897 resultados para James Petras, Hugo Chavez, Mass-Media


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Investigação sobre a regionalização das redes de comunicação, em especial a televisão, fenômeno que representa uma realidade de segmentação da comunicação massiva. Objetiva-se analisar e classificar as emissoras regionais de televisão com relação aos seus modos de inserção local, observando-se suas especificidades, programação, estratégias de comunicação e ações de conquista de identidade com a comunidade onde estão inseridas, além de tentar compreender como se deu a expansão da televisão nessa região, desde a implantação da primeira emissora, em 1988, na cidade de São José dos Campos SP. Tomando-se como recorte de estudo, as emissoras de televisão regional de sinal aberto no Vale do Paraíba, estado de São Paulo, foram realizadas entrevistas semi-abertas com profissionais das áreas comercial e de programação das mesmas e aplicados questionários junto a uma amostra da população do Vale do Paraíba que representa os telespectadores potenciais da área de cobertura dessas emissoras, a fim de se identificar a percepção que o público receptor tem a respeito da presença e atuação das televisões locais. Conclui-se que os diferentes modos de inserção local das emissoras influem diretamente na relação de identidade das mesmas com os telespectadores da região.(AU)

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Esta tese aborda o declínio da audiência das grandes redes de TV aberta e os recursos narrativos que os produtores de programas adotaram para enfrentar essa tendência mundial. O estudo traz um panorama da situação da audiência no âmbito internacional e foca, particularmente, o caso do Brasil, onde três grandes emissoras mantém, no conjunto, uma das mais altas concentrações de público do mundo. Depois de analisar a fragmentação das audiências televisivas nas duas últimas décadas e os números que indicam a crescente dispersão dos telespectadores entre múltiplas ofertas de mídia disponíveis nos dias atuais, o trabalho discute as estratégias de programação e de construção de conteúdos. Além de teóricos que pesquisaram a chamada semiótica televisiva , servem de base para a investigação depoimentos de produtores e análises de programas de grande audiência. O objetivo é revelar os procedimentos utilizados para atrair e manter a atenção dos telespectadores, os quais começam com as medições de audiência e os estudos sobre o comportamento dos consumidores em relação à TV. A tese discute também como ocorre a exposição dos telespectadores em um ambiente onde existem várias opções de dispositivos para ver atrações televisivas ou para fazer outras atividades comunicacionais. A escolha deste tema de investigação partiu do princípio de que a exposiçao é condição essencial para sustentar o estudo de outras fases e outros aspectos do processo de comunicação, como a influência dos meios sobre a cultura e a sociedade. Em um contexto onde a mídia ocupa tanto tempo de nosso cotidiano, o impacto dos meios de comunicação de massa pode ser diretamente proporcional ao número de pessoas que eles alcançam e aos nossos hábitos de consumo de informação e entretenimento.

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Esta tese aborda o declínio da audiência das grandes redes de TV aberta e os recursos narrativos que os produtores de programas adotaram para enfrentar essa tendência mundial. O estudo traz um panorama da situação da audiência no âmbito internacional e foca, particularmente, o caso do Brasil, onde três grandes emissoras mantém, no conjunto, uma das mais altas concentrações de público do mundo. Depois de analisar a fragmentação das audiências televisivas nas duas últimas décadas e os números que indicam a crescente dispersão dos telespectadores entre múltiplas ofertas de mídia disponíveis nos dias atuais, o trabalho discute as estratégias de programação e de construção de conteúdos. Além de teóricos que pesquisaram a chamada semiótica televisiva , servem de base para a investigação depoimentos de produtores e análises de programas de grande audiência. O objetivo é revelar os procedimentos utilizados para atrair e manter a atenção dos telespectadores, os quais começam com as medições de audiência e os estudos sobre o comportamento dos consumidores em relação à TV. A tese discute também como ocorre a exposição dos telespectadores em um ambiente onde existem várias opções de dispositivos para ver atrações televisivas ou para fazer outras atividades comunicacionais. A escolha deste tema de investigação partiu do princípio de que a exposiçao é condição essencial para sustentar o estudo de outras fases e outros aspectos do processo de comunicação, como a influência dos meios sobre a cultura e a sociedade. Em um contexto onde a mídia ocupa tanto tempo de nosso cotidiano, o impacto dos meios de comunicação de massa pode ser diretamente proporcional ao número de pessoas que eles alcançam e aos nossos hábitos de consumo de informação e entretenimento.

