioiden poliittisen toiminnan piiri on tullut yhä lähemmäs ihmisten henkilökohtaista elämää. Naisten aikaisempaa laajempi poliittinen osallistuminen ei olisi ollut mahdollista ilman keskustelua aiheista, jotka koetaan hyvin henkilökohtaisiksi: ruumiin ja politiikan suhteesta, yksityiselämän ja julkisen elämän suhteesta tai arkielämän kokemusten suhteesta poliittiseen osallistumiseen. Näin henkilökohtainen ja poliittinen ovat olleet jatkuvassa vuorovaikutuksessa keskenään. Annan henkilökuvat kertovat muutoksesta, jossa yksityiselämän tapahtumat ovat tulleet kiinteäksi osaksi politiikan julkisuutta. Yksityiselämän julkisuus on ollut poliitikoille sekä mahdollisuus että haaste. Yhtäältä yksityiselämän julkisuus on tarjonnut miespoliitikoille oivallisen keinon tuoda esille henkilökohtaisensa elämänsä myönteisiä puolia, esimerkiksi omistautumista perheelle. Naispoliitikoille yksityiselämän tuleminen julkiseksi on tarjonnut keinon haastaa ja kyseenalaistaa niitä arvoja, joiden mukaan nainen ei voi onnistuneesti yhdistää menestystä työ- ja perhe-elämässä. Samalla poliittisen julkisuuden muutos on merkinnyt sitä, että yksityiselämästä on tullut poliitikoille myös rasite. Julkisuudessa ei tehdä selkeää rajaa yksityisen ja julkisen elämän välillä, vaan henkilökohtaisen elämän valinnoista ja tapahtumista on tullut erottamaton osa poliitikkojen julkisuuskuvaa. Annan julkaisemien poliitikkojen henkilökuvien analyysi osoittaa, että poliitikot symboloivat yhteiskunnallisia arvoja ja asenteita. Poliitikot eivät ole vain ihmisiä ansioineen ja puutteineen, vaan heidän saamansa julkisuuden kautta keskustellaan suuremmista yhteiskunnallisista kysymyksistä, kuten naisten oikeudesta osallistua politiikkaa tai sukupuolten välisestä työnjaosta yhteiskunnassa. Annassa ilmestyneet poliitikkojen henkilökuvat ovat olleet osa prosessia, jossa suomalainen sukupuolittunut työnjako on neuvoteltu merkittävältä osaltaan uuteen muotoon. Naiset ovat saaneet vastuulleen olennaisen osan suomalaista politiikkaa samalla kun politiikan sisältö on myös muuttunut. Julkisuudessa näkyvien poliitikkojen henkilökohtaisen elämän valinnat asettuvat kontekstiinsa osana neuvotteluprosessia, jossa mietitään ja kyseenlaistetaan yhteiskunnallisia arvoja ja asenteita. Tässäkin mielessä henkilökohtaisesta on tullut poliittista.

