Estimating the burden of disease attributable to interpersonal violence in South Africa in 2000

Violence, previously considered a social issue, is now an acknowledged public health problem. It is defined as the intentional use of physical force or power, threatened or actual, against another person, against oneself, or against a group or community, that results in injury, death or deprivation.1 In this study we focus on exposure to the interpersonal type of violence, which includes acts of family violence and community violence. Family violence is further categorised by victim: child, intimate partner, or elder. Community violence occurs among unrelated individuals and includes sexual assault and rape by strangers as well as youth violence...

From “somatic scandals” to “a constant potential for violence���? The culture of dissection, brain-based learning, and the rewriting/rewiring of “the child”

This article analyzes the “messy and numberless beginnings” of the hope placed upon neurological foundationalism to provide a solution to the “problem” of differences between students and to the achievement of educational goals. Rather than arguing for or against educational neuroscience, the article moves through five levels to examine the conditions of possibility for subscribing to the brain as a causal organological locus of learning.

Family violence in culturally and linguistically diverse communities: An evaluation of a family relationship centre

Federal legislative changes in Australia have sought to improve how family relationship centres (FRCs) can be more responsive to culturally and linguistically diverse (CALD) communities when addressing family disputes and family violence. Research on the prevalence of family violence against women from CALD backgrounds is sparse. This article seeks to contribute to the understanding of this issue by describing findings of an evaluation of the FRC at Broadmeadows conducted by the authors. The findings focus on family violence and the appropriateness of the services offered to three CALD community groups, namely Iraqi, Lebanese and Turkish. The final section provides reflections on these findings and offers suggestions about how FRC services might better cater to the family violence needs of CALD communities by developing more extensive partnerships with community groups and by expanding the range of processes they offer beyond mediation.

Community, Power, and Colonialism: The U.S. Army in Southern Arizona and New Mexico, 1866-1886

Empire is central to U.S. history. When we see the U.S. projecting its influence on a global scale in today s world it is important to understand that U.S. empire has a long history. This dissertation offers a case study of colonialism and U.S. empire by discussing the social worlds, labor regimes, and culture of the U.S. Army during the conquest of southern Arizona and New Mexico (1866-1886). It highlights some of the defining principles, mentalities, and characteristics of U.S. imperialism and shows how U.S. forces have in years past constructed their power and represented themselves, their missions, and the places and peoples that faced U.S. imperialism/colonialism. Using insights from postcolonial studies and whiteness studies, this work balances its attention between discursive representations (army stories) and social experience (army actions), pays attention to silences in the process of historical production, and focuses on collective group mentalities and identities. In the end the army experience reveals an empire in denial constructed on the rule of difference and marked by frustration. White officers, their wives, and the white enlisted men not only wanted the monopoly of violence for the U.S. regime but also colonial (mental/cultural) authority and power, and constructed their identity, authority, and power in discourse and in the social contexts of the everyday through difference. Engaged in warfare against the Apaches, they did not recognize their actions as harmful or acknowledge the U.S. invasion as the bloody colonial conquest it was. White army personnel painted themselves and the army as liberators, represented colonial peoples as racial inferiors, approached colonial terrain in terms of struggle, and claimed that the region was a terrible periphery with little value before the arrival of white civilization. Officers and wives also wanted to place themselves at the top of colonial hierarchies as the refined and respectable class who led the regeneration of the colony by example: they tried to turn army villages into islands of civilization and made journeys, leisure, and domestic life to showcase their class sensibilities and level of sophistication. Often, however, their efforts failed, resulting in frustration and bitterness. Many blamed the colony and its peoples for their failures. The army itself was divided by race and class. All soldiers were treated as laborers unfit for self-government. White enlisted men, frustrated by their failures in colonial warfare and by constant manual labor, constructed worlds of resistance, whereas indigenous soldiers sought to negotiate the effects of colonialism by working in the army. As colonized labor their position was defined by tension between integration and exclusion and between freedom and colonial control.

Swimming against the tide? Australian labour regulation and the fissured workplace

In The Fissured Workplace, David Weil dissects the ways in which ostensibly ‘large’ American businesses have come to shed direct employees and instead source their labour needs through a ‘complicated network of smaller business units’. As he notes, this has increased the profitability of these ‘lead’ businesses, at the expense of those who (ultimately) work for them: Wage setting and supervision shift from core businesses to a myriad of organizations, each operating under the rigorous standards of lead businesses but facing fierce competitive pressures. Although lead businesses set demanding goals and standards, and often detailed work practice requirements for subsidiary companies, the actual liability, oversight, and supervision of the workforce become the problem of one or more other organizations. And by replacing a direct employment relationship with a fissured workplace, employment itself becomes more precarious, with risk shifted onto smaller employers and individual workers, who are often cast in the role of independent businesses in their own right.