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Este estudo apresenta uma discussão a respeito de drogas e de alunos usuários de drogas na escola, explorando as Representações Sociais manifestadas por professores que atuam na Rede Estadual de São Paulo, no ensino Médio. O estudo resgata aspectos históricos e sociais que influenciaram representações sociais sobre drogas em diferentes contextos da sociedade, na perspectiva de buscar compreender a maneira como atualmente elas se apresentam. Discute aspectos conceituais da Teoria das Representações Sociais a partir de Moscovici, considerando contribuições de Jodelet, e outros autores. Os dados coletados por meio de questionários e entrevistas foram analisados com o auxílio de dois softwares, o ALCESTE para análise lexical e o EVOC para análise de associação de palavras ou expressões, em articulação com uma análise de conteúdo clássica sugerida por Maria Laura Puglisi Barbosa Franco. O resultado identificou que as representações sociais sobre drogas na escola e alunos usuários estão ancoradas no modo como a grande mídia trata o tema, de forma alarmista e sensacionalista, influenciando grande parte dos professores que associa drogas na escola à violência. Verificou-se ainda que objetivação do aluno usuário de drogas é simbolizada como doença e que o grupo pesquisado segue as representações sociais há muito tempo estruturadas na sociedade, tendo a normalidade como sinônimo de saúde e a drogadição como condição desviante, decorrente de patologias. Assim, espera-se estar contribuindo para a reflexão sobre o uso e abuso de drogas nas escolas, um tema indispensável e que precisa ser enfrentado para construir-se uma via que leve a uma Educação justa e democrática.(AU)

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Firmly situating South African teams, players, and associations in the international framework in which they have to compete, South Africa and the Global Game: Football, Apartheid, and Beyond presents an interdisciplinary analysis of how and why South Africa underwent a remarkable transformation from a pariah in world sport to the first African host of a World Cup in 2010. Written by an eminent team of scholars, this special issue and book aims to examine the importance of football in South African society, revealing how the black oppression transformed a colonial game into a force for political, cultural and social liberation. It explores how the hosting of the 2010 World Cup aims to enhance the prestige of the post-apartheid nation, to generate economic growth and stimulate Pan-African pride. Among the themes dealt with are race and racism, class and gender dynamics, social identities, mass media and culture, and globalization. This collection of original and insightful essays will appeal to specialists in African Studies, Cultural Studies, and Sport Studies, as well as to non-specialist readers seeking to inform themselves ahead of the 2010 World Cup. This book was published as a special issue of Soccer and Society. 1. Introduction Peter Alegi and Chris Bolsmann Part 1: Past is Prologue – History of Football in South Africa 2. Football as Code: The Social Diffusion of ‘Soccer’ in South Africa Lloyd Hill 3. White Football in South Africa: Empire, Apartheid and Change, 1892 – 1977 Chris Bolsmann 4. A Biography of Darius Dhlomo: Transnational Footballer in the Era of Apartheid Peter Alegi 5. Women and Gender in South African Soccer Cynthia Fabrizio Pelak Part 2: Football Culture after Apartheid: Local and Transnational Dynamics 6. "You Must Support Chiefs: Pirates Already Have Two White Fans!" Race and Racial Discourse in South African Football Fandom Marc Fletcher 7. "It wasn’t that I did not like South African Football": Media, History, and Biography Sean Jacobs 8. Soccer in a Rugby Town: Restructuring Football in Stellenbosch Sylvain Cubizolles 9. Differing Trajectories: Football Development and Patterns of Player Migration in South Africa and Ghana Paul Darby and Eirik Solberg Part 3: The 2010 World Cup: Challenges and Opportunities 10. Football's Tsars: Proprietorship, Corporatism and Politics in the 2010 FIFA World Cup Scarlett Cornelissen 11. Sports as Cultural Diplomacy: The 2010 FIFA World Cup in South Africa’s Foreign Policy Sifiso Mxolisi Ndlovu 12. World Cup 2010: Africa’s Turn or the Turn on Africa? Ashwin Desai and Goolam Vahed 13. The 2010 FIFA World Cup: Critical Voices From Below Percy Ngonyama.

