887 resultados para Group rights and minorities
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The National System for the Integral Development of the Family (DIF) in Mexico assists children in orphanages. This paper provides an overview of its current practices, and advocates a holistic educational/social model for “alternative orphanages,” integrating Maslow’s Hierarchy of Needs and the rights-based approach. The model complements DIF’s social efforts.
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This flyer promotes the event "Human Rights and Civil Resistance in Cuba".
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The purpose of this research is to identify the impact of recent organizational change upon the culture of firefighting. The experiences of female firefighters were utilized as a measure of cultural change. A purposive sample of twenty-seven male and female firefighters were interviewed in a semi-structured format about their experiences in the fire service. This research found that the culture of firefighting has adjusted to the presence of previously excluded groups by forging a division among the identities and roles of male and female firefighters. The white, male firefighters, who have traditionally constituted a majority of the workforce, have continued to identify with traditional firefighter roles and reported high levels of cohesion. In contrast, the female firefighters showed a greater variance in their identification with traditional roles and decreased levels of cohesion with the main body of the group.
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Acknowledgements The research leading to these results has been funded by a Tandem Grant from the European Health Psychology Society/CREATE, awarded to the first and second author. The funder had no involvement in the study design, collection or analysis of data, writing the report, or the decision to submit this manuscript for publication.
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Into the Bends of Time is a 40-minute work in seven movements for a large chamber orchestra with electronics, utilizing real-time computer-assisted processing of music performed by live musicians. The piece explores various combinations of interactive relationships between players and electronics, ranging from relatively basic processing effects to musical gestures achieved through stages of computer analysis, in which resulting sounds are crafted according to parameters of the incoming musical material. Additionally, some elements of interaction are multi-dimensional, in that they rely on the participation of two or more performers fulfilling distinct roles in the interactive process with the computer in order to generate musical material. Through processes of controlled randomness, several electronic effects induce elements of chance into their realization so that no two performances of this work are exactly alike. The piece gets its name from the notion that real-time computer-assisted processing, in which sound pressure waves are transduced into electrical energy, converted to digital data, artfully modified, converted back into electrical energy and transduced into sound waves, represents a “bending” of time.
The Bill Evans Trio featuring bassist Scott LaFaro and drummer Paul Motian is widely regarded as one of the most important and influential piano trios in the history of jazz, lauded for its unparalleled level of group interaction. Most analyses of Bill Evans’ recordings, however, focus on his playing alone and fail to take group interaction into account. This paper examines one performance in particular, of Victor Young’s “My Foolish Heart” as recorded in a live performance by the Bill Evans Trio in 1961. In Part One, I discuss Steve Larson’s theory of musical forces (expanded by Robert S. Hatten) and its applicability to jazz performance. I examine other recordings of ballads by this same trio in order to draw observations about normative ballad performance practice. I discuss meter and phrase structure and show how the relationship between the two is fixed in a formal structure of repeated choruses. I then develop a model of perpetual motion based on the musical forces inherent in this structure. In Part Two, I offer a full transcription and close analysis of “My Foolish Heart,” showing how elements of group interaction work with and against the musical forces inherent in the model of perpetual motion to achieve an unconventional, dynamic use of double-time. I explore the concept of a unified agential persona and discuss its role in imparting the song’s inherent rhetorical tension to the instrumental musical discourse.
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As medical technology has advanced, so too have our attitudes towards the level of control we can expect to hold over our procreative capacities. This creates a multi-dimensional problem for the law in terms of access to services which prevent conception, access to services which terminate a pregnancy and recompensing those whose choices to avoid procreating are frustrated. These developments go to the heart of our perception of autonomy. In order to evaluate these three issues in relation to reproductive autonomy, I set out to investigate how the Gewirthian theory of ethical rationalism can be used to understanding the intersection between law, rights, and autonomy. As such, I assert that it is because of agents’ ability to engage in practical reason that the concept of legal enterprise should be grounded in rationality. Therefore, any attempt to understand notions of autonomy must be based on the categorical imperative derived from the Principle of Generic Consistency (PGC). As a result, I claim that (a) a theory of legal rights must be framed around the indirect application of the PGC and (b) a model of autonomy must account for the limitations drawn by the rational exercise of reason. This requires support for institutional policies which genuinely uphold the rights of agents. In so doing, a greater level of respect for and protection of reproductive autonomy is possible. This exhibits the full conceptual metamorphosis of the PGC from a rational moral principle, through an ethical collective principle, a constitutional principle of legal reason, a basis for rights discourse, and to a model of autonomy. Consequently, the law must be reformed to reflect the rights of agents in these situations and develop an approach which demonstrates a meaningful respect of autonomy. I suggest that this requires rights of access to services, rights to reparation and duties on the State to empower productive agency.