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ABSTRACT Introduction The purpose of this study was to assess specific osteoporosis-related health behaviours and physiological outcomes including daily calcium intake, physical activity levels, bone strength, as assessed by quantitative ultrasound, and bone turnover among women between the ages of 18 and 25. Respective differences on relevant study variables, based on dietary restraint and oral contraceptive use were also examined. Methods One hundred women (20.6 ± 0.2 years of age) volunteered to participate in the study. Informed written consent was obtained by all subjects prior to participation. The study and all related procedures were approved by the Brock University Research Ethics Board. Body mass, height, relative body fat, as well as chest, waist and hip circumferences were measured using standard procedures. The 10-item restrained eating subscale of the Dutch Eating Behaviour Questionnaire (DEBQ) was used to assess dietary restraint (van Strien et al., 1986). Daily calcium intake was assessed by the Rapid Assessment Method (RAM) (Hertzler & Frary 1994). Weekly physical activity was documented by the 4-item Godin Leisure-Time Exercise Questionnaire (Godin & Shephard 1985). Bone strength was determined from the speed of sound (SOS) as measured by QUS (Sunlight 7000S). SOS measurements (m/s) were taken of the dominant and non-dominant sides of the distal one third of the radius and the mid-shaft of the tibia. Resting blood samples were collected from all subjects between 9am and 12pm, in order to evaluate the impact of lifestyle factors on biochemical markers of bone turnover. Blood was collected during the early follicular phase of the menstrual cycle (approximately days 1-5) for all subjects. Samples were centrifliged and the serum or plasma was aliquoted into separate tubes and stored at -80°C until analysis. The bone formation markers measured were Osteocalcin (OC), bone specific alkaline phosphatase (BAP) and 25-OH vitamin D. The bone resorption markers measured were the carboxy (CTx) and amino (NTx) terminal telopeptides of type-I collagen crosslinks. All markers were assessed by ELISA. Subjects were divided into high (HDR) and low dietary restrainers (LDR) based on the median DEBQ score, and also into users (BC) and non-users (nBC) of oral contraceptives. A series of multiple one way ANOVA's were then conducted to identify differences between each set of groups for all relevant variables. A two-way ANOVA analysis was used to explore significant interactions between dietary restraint and use of oral contraceptives while a univariate follow-up analysis was also performed when appropriate. Pearson Product Moment Correlations were used to determine relationships among study variables. Results HDR had significantly higher BMI, %BF and circumference measures but lower daily calcium intake than LDR. There were no significant differences in physical activity levels between HDR and LDR. No significant differences were found between BC and nBC in body composition, calcium intake and physical activity. HDR had significantly lower tibial SOS scores than LDR in both the dominant and non-dominant sites. The post-hoc analysis showed that within the non-birth control group, the HDR had significantly lower tibial SOS scores of bone strength when compared to the LDR but Aere were no significant differences found between the two dietary restraint groups for those currently on birth control. HDR had significantly lower levels of OC than LDR and the BC group had lower levels of BAP than the nBC group. Consistently, the follow-up analysis revealed that within those not on birth control, subjects who were classified as HDR had significantly (f*<0.05) lower levels of OC when compared with LDR but no significant differences were observed in bone turnover between the two dietary restraint groups for those currently on birth control. Physical activity was not correlated with SOS scores and bone turnover markers possibly due to the low physical activity variability in this group of women. Conclusion This is the first study to examine the effects of dietary restraint on bone strength and turnover among this population of women. The most important finding of this study was that bone strength and turnover are negatively influenced by dietary restraint independent of relative body fat. In general, the results of the present thesis suggest that dietary restraint, oral contraceptive use, as well as low daily calcium intake and low physical activity levels were widespread behaviours among this population of college-aged women. The young women who were using dietary restraint as a strategy to lose weight, and thus were in the HDR group, despite their higher relative body fat and weight, had lower scores of bone strength and lower levels of markers of bone turnover compared to the low dietary restrainers. Additionally, bone turnover seemed to be negatively affected by oral contraceptives, while bone strength, as assessed by QUS, seemed unaffected by their use in this population of young women. Physical activity (weekly energy expenditure), on the other hand, was not associated with either bone strength or bone tiimover possibly due to the low variability of this variable in this population of young Canadian women.

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In this thesis I outline a critical approach to interpreting the considerable academic literature on Aboriginal women in North America. I locate the scholarship concerning Native women within an understanding of three developments related to a philosophy of science: (I) paradigmatic shifts concerning the philosophy of science, (2) materialist-idealist debates and (3) transitions in feminist theory characterized by what is tenned the shift from second to third wave feminism. My exploration of emergent themes suggests that the elements indicated above provide overlapping frameworks within which most scholarship about Indigenous women is positioned. I illustrate my finding that employing critical discourse analysis and postcolonial feminism as both method and theory provides a useful approach in attending to intersecting experiences of 'race, class, and gender.' I view these intersecting experiences as central to the socio-political positioning of Indigenous women within contemporary feminist theorizing. I conclude my thesis by reflecting on the conceptual struggles I experienced in fonnulating and organizing the thesis and the significance of my underlying epistemological position and value-orientation as both a feminist and Native woman.

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The development, assessment, and implementation of a program evaluation instrument was carried out to evaluate the impact and efficacy of the EMPOWER Program. This intervention was created to educate residents at a shelter for abused women with an anticipated outcome of prevention. Participants included the staff and residents at 2 shelters in Southern Ontario. Client pre, post and follow-up measures were obtained and analyzed statistically and using keyword content analysis. A single staff measure was obtained and summarized using keyword content analysis. Qualitative results were suggestive of important change in participants. All women in the post and follow-up measures believed their participation in the EMPOWER Program provided them with the knowledge, skills, and confidence to avoid abusive relationships in the fliture. This transformational impact was repeatedly expressed in both resident and staff feedback. Limitations of this research, as well as suggestions for future study were discussed.

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The St. Catharines and District Council of Women was founded in 1918 and elected as its first president, Mary Malcolmson. In 1910 Mrs. Malcolmson founded North America’s first Girl Guide Association in St. Catharines. The aim of the organization was to work for the betterment of conditions pertaining to the family, community and state. The Council is an umbrella group for various womens organizations in the area and functions at the provincial, national and international levels and is associated with the United Nations. In the early years the National Council brought in the Victorian Order of Nurses (VON) and started the Womens Canadian Club. The St. Catharines Council initiated Child Welfare Centres in local churches that grew into the Well Baby Clinics. Women were encouraged to take political office and join committees with much success. In 1929, “Shop at Home” exhibition became an annual event highlighting the services of local merchants. Money raised by the Council was donated to local charities and in 1930 the Council assisted the local Armenian community in building the first Armenian Church in Canada. In 1932 the Council started the Maternal Welfare programme in which Mothers’ Meetings were held weekly with various speakers from the Public Health Department. In 1975 to celebrate International Womens Year and the 1976 Centennial of the City of St. Catharines, the group sponsored the book Women of Action, 1876-1976, written by two of its members, Lily M. Bell and Kathleen E. Bray. Some time after 1976 the name of the organization changed from St. Catharines Local Council of Women to St. Catharines and District Council of Women. Today the organization functions as an advocacy and educational group.

