923 resultados para Retired military personnel


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Causing civilian casualties during military operations has become a much politicised topic in international relations since the Second World War. Since the last decade of the 20th century, different scholars and political analysts have claimed that human life is valued more and more among the general international community. This argument has led many researchers to assume that democratic culture and traditions, modern ethical and moral issues have created a desire for a world without war or, at least, a demand that contemporary armed conflicts, if unavoidable, at least have to be far less lethal forcing the military to seek new technologies that can minimise civilian casualties and collateral damage. Non-Lethal Weapons (NLW) – weapons that are intended to minimise civilian casualties and collateral damage – are based on the technology that, during the 1990s, was expected to revolutionise the conduct of warfare making it significantly less deadly. The rapid rise of interest in NLW, ignited by the American military twenty five years ago, sparked off an entirely new military, as well as an academic, discourse concerning their potential contribution to military success on the 21st century battlefields. It seems, however, that except for this debate, very little has been done within the military forces themselves. This research suggests that the roots of this situation are much deeper than the simple professional misconduct of the military establishment, or the poor political behaviour of political leaders, who had sent them to fight. Following the story of NLW in the U.S., Russia and Israel this research focuses on the political and cultural aspects that have been supposed to force the military organisations of these countries to adopt new technologies and operational and organisational concepts regarding NLW in an attempt to minimise enemy civilian casualties during their military operations. This research finds that while American, Russian and Israeli national characters are, undoubtedly, products of the unique historical experience of each one of these nations, all of three pay very little regard to foreigners’ lives. Moreover, while it is generally argued that the international political pressure is a crucial factor that leads to the significant reduction of harmed civilians and destroyed civilian infrastructure, the findings of this research suggest that the American, Russian and Israeli governments are well prepared and politically equipped to fend off international criticism. As the analyses of the American, Russian and Israeli cases reveal, the political-military leaderships of these countries have very little external or domestic reasons to minimise enemy civilian casualties through fundamental-revolutionary change in their conduct of war. In other words, this research finds that employment of NLW have failed because the political leadership asks the militaries to reduce the enemy civilian casualties to a politically acceptable level, rather than to the technologically possible minimum; as in the socio-cultural-political context of each country, support for the former appears to be significantly higher than for the latter.

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The association between working hours and work ability was examined in a cross-sectional study of male (N = 156) and female (N = 1092) nurses in three public hospitals. Working hours were considered in terms of their professional and domestic hours per week and their combined impact; total work load. Logistic regression analysis showed a significant association between total work load and inadequate work ability index (WAI) for females only. Females reported a higher proportion of inadequate WAI, fewer professional work hours but longer domestic work hours. There were no significant differences in total work load by gender. The combination of professional and domestic work hours in females seemed to best explain their lower work ability. The findings suggest that investigations into female well-being need to consider their total work load. Our male sample may have lacked sufficient power to detect a relationship between working hours and work ability. (c) 2008 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.

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To test the association between night work and work ability, and verify whether the type of contractual employment has any influence over this association. Permanent workers (N = 642) and workers with precarious jobs (temporary contract or outsourced; N = 552) were interviewed and filled out questionnaires concerning work hours and work ability index. They were classified into: never worked at night, ex-night workers, currently working up to five nights, and currently working at least six nights/2-week span. After adjusting for socio-demography and work variables, current night work was significantly associated with inadequate WAI (vs. day work with no experience in night work) only for precarious workers (OR 2.00, CI 1.01-3.95 and OR 1.85, CI 1.09-3.13 for those working up to five nights and those working at least six nights in 2 weeks, respectively). Unequal opportunities at work and little experience in night work among precarious workers may explain their higher susceptibility to night work.

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The classification of galaxies as star forming or active is generally done in the ([O III]/H beta, [N II]/H alpha) plane. The Sloan Digital Sky Survey (SDSS) has revealed that, in this plane, the distribution of galaxies looks like the two wings of a seagull. Galaxies in the right wing are referred to as Seyfert/LINERs, leading to the idea that non-stellar activity in galaxies is a very common phenomenon. Here, we argue that a large fraction of the systems in the right wing could actually be galaxies which stopped forming stars. The ionization in these `retired` galaxies would be produced by hot post-asymptotic giant branch stars and white dwarfs. Our argumentation is based on a stellar population analysis of the galaxies via our STARLIGHT code and on photoionization models using the Lyman continuum radiation predicted for this population. The proportion of LINER galaxies that can be explained in such a way is, however, uncertain. We further show how observational selection effects account for the shape of the right wing. Our study suggests that nuclear activity may not be as common as thought. If retired galaxies do explain a large part of the seagull`s right wing, some of the work concerning nuclear activity in galaxies, as inferred from SDSS data, will have to be revised.

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This article describes a prototype system for quantifying bioassays and for exchanging the results of the assays digitally with physicians located off-site. The system uses paper-based microfluidic devices for running multiple assays simultaneously, camera phones or portable scanners for digitizing the intensity of color associated with each colorimetric assay, and established communications infrastructure for transferring the digital information from the assay site to an off-site laboratory for analysis by a trained medical professional; the diagnosis then can be returned directly to the healthcare provider in the field. The microfluidic devices were fabricated in paper using photolithography and were functionalized with reagents for colorimetric assays. The results of the assays were quantified by comparing the intensities of the color developed in each assay with those of calibration curves. An example of this system quantified clinically relevant concentrations of glucose and protein in artificial urine. The combination of patterned paper, a portable method for obtaining digital images, and a method for exchanging results of the assays with off-site diagnosticians offers new opportunities for inexpensive monitoring of health, especially in situations that require physicians to travel to patients (e.g., in the developing world, in emergency management, and during field operations by the military) to obtain diagnostic information that might be obtained more effectively by less valuable personnel.