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The aim of this study was to investigate the effect of the socio-cultural environment upon the motivation school children have to learn foreign languages. Motivation was therefore considered from a sociolinguistic, rather than from a psycholinguistic perspective, giving primary importance to contextual, as opposed to personal factors. In order to examine the degree of relationship between motivational intensity and the contextual factors of parental attitudes, amount of foreign language exposure and the employment related value of foreign language learning (FLL), data obtained from school children living in two distinct sociolinguistic environments (Mulhouse, France and Walsall, England) were compared and contrasted. A structured sample drawn from pupils attending schools in Mulhouse and Walsall supplied the data base for this research. The main thrust of the study was quantitative in approach, involving the distribution of almost 1000 questionnaires to pupils in both towns. This was followed up by the use of qualitative methods, in the form of in-depth interviews with an individually matched sample of over 50 French/English pupils. The findings of the study indicate that FLL orientations, attitudes and motivation vary considerably between the two sociolinguistic environments. Levels of motivation were generally higher in the French sample than in the English one. Desire to learn foreign languages and a commitment to expend effort in order to fulfil this desire were key components of this motivation. The study also found evidence to suggest that the importance accorded to FLL by the socio-cultural context, communicated to the child through the socialisation agents of the family, the mass media and prospective employers, is of key importance in FLL motivation.

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This article investigates the role of translation and interpreting in political discourse. It illustrates discursive events in the domain of politics and the resulting discourse types, such as jointly produced texts, press conferences and speeches. It shows that methods of Critical Discourse Analysis can be used effectively to reveal translation and interpreting strategies as well as transformations that occur in recontextualisation processes across languages, cultures, and discourse domains, in particular recontextualisation in mass media. It argues that the complexity of translational activities in the field of politics has not yet seen sufficient attention within Translation Studies. The article concludes by outlining a research programme for investigating political discourse in translation. ©2012 John Benjamins Publishing Company.

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Large-scale evacuations are a recurring theme on news channels, whether in response to major natural or manmade disasters. The role of warning dissemination is a key part in the success of such large-scale evacuations and its inadequacy in certain cases has been a 'primary contribution to deaths and injuries' (Hayden et al.; 2007). Along with technology-driven 'official warning channels' (e.g. sirens, mass media), the role of unofficial channel (e.g. neighbours, personal contacts, volunteer wardens) has proven to be significant in warning the public of the need to evacuate. Although post-evacuation studies identify the behaviours of evacuees as disseminators of the warning message, there has not been a detailed study that quantifies the effects of such behaviour on the warning message dissemination. This paper develops an Agent-Based Simulation (ABS) model of multiple agents (evacuee households) in a hypothetical community to investigate the impact of behaviour as an unofficial channel on the overall warning dissemination. Parameters studied include the percentage of people who warn their neighbours, the efficiency of different official warning channels, and delay time to warn neighbours. Even with a low proportion of people willing to warn their neighbour, the results showed considerable impact on the overall warning dissemination. © 2012 Elsevier B.V. All rights reserved.