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In ring-tailed lemurs, Lemur catta, the factors modulating hypothalamic-pituitaryadrenal (HPA) activity differ between wild and semi-free-ranging populations. Here we assess factors modulating HPA activity in ring-tailed lemurs housed in a third environment: the zoo. First we validate an enzyme immunoassay to quantify levels of glucocorticoid (GC) metabolites in the faeces of L. catta . We determine the nature of the femalefemale dominance hierarchies within each group by computing David's scores and examining these in relation to faecal GC (fGC). Relationships between female age and fGC are assessed to evaluate potential age-related confounds. The associations between fGC, numbers of males in a group and reproductive status are explored. Finally, we investigate the value of 7 behaviours in predicting levels of fGC. The study revealed stable linear dominance hierarchies in females within each group. The number of males in a social group together with reproductive status, but not age, influenced fGC. The 7 behavioural variables accounted for 68% of the variance in fGC. The amounts of time an animal spent locomoting and in the inside enclosure were both negative predictors of fGC. The study highlights the flexibility and adaptability of the HPA system in ring-tailed lemurs.
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Cette thèse examine l’interprétation et l’application, par l’Haute Cour d'Israël (HCJ), de principes du droit international de l’occupation et du droit international des droits de la personne dans le traitement de requêtes judiciaires formulées par des justiciables palestiniens. Elle s’intéresse plus particulièrement aux jugements rendus depuis le déclenchement de la deuxième Intifada (2000) suite à des requêtes mettant en cause la légalité des mesures adoptées par les autorités israéliennes au nom d’un besoin prétendu d’accroitre la sécurité des colonies et des colons israéliens dans le territoire occupé de la Cisjordanie. La première question sous étude concerne la mesure dans laquelle la Cour offre un recours effectif aux demandeurs palestiniens face aux violations alléguées de leurs droits internationaux par l’occupant. La recherche fait sienne la position de la HJC selon laquelle le droit de l’occupation est guidé par une logique interne tenant compte de la balance des intérêts en cause, en l’occurrence le besoin de sécurité de l’occupant, d’une part, et les droits fondamentaux de l’occupé, d’autre part. Elle considère, en outre, que cette logique se voit reflétée dans les principes normatifs constituant la base de ce corpus juridique, soit que l’occupation est par sa nature temporaire, que de l’occupation découle un rapport de fiduciaire et, finalement, que l’occupant n’acquiert point de souveraineté sur le territoire. Ainsi, la deuxième question qui est posée est de savoir si l’interprétation du droit par la Cour (HCJ) a eu pour effet de promouvoir ces principes normatifs ou, au contraire, de leur porter préjudice. La réunion de plusieurs facteurs, à savoir la durée prolongée de l’occupation de la Cisjordanie par Israël, la menace accrue à la sécurité depuis 2000 ainsi qu’une politique de colonisation israélienne active, soutenue par l’État, présentent un cas de figure unique pour vérifier l’hypothèse selon laquelle les tribunaux nationaux des États démocratiques, généralement, et ceux jouant le rôle de la plus haute instance judiciaire d’une puissance occupante, spécifiquement, parviennent à assurer la protection des droits et libertés fondamentaux et de la primauté du droit au niveau international. Le premier chapitre présente une étude, à la lumière du premier principe normatif énoncé ci-haut, des jugements rendus par la HCJ dans les dossiers contestant la légalité de la construction du mur à l’intérieur de la Cisjordanie et de la zone dite fermée (Seam Zone), ainsi que des zones de sécurité spéciales entourant les colonies. Le deuxième chapitre analyse, cette fois à la lumière du deuxième principe normatif, des jugements dans les dossiers mettant en cause des restrictions sur les déplacements imposées aux Palestiniens dans le but allégué de protéger la sécurité des colonies et/ou des colons. Le troisième chapitre jette un regard sur les jugements rendus dans les dossiers mettant en cause la légalité du tracé du mur à l’intérieur et sur le pourtour du territoire annexé de Jérusalem-Est. Les conclusions découlant de cette recherche se fondent sur des données tirées d’entrevues menées auprès d’avocats israéliens qui s’adressent régulièrement à la HCJ pour le compte de justiciables palestiniens.