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BACKGROUND: Administration of medication to care recipients is delegated to home-care assistants working in the municipal social care, alongside responsibility for providing personal assistance for older people. Home-care assistants have practical administration skills, but lack formal medical knowledge. AIM: The aim of this study was to explore how home-care assistants perceive administration of medication to older people living at home, as delegated to them in the context of social care. METHODS: Four focus groups consisting of 19 home-care assistants were conducted. Data were analysed using qualitative content analysis. RESULTS: According to home-care assistants, health and social care depends on delegation arrangements to function effectively, but in the first place it relieves a burden for district nurses. Even when the delegation had expired, administration of medication continued, placing the statutes of regulation in a subordinate position. There was low awareness among home-care assistants about the content of the statutes of delegation. Accepting delegation to administer medications has become an implicit prerequisite for social care work in the municipality. CONCLUSIONS: Accepting the delegation to administer medication was inevitable and routine. In practice, the regulating statute is made subordinate and consequently patient safety can be threatened. The organisation of health and social care relies on the delegation arrangement to meet the needs of a growing number of older home-care recipients. IMPLICATIONS FOR PRACTICE: This is a crucial task which management within both the healthcare professions and municipal social care needs to address, to bridge the gap between statutes and practice, to create arenas for mutual collaboration in the care recipients' best interest and to ensure patient safety.

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Failure to contemplate and define an appropriate role for the armed forces of the national government in domestic crises of this sort is a serious problem. It is all the more serious now as these potential crises seem to multiply in character and scope. This thesis will explore the history of this problem and its recent implications. It will argue the need for a comprehensive, operational framework, codified in law, which defines the various alternative uses of all emergency services, both civilian and military, and is applicable to “all hazards.” I will attempt to provide a blue-print for what such a framework should look like.

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A tese apresenta um estudo do trabalho policial, tendo por referência empírica a Polícia Civil do Estado do Rio Grande do Sul. O trabalho policial é analisado a partir das relações sociais no campo de poder jurídico, que engloba, além da Polícia Civil, a Polícia Militar, o Ministério Público e o Poder Judiciário. Apresenta-se e analisa-se o processo de mudança quanto aos métodos de recrutamento e de formação dos novos policiais. Apresenta-se também uma análise das mudanças ocorridas no perfil sócio-demográfico dos policiais civis ao longo do período entre 1970 e 2004. Detalham-se as atividades desenvolvidas nas delegacias de polícia, apresentando os seguintes setores: o plantão, a investigação, o cartório e a secretaria. Discutem-se as formas através das quais, no desempenho das atividades policiais, ocorrem lutas pela classificação e pelo reconhecimento, que constituem múltiplas oposições, tais como entre "operacional" e "burocrata" e agente e delegado, entre outras. A abordagem das conexões entre trabalho policial e relações de gênero se faz presente ao longo do desenvolvimento da análise Considera-se que no estudo do trabalho policial civil, as questões de gênero remetem às representações e práticas de violência policial. Em outros termos, argumenta-se acerca da importância das relações de gênero na análise do trabalho policial, especialmente no que diz respeito às concepções de masculinidade, constitutivas classicamente da cultura policial, e às novas formas de expressão dessas relações sociais a partir da crescente presença feminina nos quadros da Polícia Civil do Estado do Rio Grande do Sul. A tese propicia a reflexão sobre as formas que assumem, hoje, as carreiras na Polícia Civil do Rio Grande do Sul, apontando avanços, embora em ritmo que inclui tempos de parada e espera, em direção ao uso de critérios públicos abrangentes na condução de seu agir.

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My purpose is to present some reflections about my experience in interviewing Brazilian military officers. Despite the specificity of the Brazilian case, I trust that these observations may serve as a comparative reference for the study of military institutions in other contexts.

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Esta tese é uma reflexão sobre a construção de escritas da História do Brasil em museus, a partir da década de 1920, momento fulcral para o estabelecimento de uma “pedagogia da nacionalidade” republicana, que tem por suporte o discurso museal. Alguns dos esforços político-pedagógicos dessas instituições foram observados, com o objetivo de compreender as principais características de um paradigma educativo para o saber histórico nos museus. Assim, a análise das comemorações cívicas, dos guias de divulgação e das exposições permitiu uma aproximação das ativações memoriais ensejadas pelos atores dos museus, com atenção para as continuidades, as negociações e as transformações dos projetos, especialmente em sua dimensão pedagógica. O Museu Mariano Procópio foi selecionado para a realização de um estudo de caso, tanto por suas especificidades, que nos induzem a pensar o “concerto” dos museus nacionais a partir do interior do país como pela relevância de seu acervo e pela intensidade de ações educativas desenvolvidas na gestão de Geralda Armond (1944-1980). A gestão Armond é o foco da tese, sendo marcada pela defesa da continuidade institucional e do enquadramento da memória da família Lage; pela luta pela sustentação material do Museu, inclusive com uma forte aproximação com o regime civil e militar; e pela busca da profissionalização de quadros e do dinamismo das ações. Os resultados atentam para a multiplicidade e fragilidade na construção identitária do Museu, associada ao fato de ser um museu “municipal”. Uma situação que explica, ao menos em parte, seu esquecimento no cenário nacional a despeito de seu acervo expressivo e das articulações encetadas com o sistema escolar, por meio do fortalecimento do sentido cívico de suas ações pedagógicas.

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Last week I sat down with a Brazilian acquaintance who was shaking his head over the state of national politics. A graduate of a military high school, he'd been getting e-mails from former classmates, many of them now retired army officers, who were irate over the recent presidential elections. "We need to kick these no-good Petistas out of office," one bristled, using the derogatory shorthand for members of the ruling Workers Party, or PT in Portuguese.