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There is an increase in the number of older adults 85 and over, who are choosing to live alone within the community. Moreover, older adults who live alone are reportedly spending an extensive amount of time alone within the home environment. In an effort to provide additional support and resources to older adults living in the community, a compliment of services are being offered through public and private organizations. These in-home supports focus on the instrumental or functional tasks of daily living, such as personal and rehabilitative care, nourishment, maintenance and upkeep of the home, as well as volunteer social visitation. However leisure resources and programs are not included among these services. Consequently, this creates a gap in leisure provision among this segment of the population. Throughout the life course, an individual's identity, role and purpose are developed and sustained through instrumental work roles in the formal and informal sector, as well as through personally meaningful leisure pastimes and experiences. Although roles shift post retirement, participation in instrumental and expressive activities can provide opportunities through which older adults are able to fulfill their need for agency (individuality and autonomy) and affiliation (social relatedness). Therefore barriers that inhibit instrumental or leisure experiences can negatively impact older adults' quality of life. This study explored the leisure lifestyles of four older adults, all of whom were over 85, lived alone within the community and were oriented to person, time and place. It became apparent that participants ordered their lives around a routine that consisted of instrumental, expressive and socially integrated tasks and activities. Moreover participants purposely chose to remain at home because their home environment facilitated freedom, choice and independence. As a result all four participants viewed their independence within the home as a critical determinant to their overall quality of life. Challenges associated with the home environment, participants' personal capacities and relationships were negotiated on a daily basis. Failure to positively adapt to these challenges inhibited meaningful engagement and personal fulfillment. Traditionally, leisure service delivery has been offered within institutions and through various community based venues. As a result leisure provision has been focused on the needs of the frail elderly who reside in institutions or the well elderly who are able to access leisure amenities within the community. However the growing number of older adults electing to live alone is on the rise. As individuals age the home becomes the preferred context for leisure experiences. If older adults are choosing to live alone, then both their instrumental and leisure needs must be addressed. As a result, it is imperative that leisure professionals extend the scope of service delivery to include home centered older adults.

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This critical analysis explores the conflicted position of women as ''trailing spouses" and the effects on families who relocate globally under the auspices of a multinational corporation, by utilizing a discursive analysis of two contemporary films and available literature. Current portrayals of women and children in contemporary media provide emotional yet conflicting images of the perfect woman, wife, mother, child and family. The basic tenets of a North American patriarchal economic system are being televised around the world. Technological advancements have made it possible to advertise political agendas on a global television screen. Much of what we see is propaganda couched in films and advertisements that are designed to romantic~e the practice of deriving profits from the unpaid labor of woman and invisibility of children and child rearing. I intend to show that the materiality of trailing a spouse globally conflicts with these romanticized images and supports feminist literature that asserts the notion that mothers and children are oppressed and managed for the benefit of capital.

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When looked at individually, overweight status and a higher frequency of negative appearance commentary (AC) are associated with lower physical activity (PA) levels. However, the combined effect has yet to be examined. The purpose of this study was to examine if the frequency of AC moderated the relationship between weight status and PA in college-aged females. No significant differences in PA levels (F(1,99)=2.41, p=.12) were found between the Never Overweight and Previously/Presently Overweight groups. Significant correlations existed for both negative AC (r=-.30, p=.00) and positive AC (r=.20, p=.05) with PA participation. AC did not significantly moderate the relationship between weight status and PA (F(2,95)=.65, p=.52, R2 adjusted=.13) as the interaction term did not account for any additional increase in variance (ΔR2=.01). Overall, AC frequency does not moderate the relationship between weight status and PA; other predictor variables should be explored.