The pandemic of conflict-related sexual violence and the political economy of gender inequality

Since the 1998 Rome Statute recognized widespread and systematic acts of sexual and gender-based violence (SGBV) as an act of genocide, a war crime and crime against humanity, the last decade has seen historic recognition that egregious acts of sexual violence merit international political and legal attention (UN General Assembly, 1998). Notably there are now no fewer than seven United Nations Security Council resolutions on the cross-cutting theme of Women, Peace and Security.

Normalization and Charter 77 : Violence, Commitment and Resistance in Czechoslovakia

In Czechoslovakia, the occupation of 1968 denoted the beginning of normalization , a political and societal stagnation that lasted two decades. Dissident initiative Charter 77 emerged in 1977, demanding that the leaders of the country respect human rights. The Helsinki process provided a macro-level framework that influenced opposition and dissident activities throughout Eastern Europe. The study contributes a focused empirical analysis of the period of normalization and the dissident movement Charter 77. Dissent in general is seen as an existential attitude; it can be encapsulated as a morally rationalized critical stance as derived from shared experience or interpretation of injustice, which serves as a basis for a shared collective identity comprising oppositional consciousness as one unifying factor. The study suggests that normalization can be understood as a fundamentally violent process and discusses the structural and cultural manifestations of violence with relation to Charter 77. In general, the aim of the system was to passivize the society to such an extent that it would not constitute a potential threat to the hegemonic rule of the regime. Normalization caused societal stagnation and apoliticization, but it also benefited those who accepted the new political reality. The study, however, questions the image of Czechoslovakia s allegedly highly repressive rule by showing that there was also quite considerable tolerance of Charter 77 and consideration before severe repression was brought to bear against dissidents. Furthermore, the study provides understanding of the motives and impetuses behind dissent, the strategic shifts in Charter 77 activities, and the changes in the regime s policies toward Charter 77. The study also adds new perspective on the common image of Charter 77 as a non political initiative and suggests that Charter 77 was, in fact, a political entity, an actively political one in the latter half of the 1980s. Charter 77 was a de facto hybrid of a traditional dissident initiative and an oppositional actor. Charter 77 adopted a two-dimension approach: firstly, it still emphasized its role as a citizens initiative supporting human rights, but, secondly, at the same time, it was a directly political actor supporting and furthering the development of political opposition against the ruling power.

Traversing the space between threats and violence: A review of threat assessment guidelines

While the majority of violent threats – defined as an expression of intent to do harm or act out violently against someone or something – do not progress to actual violence, a small proportion of threateners do go on to enact violence. Most researchers argue that violence risk assessments are inadequate for assessing threats of violence, which raises the question: how should a threat assessment (TA) be conducted? To begin to understand available frameworks for assessing threats, a systematic review of TA research literature was conducted. Most TA literature pertains to a specific domain (schools, public figure threats, workplaces) and target audience (clinicians, school personnel, law enforcement). TA guidelines are typically based on literature reviews with some based on empirical measures and others having no strong evidential basis. The most common concepts in TA are exploration of the threatener's mental health, the motivation for the threat and the presence of any plans. Rather than advocating for the development of a protocol for conducting TA, this article outlines the common areas of inquiry in assessing threats and highlights the limitations of current TA guidelines.

From ‘Afflicted’ to Activists: Structural Violence and Climate Change Discourse in the States of Pernambuco and Paraíba in Northeast Brazil

This study approaches the problem of poverty in the hinterlands of Northeast Brazil through the concept of structural violence, linking the environmental threats posed by climate change, especially those related to droughts, to the broader social struggles in the region. When discussions about potentials and rights are incorporated into the problematic of poverty, a deeper insight is obtained regarding the various factors behind the phenomenon. It is generally believed that climate change is affecting the already marginalized and poor more than those of higher social standing, and will increasingly do so in the future. The data for this study was collected during a three month field work in the states of Pernambuco and Paraíba in Northeast Brazil. The main methods used were semi-structured interviews and participant observation, including attending seminars concerning climate change on the field. The focus of the work is to compare both layman and expert perceptions on what climate change is about, and question the assumptions about its effects in the future, mainly that of increased numbers of ‘climate refugees’ or people forced to migrate due to changes in climate. The focus on droughts, as opposed to other manifestations of climate change, arises from the fact that droughts are not only phenomena that develop over a longer time span than floods or hurricanes, but is also due to the historical persistence of droughts in the region, and both the institutional and cultural linkages that have evolved around it. The instances of structural violence that are highlighted in this study; the drought industry, land use, and the social and power relations present in the region, including those between the civil society, the state and the private agribusiness sector, all work against a backdrop of symbolic and moral realms of value production, where relations between the different actors are being negotiated anew with the rise of the climate change discourse. The main theoretical framework of the study consists of Johan Galtung’s and Paul Farmer’s theory of structural violence, Ulrich Beck’s theory of the risk society, and James Scott’s theory of everyday peasant resistance.

