999 resultados para ANDEAN WORLD
Resumo:
L"edició del 2009 de la trobada de l"IFLA s"ha celebrat a Milà. La maquinària de l"organització va funcionar amb precisió per a aquest esdeveniment. Després d"anys de regularitat en les trobades per tot el món, l"IFLA funciona com un autòmat, una d"aquestes màquines perfectes, tant que podria continuar uncionant en les formes amb exemplar artifici. És un trobada singular, que aplega, a la vegada, la reunió de l"organització, un congrés mundial i una fira comercial; tot això amanit amb una ciutat diferent cada any i un finançament que depèn de la bona marxa de tot l"esdeveniment. En certa mesura, l"IFLA és un aparador de la professió, al qual assisteixen bibliotecaris de tot el món i de centenars d"institucions, amb tot el que suposa d"artificiositat en la representació d"entitats i promoció; un espai de reflexió, amb ponències i debats de molt variat interès que poden trobar-se, generalment, en altres esdeveniments; i una posada a punt dels treballs de tots els comitès, que tenen un complex desenvolupament previ i una àrdua tasca desenvolupada amb generositat per tots els participants.
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A wide variety of whole cell bioreporter and biosensor assays for arsenic detection has been developed over the past decade. The assays permit flexible detection instrumentation while maintaining excellent method of detection limits in the environmentally relevant range of 10-50 μg arsenite per L and below. New emerging trends focus on genetic rewiring of reporter cells and/or integration into microdevices for more optimal detection. A number of case studies have shown realistic field applicability of bioreporter assays.
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Tutkimuksen tavoitteena on analysoida 74 sellu- ja paperiyrityksen taloudellista suorituskykyä kannattavuutta, maksuvalmiutta, vakavaraisuutta ja arvonluontikykyä kuvaavilla tunnusluvuilla. Tutkimuksen teoriaosa esittelee liiketoiminta-analyysin välineet, jonka jälkeen esitellään taloudelliset tunnusluvut. Empiriaosassa käydään läpi vuoden 2005 tunnusluvut yritystasolla. Jotta voidaan tarkastella tunnuslukujen muutoksia pitkällä aikavälillä, yritykset ryhmitellään maantieteellisen sijainnin sekä liiketoimintaorientaation mukaan. Tutkimus on kuvaileva. Tunnusluvuista voidaan todeta sellu- ja paperiteollisuudessa meneillään oleva toimialan rakennemuutos. Eteläamerikkalaiset yritykset, jotka hyötyvät uudesta ja kustannustehokkaasta raaka-aineesta, ovat siirtyneet lähemmäs arvonluontia, kun taas suurin osa pohjoisamerikkalaisista yrityksistä, jotka olivat toimialan johtavia arvonluojia, ovat nyt arvon tuhoajia. Toimiala kärsii myös alhaisesta kannattavuudesta, joka vaikuttaa eniten pohjoisamerikkalaisiin yrityksiin. Samaan aikaan eteläamerikkalaiset yritykset ovat nostaneet kannattavuuttaan, mikä puolestaan korostaa meneillään olevaa muutosta.
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This paper asks a simple question: if humans and their actions co-evolve with hydrological systems (Sivapalan et al., 2012), what is the role of hydrological scientists, who are also humans, within this system? To put it more directly, as traditionally there is a supposed separation of scientists and society, can we maintain this separation as socio-hydrologists studying a socio-hydrological world? This paper argues that we cannot, using four linked sections. The first section draws directly upon the concern of science-technology studies to make a case to the (socio-hydrological) community that we need to be sensitive to constructivist accounts of science in general and socio-hydrology in particular. I review three positions taken by such accounts and apply them to hydrological science, supported with specific examples: (a) the ways in which scientific activities frame socio-hydrological research, such that at least some of the knowledge that we obtain is constructed by precisely what we do; (b) the need to attend to how socio-hydrological knowledge is used in decision-making, as evidence suggests that hydrological knowledge does not flow simply from science into policy; and (c) the observation that those who do not normally label themselves as socio-hydrologists may actually have a profound knowledge of socio-hydrology. The second section provides an empirical basis for considering these three issues by detailing the history of the practice of roughness parameterisation, using parameters like Manning's n, in hydrological and hydraulic models for flood inundation mapping. This history sustains the third section that is a more general consideration of one type of socio-hydrological practice: predictive modelling. I show that as part of a socio-hydrological analysis, hydrological prediction needs to be thought through much more carefully: not only because hydrological prediction exists to help inform decisions that are made about water management; but also because those predictions contain assumptions, the predictions are only correct in so far as those assumptions hold, and for those assumptions to hold, the socio-hydrological system (i.e. the world) has to be shaped so as to include them. Here, I add to the ``normal'' view that ideally our models should represent the world around us, to argue that for our models (and hence our predictions) to be valid, we have to make the world look like our models. Decisions over how the world is modelled may transform the world as much as they represent the world. Thus, socio-hydrological modelling has to become a socially accountable process such that the world is transformed, through the implications of modelling, in a fair and just manner. This leads into the final section of the paper where I consider how socio-hydrological research may be made more socially accountable, in a way that is both sensitive to the constructivist critique (Sect. 1), but which retains the contribution that hydrologists might make to socio-hydrological studies. This includes (1) working with conflict and controversy in hydrological science, rather than trying to eliminate them; (2) using hydrological events to avoid becoming locked into our own frames of explanation and prediction; (3) being empirical and experimental but in a socio-hydrological sense; and (4) co-producing socio-hydrological predictions. I will show how this might be done through a project that specifically developed predictive models for making interventions in river catchments to increase high river flow attenuation. Therein, I found myself becoming detached from my normal disciplinary networks and attached to the co-production of a predictive hydrological model with communities normally excluded from the practice of hydrological science.
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Native plants and animals are a natural heritage threatened by one of the six greatest extinction events in Earth's history. Humans, through habitat transformation, exploitation, and species introductions, are driving this extinction event. To turn this tide, Speziale et al. (2014) suggest reducing human dependence on non-native species by increasing the use, harvest, planting, and raising of native species, thereby increasing their cultural and economic value. The search for new or under-appreciated uses of native species is laudable, especially if it helps protect them and contributes to local cultural diversity. Such efforts are arguably an inherent trait of human curiosity and entrepreneurship and are a central platform of popular movements such as slow foods and native gardening. However, Speziale et al.'s hypothesis - that using native species can protect them - is less simple than they suggest. We refute the idea of nativism that underpins Speziale et al.'s proposal and makes it poorly defensible and considered the unaddressed consequences of the proposal for people and for conservation.
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Environmental histories of plant exchanges have largely centred on their eco- nomic importance in international trade and on their ecological and social impacts in the places where they were introduced. Yet few studies have at- tempted to examine how plants brought from elsewhere become incorporated over time into the regional cultures of material life and agricultural landscapes. This essay considers the theoretical and methodological problems in inves- tigating the environmental history, diversity and distribution of food plants transferred across the Indian Ocean over several millennia. It brings together concepts of creolisation, syncretism, and hybridity to outline a framework for understanding how biotic exchanges and diffusions have been translated into regional landscape histories through food traditions, ritual practices and articu- lation of cultural identity. We use the banana plant - which underwent early domestication across New Guinea, South-east Asia and peninsular India and reached East Africa roughly two thousand years ago - as an example for il- lustrating the diverse patterns of incorporation into the cultural symbolism, material life and regional landscapes of the Indian Ocean World. We show that this cultural evolutionary approach allows new historical insights to emerge and enriches ongoing debates regarding the antiquity of the plant's diffusion from South-east Asia to Africa.
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Roma : Antonio Lafreri 1572