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Unlike other works of art (painting, sculpture, etc.) a musical composition should be performed, it should sound to become accessible. Therefore, the role of the musical masterly performance is extremely important. But presently it has increased in importance when music through mass communication media i.e. radio, television, sound recording becomes in the full sense of the word the property of millions. Art in all its genres as a means of information helps to recreate a picture of one or other epoch as a whole. Moreover, art has a profound impact on education: it can be positive or negative, creative or destructive. Let us dwell on such aspect of music as means of information and the value of musical mastery activity for brining information to hearers of the alternating generations. Unlike other works of art (painting, sculpture etc.) a musical composition should be performed, it should sound to become intelligible. Therefore, the role of the musical masterly performance is extremely important. But presently it becomes particularly great in the XXI century when music becomes a true property of the masses due to mass media – radio, television, sound recording.

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This research provides data which investigates the feasibility of using fourth generation evaluation during the process of instruction. A semester length course entitled "Multicultural Communications", (PUR 5406/4934) was designed and used in this study, in response to the need for the communications profession to produce well-trained culturally sensitive practitioners for the work force and the market place. A revised pause model consisting of three one-on-one indepth interviews conducted outside of the class, three reflections periods during the class and a self-reflective essay prepared one week before the end of the course was analyzed. Narrative and graphic summaries of participant responses produced significant results. The revised pause model was found to be an effective evaluation method for use in multicultural education under certain conditions as perceived by the participants in the study. participant self-perceived behavior change and knowledge acquisition was identified through use of the revised pause model. Study results suggest that by using the revised pause model of evaluation, instructors teaching multicultural education in schools of journalism and mass communication is yet another way of enhancing their ability to become both the researcher and the research subject. In addition, the introduction of a qualitative model has been found to be a more useful way of generating participant involvement and introspection. Finally, the instructional design of the course used in the study provides communication educators with a practical way of preparing their students be effective communicators in a multicultural world.

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This study examines some concerns that derive from Suriname‘s May-July 2010 elections, which resulted in the re-emergence of erstwhile military ruler and convicted drug trafficker, Désiré (Desi) Bouterse, as President of the Republic. The victory reflects Bouterse‘s political acumen in aggregating disparate political interests and in establishing a viable coalition government. But because of his history and profile, this triumph has generated anxiety in some places internationally. In this respect, the study examines anxieties related to three matters: (a) relations with Guyana, where there is an existing territorial dispute and a recently resolved maritime dispute, (b) illegal drug trafficking operations, and (c) foreign policy engagement with Venezuela. There has been a flurry of bilateral activities—including several presidential summits—with Guyana since President Bouterse‘s inauguration, albeit seemingly more about symbolism than substance. Although the maritime dispute was settled by a Tribunal of the United Nations Convention of the Law of the Sea in 2007, the 15,000 km2 New River Triangle is still unresolved. Indeed, in June 2011 President Bouterse reasserted Suriname‘s claim to the Triangle. Suriname has upped the ante in that dispute by portraying internationally the map of Suriname as inclusive of the disputed area. In all likelihood that self-redefinition slowly will become the country‘s cartographic definition in the eyes of the world if Guyana does not successfully rebuff that move or pursue the definitive settlement of the dispute. A geonarcotics assessment shows Suriname to be still heavily implicated in trafficking, because of geography, law enforcement limitations, corruption, and other factors. But despite Bouterse‘s drug-related history and that of former senior military officers, several reasons suggest the inexpediency of a narco-state being created by Bouterse. As well, as part of Suriname‘s pursuit of increased Caribbean and South American engagement, it has boosted relations with Venezuela, which has included it in PetroCaribe and provided housing and agricultural aid. However, the engagement appears to be driven more by pragmatism and less by any ideological affinity with Hugo Chavez.