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Cette thèse examine l’interprétation et l’application, par l’Haute Cour d'Israël (HCJ), de principes du droit international de l’occupation et du droit international des droits de la personne dans le traitement de requêtes judiciaires formulées par des justiciables palestiniens. Elle s’intéresse plus particulièrement aux jugements rendus depuis le déclenchement de la deuxième Intifada (2000) suite à des requêtes mettant en cause la légalité des mesures adoptées par les autorités israéliennes au nom d’un besoin prétendu d’accroitre la sécurité des colonies et des colons israéliens dans le territoire occupé de la Cisjordanie. La première question sous étude concerne la mesure dans laquelle la Cour offre un recours effectif aux demandeurs palestiniens face aux violations alléguées de leurs droits internationaux par l’occupant. La recherche fait sienne la position de la HJC selon laquelle le droit de l’occupation est guidé par une logique interne tenant compte de la balance des intérêts en cause, en l’occurrence le besoin de sécurité de l’occupant, d’une part, et les droits fondamentaux de l’occupé, d’autre part. Elle considère, en outre, que cette logique se voit reflétée dans les principes normatifs constituant la base de ce corpus juridique, soit que l’occupation est par sa nature temporaire, que de l’occupation découle un rapport de fiduciaire et, finalement, que l’occupant n’acquiert point de souveraineté sur le territoire. Ainsi, la deuxième question qui est posée est de savoir si l’interprétation du droit par la Cour (HCJ) a eu pour effet de promouvoir ces principes normatifs ou, au contraire, de leur porter préjudice. La réunion de plusieurs facteurs, à savoir la durée prolongée de l’occupation de la Cisjordanie par Israël, la menace accrue à la sécurité depuis 2000 ainsi qu’une politique de colonisation israélienne active, soutenue par l’État, présentent un cas de figure unique pour vérifier l’hypothèse selon laquelle les tribunaux nationaux des États démocratiques, généralement, et ceux jouant le rôle de la plus haute instance judiciaire d’une puissance occupante, spécifiquement, parviennent à assurer la protection des droits et libertés fondamentaux et de la primauté du droit au niveau international. Le premier chapitre présente une étude, à la lumière du premier principe normatif énoncé ci-haut, des jugements rendus par la HCJ dans les dossiers contestant la légalité de la construction du mur à l’intérieur de la Cisjordanie et de la zone dite fermée (Seam Zone), ainsi que des zones de sécurité spéciales entourant les colonies. Le deuxième chapitre analyse, cette fois à la lumière du deuxième principe normatif, des jugements dans les dossiers mettant en cause des restrictions sur les déplacements imposées aux Palestiniens dans le but allégué de protéger la sécurité des colonies et/ou des colons. Le troisième chapitre jette un regard sur les jugements rendus dans les dossiers mettant en cause la légalité du tracé du mur à l’intérieur et sur le pourtour du territoire annexé de Jérusalem-Est. Les conclusions découlant de cette recherche se fondent sur des données tirées d’entrevues menées auprès d’avocats israéliens qui s’adressent régulièrement à la HCJ pour le compte de justiciables palestiniens.