Salmonella enterica Serovar Typhimurium Lacking hfq Gene Confers Protective Immunity against Murine Typhoid

Salmonella enterica is an important enteric pathogen and its various serovars are involved in causing both systemic and intestinal diseases in humans and domestic animals. The emergence of multidrug-resistant strains of Salmonella leading to increased morbidity and mortality has further complicated its management. Live attenuated vaccines have been proven superior over killed or subunit vaccines due to their ability to induce protective immunity. Of the various strategies used for the generation of live attenuated vaccine strains, focus has gradually shifted towards manipulation of virulence regulator genes. Hfq is a RNA chaperon which mediates the binding of small RNAs to the mRNA and assists in post-transcriptional gene regulation in bacteria. In this study, we evaluated the efficacy of the Salmonella Typhimurium Dhfq strain as a candidate for live oral vaccine in murine model of typhoid fever. Salmonella hfq deletion mutant is highly attenuated in cell culture and animal model implying a significant role of Hfq in bacterial virulence. Oral immunization with the Salmonella hfq deletion mutant efficiently protects mice against subsequent oral challenge with virulent strain of Salmonella Typhimurium. Moreover, protection was induced upon both multiple as well as single dose of immunizations. The vaccine strain appears to be safe for use in pregnant mice and the protection is mediated by the increase in the number of CD4(+) T lymphocytes upon vaccination. The levels of serum IgG and secretory-IgA in intestinal washes specific to lipopolysaccharide and outer membrane protein were significantly increased upon vaccination. Furthermore, hfq deletion mutant showed enhanced antigen presentation by dendritic cells compared to the wild type strain. Taken together, the studies in murine immunization model suggest that the Salmonella hfq deletion mutant can be a novel live oral vaccine candidate.

Manifestações de violência no cotidiano de mulheres cadeirantes: um olhar inovador para a Enfermagem

O objeto deste estudo trata das manifestações de violência no cotidiano das mulheres cadeirantes. Ao reportarmos este fenômeno para Pessoas com Deficiência (PcD) faz-se necessário considerar uma sociedade segregante que valoriza o belo e que atravessa um processo de transformação para a aceitação da diversidade. Compreende-se que estruturas sociais vulnerabilizantes, isolamento, preconceito e violação de direitos aumentam a vulnerabilidade deste grupo e podem deflagrar situações de violência. A violência às mulheres com deficiência é parte da questão maior que envolve a violência às PcD, pois associa fatores socioculturais com as desigualdades de gênero. Partindo do desafio em desvelar a relação das mulheres com sua própria deficiência, com a cadeira de rodas - que traz consigo um importante arsenal simbólico, e suas percepções acerca da violência cotidiana, delimitou-se como participantes deste estudo mulheres com deficiência física cadeirantes. A relevância e as particularidades da violência às mulheres cadeirantes definiu o objetivo geral: discutir as violências vivenciadas por mulheres cadeirantes em seu cotidiano, considerando a perspectiva de gênero e dos estigmas sociais. Objetivos específicos: descrever as perspectivas da mulher cadeirante sobre sua condição; analisar as situações de violência vivenciadas pela mulher cadeirante, em seu cotidiano. Desenvolveu-se uma pesquisa descritivo-exploratória, com abordagem qualitativa, onde optou-se pelo método denominado Narrativa de Vida - referencial metodológico de Daniel Bertaux que contempla de forma ampla a expressão das participantes selecionadas. Para produção dos dados realizou-se treze entrevistas, em dois cenários que atendem PcD. Para complementar a captação das participantes, utilizou-se a técnica "bola de neve". Deste processo emergiram duas categorias analíticas: "A condição de mulher e cadeirante: necessidades e possibilidades" e "As violências cotidianas vivenciadas pela mulher cadeirante". Categorias estas que contemplam nossos objetivos. À guisa da conclusão, verificou-se que o entendimento destas mulheres acerca das manifestações de violência revelou aspectos que fazem parte de seus cotidianos que, primariamente não seriam consideradas situações de violência, e sim situações que envolvem a relação mulher-deficiência, o reconhecimento de um "novo corpo" e sua ligação com a cadeira de rodas. Destacaram-se questões concernentes à gênero que para mulheres com deficiência seriam ainda mais complexas, principalmente no que se referem as questões relativas à sexualidade/maternidade. Quanto às percepções das situações de violência, emergiram manifestações intrafamiliares, interpessoais e sexuais. No entanto, as violências institucionais e as que se relacionam com o cuidado em saúde prevaleceram. Grande parte das manifestações encontradas se relacionariam de alguma forma com a natureza psicológica da violência. Situações estigmatizantes narradas expuseram episódios reveladores, no que se refere ao comportamento de uma sociedade excludente que reage às diferenças. Conhecer o processo de "construção de uma situação de violência" pode significar um instrumento fundamental para a formação de vínculos e uma futura relação dialógica com os profissionais de saúde, particularmente enfermeiros. A enfermagem e suas práticas reúnem subsídios que podem dar início ao preenchimento da lacuna da assistência em saúde à estas mulheres, no tocante à violência.