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This thesis explores Aboriginal women's access to and success within universities through an examination of Aboriginal women's educational narratives, along with input from key service providers from both the Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal community. Implemented through the Wildfire Research Method, participants engaged in a consensusbased vision of accessible education that honours the spiritual, emotional, intellectual, and physical elements necessary for the success of Aboriginal women in university. This study positions Aboriginal women as agents of social change by allowing them to define their own needs and offer viable solutions to those needs. Further, it connects service providers from the many disconnected sectors that implicate Aboriginal women's education access. The realities of Aboriginal women are contextualized through historical, sociocultural, and political analyses, revealing the need for a decolonizing educational approach. This fosters a shift away from a deficit model toward a cultural and linguistic assets based approach that emphasizes the need for strong cultural identity formation. Participants revealed academic, cultural, and linguistic barriers and offered clear educational specifications for responsive and culturally relevant programming that will assist Aboriginal women in developing and maintaining strong cultural identities. Findings reveal the need for curriculum that focuses on decolonizing and reclaiming Aboriginal women's identities, and program outcomes that encourage balance between two worldviews-traditional and academic-through the application of cultural traditions to modern contexts, along with programming that responds to the immediate needs of Aboriginal women such as childcare, housing, and funding, and provide an opportunity for universities and educators to engage in responsive and culturally grounded educational approaches.

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The University Womens Club of St. Catharines was founded in 1921, two years after the formation of its national affiliate, the Canadian Federation of University Women. Membership was limited to women with university degrees. In early 2000 the constitution was expanded to include professions that now require university or college degrees. Associate members (non-voting) and student members were also accepted in 2007 by our local club. The purposes of the club are to assist in maintaining high standards of education in Canada, to stimulate members’ interest and participation in public affairs, to provide an opportunity for collective action, and to facilitate intellectual and social pursuits among members. The club takes an active interest in the status of women, provides scholarships at the university and high school levels, encourages reading in the formative years, makes charitable donations to support women and children’s services. In 1988 our club changed its name to Canadian Federation of University WomenSt. Catharines at the direction of the National Office of CFUW.

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The purpose of this research project was to explore how women lightweight rowers in Ontario negotiate their gender and body identity. Through a feminist post-structural lens I investigated both ‘acceptable’ and contradictory gender and sport performances that exist in the culture of rowing in order to understand how identity is constructed at the intersection of these discourses. My goal was to learn how human experiences are shaped by discourses of power, and resulting constructions of acceptable gender attributes. Seven university-aged lightweight womens rowers were interviewed, and the following themes were uncovered: the women are constantly engaging in acts of bodily control; often body image is affected by participation in the sport; there are instances of femininity that exist within the culture of lightweight rowing; inequalities are present within the culture, as are excuse making practices; and the potential for resistance is extremely complicated.

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The future of sustainability is tied to the future of our ability to manage interconnectedness and interdependence, and thus to our abilities to engage in cooperative, value-creating public deliberations and negotiations.To understand these issues,we need a better understanding of the micro-politics of planning and public participation, the relationships between our received theories and our practices, and in particular, the work of public dispute resolution and its implications for democratic deliberation and governance.We need better to understand the differences between dialogue, debate, and negotiation, as well as the corresponding work of facilitating a dialogue, moderating a debate, and mediating an actual negotiation. Contrasting processes and practical attitudes of dialogue, debate, and negotiation can teach us, in the context of creating a sustainable future, that we must devise discursive and conversational political processes and institutions that explore possible commitments so that we not only know the right things to do but actually bring ourselves and one another to do those right things.

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Within the framework of the “capability approach” to human rights, this paper argues that adults who facilitate participatory planning and design with children and youth have an ethical obligation to foster young people’s capacities for active democratic citizenship. Practitioners often worry, justifiably, that if young people fail to see their ideas realized, they may become disillusioned and alienated from political life. Based on the experience of the Growing Up in Cities program of UNESCO, four rules of good practice are distilled which can help promote young people’s belief in the value of collective action, regardless of the challenges that the full implementation of their ideas may face.

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Ce mémoire de maîtrise s’intéresse à la portée et aux limites de la participation publique à la gestion des ressources naturelles. Plus spécifiquement, une étude du cas de la Commission Coulombe est réalisée afin de déterminer, d’une part, dans quelle mesure la participation délibérative a favorisé l’émergence de nouveaux discours et quels ont été ses effets politiques, d’autre part. L’argumentation se fonde sur une approche discursive-institutionnelle et, plus précisément, sur la notion d’arrangement politique développé par Bas Arts et Pieter Leroy. L’étude de la Commission Coulombe révèle que la participation délibérative a permis de renforcer la légitimité des institutions étatiques, elle a encouragé l’émergence de préoccupations et de notions nouvelles, elle a eu des effets sur l’élaboration des règles, des politiques et des programmes et a permis une certaine redéfinition des rapports de pouvoirs entre les acteurs du régime forestier québécois. Ses effets sont cependant ambivalents en termes de démocratisation de la gestion publique. Les pouvoirs publics ont utilisé la Commission pour rétablir leur crédibilité, justifier des décisions impopulaires et faire avancer les grandes orientations du gouvernement. De plus, les acteurs qui ont acquis le plus de pouvoir et les enjeux qui ont émergés de façon la plus marquée sont ceux qui étaient favorisés par le contexte politique de modernisation de l’État québécois.