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For the first time in more than fifty years, the domestic and external conflicts in Latin America and the Caribbean (LAC) are not primarily ideological in nature. Democracy continues to thrive and its promise still inspires hope. In contrast, the illegal production, consumption, and trading of drugs – and its links to criminal gangs and organizations – represent major challenges to the region, undermining several States’ already weak capacity to govern. While LAC macroeconomic stability has remained resilient, illegal economies fill the region, often offering what some States have not historically been able to provide – elements of human security, opportunities for social mobility, and basic survival. Areas controlled by drug trafficking organizations (DTOs) are now found in Central America, Mexico, and the favelas of Rio de Janeiro and São Paulo, reflecting their competition for land routes and production areas. Cartels such as La Familia, Los Zetas, and Primeiro Comando da Capital (PCC-Brazil), among others, operate like trade and financial enterprises that manage millions of dollars and resources, demonstrating significant business skills in adapting to changing circumstances. They are also merciless in their application of violence to preserve their lucrative enterprises. The El Salvador-Guatemala-Honduras triangle in Central America is now the most violent region in the world, surpassing regions in Africa that have been torn by civil strife for years. In Brazil’s favelas and Guatemala’s Petén region, the military is leaving the barracks again; not to rule, however, but to supplement and even replace the law enforcement capacity of weak and discredited police forces. This will challenge the military to apply lessons learned during the course of their experience in government, or from the civil wars that plagued the region for nearly 50 years during the Cold War. Will they be able to conduct themselves according to the professional ethics that have been inculcated over the past 20 years without incurring violations of human rights? Belief in their potential to do good is high according to many polls as the Armed Forces still enjoy a favorable perception in most societies, despite frequent involvement in corruption. Calling them to fight DTOs, however, may bring them too close to the illegal activities they are being asked to resist, or even rekindle the view that only a “strong hand” can resolve national troubles. The challenge of governance is occurring as contrasts within the region are becoming sharper. There is an increasing gap between nations positioned to surpass their “developing nation” status and those that are practically imploding as the judicial, political and enforcement institutions fall further into the quagmire of illicit activities. Several South American nations are advancing their political and economic development. Brazil in particular has realized macro-economic stability, made impressive gains in poverty reduction, and is on track to potentially become a significant oil producer. It is also an increasingly influential power, much closer to the heralded “emerging power” category that it aspired to for most of the 20th century. In contrast, several Central American States have become so structurally deficient, and have garnered such limited legitimacy, that their countries have devolved into patches of State controlled and non-State-controlled territory, becoming increasingly vulnerable to DTO entrenchment. In the Caribbean, the drug and human trafficking business also thrives. Small and larger countries are experiencing the growing impact of illicit economies and accompanying crime and violence. Among these, Guyana and Suriname face greater uncertainty, as they juggle both their internal affairs and their relations with Brazil and Venezuela. Cuba also faces new challenges as it continues focusing on internal rather than external affairs and attempts to ensure a stable leadership succession while simultaneously trying to reform its economy. Loosening the regime’s tight grip on the economy while continuing to curtail citizen’s civil rights will test the leadership’s ability to manage change and prevent a potential socio-economic crisis from turning into an existential threat. Cuba’s past ideological zest is now in the hands of Venezuela’s President Hugo Chavez, who continues his attempts to bring the region together under Venezuelan leadership ideologically based on a “Bolivarian” anti-U.S. banner, without much success. The environment and natural disasters will merit more attention in the coming years. Natural events will produce increasing scales of destruction as the States in the region fail to maintain and expand existing infrastructure to withstand such calamities and respond to their effects. Prospects for earthquakes, tsunamis, and hurricanes are high, particularly in the Caribbean. In addition, there are growing rates of deforestation in nearly every country, along with a potential increase in cross-sector competition for resources. The losers might be small farmers, due to their inability to produce quantities commensurate to larger conglomerates. Regulations that could mitigate these types of situations are lacking or openly violated with near impunity. Indigenous and other vulnerable populations, including African descendants, in several Andean countries, are particularly affected by the increasing extraction of natural resources taking place amongst their terrain. This has led to protests against extraction activities that negatively affect their livelihoods, and in the process, these historically underprivileged groups have transitioned from agenda-based organization to one that is bringing its claims and grievances to the national political agenda, becoming more politically engaged. Symptomatic of these social issues is the region’s chronically poor quality of education that has consistently failed to reduce inequality and prepare new generations for jobs in the competitive global economy, particularly the more vulnerable populations. Simultaneously, the educational deficit is also exacerbated by the erosion of access to information and freedom of the press. The international panorama is also in flux. New security entities are challenging the old establishment. The Union of South American Nations, The South American Defense Council, the socialist Bolivarian Alliance, and other entities seem to be defying the Organization of American States and its own defense mechanisms, and excluding the U.S. And the U.S.’s attention to areas in conflict, namely Iraq, Afghanistan, and Pakistan – rather than to the more stable Latin America and Caribbean – has left ample room for other actors to elbow in. China is now the top trading partner for Brazil. Russian and Iran are also finding new partnerships in the region, yet their links appear more politically inclined than those of China. Finally, the aforementioned increasing commercial ties by LAC States with China have accelerated a return to the preponderance of commodities as sources of income for their economies. The increased extraction of raw material for export will produce greater concern over the environmental impact that is created by the exploitation of natural resources. These expanded trade opportunities may prove counterproductive economically for countries in the region, particularly for Brazil and Chile, two countries whose economic policies have long sought diversification from dependence on commodities to the development of service and technology based industries.