Brasil e México frente aos Estados Unidos: crises bilaterais assimétricas e coalizões domésticas de política externa

Os desequilíbrios na escala de capacidades militares, econômicas, tecnológicas, de território e população entre Estados formalmente soberanos configuram um sistema internacional de relações assimétricas que pressupõe desafios relativamente maiores para as políticas externas dos países periféricos. Entretanto, em contextos de assimetria em uma relação bilateral, é possível constatar que a parte fraca pode, sob certas condições, sustentar com sucesso preferências divergentes das formuladas pela contraparte mais forte. Esta é uma pesquisa histórica comparativa que, através da comparação entre casos de divergência e crise na história das relações bilaterais do Brasil e do México frente aos Estados Unidos, se propõe a indagar que condições permitem a sustentação das preferências formuladas pelos governantes da parte mais fraca de uma díade assimétrica. Uma afirmação central desta pesquisa postula que variáveis de política doméstica devem ser levadas em conta para explicar o sucesso da parte fraca, em particular, a formação de coalizões de apoio à política externa amplas, plurais e heterogêneas. A comparação inclui casos de sucesso e insucesso na sustentação de preferências formuladas pelos governos do Brasil e do México, de forma a avaliar a presença ou ausência desse tipo de coalizão em cada conjuntura. A partir da consulta de estudos prévios, jornais e revistas publicadas nas respectivas épocas, arquivos diplomáticos e documentos oficiais, foi possível mapear o omportamento de atores relevantes para a política externa em cada caso e avaliar sua adesão ou não às preferências postuladas pelos responsáveis da condução da política externa. A inclusão na análise de duas conjunturas de alinhamento dos governantes do Brasil e do México com as preferências de Washington permitiu afirmar a importância do apoio interno para a sustentação de preferências capazes de gerar clivagens muito intensas no âmbito das relações do Brasil e do México frente aos Estados Unidos.

Comparative map between the domestic pig and dog

Cross-species chromosome painting with probes derived from flow-sorted dog and human chromosomes was used to construct a high-resolution comparative map for the pig. In total 98 conserved autosomal segments between pig and dog were detected by probes specific for the 38 autosomes and X Chromosome of the dog. Further integration of our results with the published human-dog and cat-dog comparative maps, and with data from comparative gene mapping, increases the resolution of the current pig-human comparative map. It allows for the conserved syntenies detected in the pig, human, and cat to be aligned against the putative ancestral karyotype of eutherian mammals and for the history of karyotype evolution of the pig lineage to be reconstructed. Fifteen fusions, 17 fissions, and 23 inversions are required to convert the ancestral mammalian karyotype into the extant karyotype of the pig.

Hamas in Politics: Democracy, Religion, Violence

Gunning, Jeroen, Hamas in Politics: Democracy, Religion, Violence (London: Hurst Publishers Ltd, 2007), pp.xiv+310 RAE2008

Peacebuilding at the Local Level: Refugee Return to Prijedor'

During the 1992-95 war, Prijedor was synonymous with mass killing, ethnic cleansing and detention camps. A decade after the end of the war, international agencies consider this town to be an example of successful foreign intervention. Thousands of Muslim displaced persons (DPs) returned to their pre-war homes, mosques have been rebuilt, and hard-line Serb nationalists have lost much influence. How could Prijedor turn from a hopeless case of ethnic violence to an example of successful intervention? This essay argues that Prijedor's (relative) success is due more to the determination of Muslim DPs than to the international peacebuilding strategy. The initial post-Dayton international intervention exacerbated the problem of internal displacement, raised ethnic tensions and left Prijedor in the hands of the same indicted war criminals responsible for the war. Against the advice of international agencies, which feared a backlash among the Bosnian Serbs, in 1998 Muslim DPs began returning home. Eventually, large-scale return improved ethnic relations and helped marginalize Bosnian Serb extremists. The essay concludes by highlighting the lessons from Prijedor, and identifies the domestic and international contribution to Prijedor's post-settlement success.