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A presente dissertação analisa como o Partido Social Cristão (PSC), ao longo do tempo, se apropriou da identidade religiosa de seus atores políticos que na sua maioria são membros da Frente Parlamentar Evangélica, os quais defendem no espaço público a “família tradicional”, em detrimento da pluralidade de arranjos familiares na contemporaneidade. Para explicitar o objeto - “família tradicional” e PSC -, foi necessário retroceder no tempo e investigar na historiografia os primórdios da inserção dos evangélicos na política brasileira. Em vista disso, analisamos a participação dos evangélicos nos respectivos períodos do Brasil: Colônia, Império e República. A dificuldade da entrada de evangélicos na política partidária, dentre outros fatores, se deve àinfluência do catolicismo no Estado. Assim sendo, averiguamos em todas as Constituições (1824, 1891, 1934, 1937, 1946, 1967, 1969 e 1988) o que a mesma diz no que tange a proibição e a liberdade religiosa no país. Logo, verificamos entre as Eras Vargas e República Populista, que ocorreu com intensidade a transição do apoliticismo para o politicismo entre os evangélicos brasileiros, porém, eles não recebiam o apoio formal de suas igrejas. Em seguida, a participação dos evangélicos na arena política durante a ditadura militar foi investigada com destaque para o posicionamento de vanguarda da IECLB, através do Manifesto de Curitiba e, também com a presença de parlamentares evangélicos no Congresso Nacional. A politização pentecostal é ressaltada em nosso trabalho, através do pioneirismo de Manoel de Mello e, depois na Redemocratização quando as instituições evangélicas se organizaram para eleger seus candidatos à Assembleia Nacional Constituinte. E, com o fim do regime militar, o PSC surge como partido “nanico”, contudo, deixa o anonimato e ganha visibilidade midiática quando o pastor e deputado, Marco Feliciano, assume a presidência da Comissão de Direitos Humanos e Minorias, em 2013. Esse é o pano de fundo histórico que projetou o PSC e seus atores no pleito de 2014 com o mote “família tradicional”.
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A presente dissertação analisa como o Partido Social Cristão (PSC), ao longo do tempo, se apropriou da identidade religiosa de seus atores políticos que na sua maioria são membros da Frente Parlamentar Evangélica, os quais defendem no espaço público a “família tradicional”, em detrimento da pluralidade de arranjos familiares na contemporaneidade. Para explicitar o objeto - “família tradicional” e PSC -, foi necessário retroceder no tempo e investigar na historiografia os primórdios da inserção dos evangélicos na política brasileira. Em vista disso, analisamos a participação dos evangélicos nos respectivos períodos do Brasil: Colônia, Império e República. A dificuldade da entrada de evangélicos na política partidária, dentre outros fatores, se deve àinfluência do catolicismo no Estado. Assim sendo, averiguamos em todas as Constituições (1824, 1891, 1934, 1937, 1946, 1967, 1969 e 1988) o que a mesma diz no que tange a proibição e a liberdade religiosa no país. Logo, verificamos entre as Eras Vargas e República Populista, que ocorreu com intensidade a transição do apoliticismo para o politicismo entre os evangélicos brasileiros, porém, eles não recebiam o apoio formal de suas igrejas. Em seguida, a participação dos evangélicos na arena política durante a ditadura militar foi investigada com destaque para o posicionamento de vanguarda da IECLB, através do Manifesto de Curitiba e, também com a presença de parlamentares evangélicos no Congresso Nacional. A politização pentecostal é ressaltada em nosso trabalho, através do pioneirismo de Manoel de Mello e, depois na Redemocratização quando as instituições evangélicas se organizaram para eleger seus candidatos à Assembleia Nacional Constituinte. E, com o fim do regime militar, o PSC surge como partido “nanico”, contudo, deixa o anonimato e ganha visibilidade midiática quando o pastor e deputado, Marco Feliciano, assume a presidência da Comissão de Direitos Humanos e Minorias, em 2013. Esse é o pano de fundo histórico que projetou o PSC e seus atores no pleito de 2014 com o mote “família tradicional”.
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This thesis entitled “ Educational rights of the minorities under article 30 of the indian constitution.The study is divided into nine chapters.The object of the present study is to explore whether the judiciary has been successful in balancing the conflicting rights of the minorities and the state. The study also seeks to bring forth those judicial principles which have governed the operation of these rights and determined the limits of their application. Article 30 confers a special right on minorities to establish educational institutions of their own choice.This is an expression of the liberal and tolerent culture of our nation which is reflected in the Constitution. The idea is to foster unity' in diversity, ea unique characteristic of the Indian way of life.This study suggested that where a minority is a minority’ in the historical or national context and its claim is based on religion it must be defined and ascertained in terms of the population of the whole country irrespective of its being a numerical majority' in any particular State and the minority status. of linguistic group has to be ascertained in terms of the population of any particular State irrespective of its being a numerical minority in terms of the population of the whole country.A religious denomination also can be treated as a religion within the meaning of Article 30(1) provided it is having a separate organisation with doctrines and tenets and rites and practices of its own.