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The aim of this paper is to analyze the street demonstrations occurred last June and July 2013, which appear as samples of the hegemonic fights in course in Brazil, during the so-called Big Wave of the social groups in conflict nowadays in the country. Among other questions, this study tries to explain how the varied stages of these fighting groups influenced their late ones. For that, it takes into consideration the bibliography available not only on these groups, but also on the social and political contemporary Brazil. That is why it evaluates political documents, as well as opinion pieces, news and others disseminated by the press or by political groups. Speeches made by political leaderships, as, for example, that one the President Dilma Roussef made on 21 July 2013, deserves close analysis. This also applies to contributions made by secondary data, poll institutions and IBGE’s socio-economic data. Categories and concepts of Antonio Gramsci’s political sociology are used here as theoretic bases. In fact, it favors the hypothesis that, during the dispute for the intellectual and moral command of demonstrations on July 2013, a certain middle-class conservative ideology emerged on scene. This group conquered the agreement of hegemonic mass media acting now as a political party, here designated as media party. These media resorted to platforms preexistent to the demonstration movements, especially their rejection to political organizations and programs in order to ascend as the demonstrations’ leaders along a certain period in which corruption appeared as the central theme of these efforts, while the government tried to get control of the situation. In view of the several forces and issues at stake, the present study contributes to the discussion about the current reality in Brazil and its perspectives, without losing sight of the centrality of the June Movements as political and ideological milestones

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We Are the Ones We Have Been Waiting for: Pan-African Consciousness Raising and Organizing in the United States and Venezuela, draws on fifteen months of field research accompanying organizers, participating in protests, planning/strategy meetings, state-run programs, academic conferences and everyday life in these two countries. Through comparative examination of the processes by which African Diaspora youth become radically politicized, this work deconstructs tendencies to deify political s/heroes of eras past by historicizing their ascent to political acclaim and centering the narratives of present youth leading movements for Black/African liberation across the Diaspora. I employ Manuel Callahan’s description of “encuentros”, “the disruption of despotic democracy and related white middle-class hegemony through the reconstruction of the collective subject”; “dialogue, insurgent learning, and convivial research that allows for a collective analysis and vision to emerge while affirming local struggles” to theorize the moments of encounter, specifically, the moments (in which) Black/African youth find themselves becoming politically radicalized and by what. I examine the ways in which Black/African youth organizing differs when responding to their perpetual victimization by neoliberal, genocidal state-politics in the US, and a Venezuelan state that has charged itself with the responsibility of radically improving the quality of life of all its citizens. Through comparative analysis, I suggest the vertical structures of “representative democracy” dominating the U.S. political climate remain unyielding to critical analyses of social stratification based on race, gender, and class as articulated by Black youth. Conversely, I contend that present Venezuelan attempts to construct and fortify more horizontal structures of “popular democracy” under what Hugo Chavez termed 21st Century Socialism, have resulted in social fissures, allowing for a more dynamic and hopeful negation between Afro-Venezuelan youth and the state.

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