836 resultados para political instruments
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The strategy process is a method for strategy formulation and implementation. The strategy process is commonly used especially within bigger companies. It is important to link the strategy formulation and implementation. The objective of this thesis has been to find out improvement areas for the case company’s strategy process. The theoretical framework based on literature emphasizes on strategy process as a method for strategy formulation and implementation. The theoretical framework, several mainly ad hoc interviews and author’s observation were used as tools to analyze the case company’s strategy process. The hierarchy in between the various corporate levels provides the foundation to formulate and implement the strategies. These strategies include the corporate and strategic business area level strategies. The recommendations to improve the case company’s strategy process were formulated at corporate and strategic business area levels. These recommendations were formulated based on research and experience gained throughout the work. The role of strategic projects to implement the strategies more efficiently and organizational control over distribution were found as potential improvement areas. The resource allocation prioritizing towards the most important strategic projects was also an important improvement area.
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La présente recherche traite des défis posés à l'action publique territoriale par la transition énergétique, transition désormais érigée au rang de priorité par les autorités françaises et suisses, comme plus globalement européennes. Elle prend pour cela appui sur une analyse des démarches de planification énergétique territoriale menées entre 2007 et 2014 sur le territoire franco-valdo-genevois (agglomération du « Grand-Genève »). Considérées comme des laboratoires d'expérimentation de la territorialisation des politiques énergétiques, ces démarches sont ici examinées selon une perspective institutionnaliste et pragmatiste visant à mettre lumière les éléments qui interviennent dans la délimitation du champ des possibles en matière d'action publique énergétique et territoriale. Ce positionnement découle des évolutions observées sur le territoire franco-valdo-genevois durant la période d'étude (chapitre 1). Il découle plus précisément du constat de récurrence de certains points de blocage rencontrés aussi bien dans les démarches de planification énergétique elles-mêmes que dans les travaux méthodologiques qui ont pu être réalisés parallèlement à ces démarches, dans le but d'en affiner les outils techniques et organisationnels de mise en oeuvre. Ainsi, le point de départ de la présente recherche est le constat selon lequel on peine tout autant à construire des solutions énergétiques appropriables et réalisables par les acteurs des territoires concernés qu'à reconfigurer les outils de production de ces solutions. De ce constat découle l'intérêt porté aux cadres institutionnels qui régissent ces planifications énergétiques territoriales. Définis comme l'ensemble des repères - formels et informels - qui rendent possibles en même temps qu'ils contraignent les interactions territorialisées entre les acteurs, ces cadres institutionnels sont placés au coeur de la grille de (re)lecture des expériences de planification énergétique territoriale établie au chapitre 2 de la thèse. En référence aux concepts institutionnalistes et pragmatistes sur lesquels elle prend appui, cette grille conduit à appréhender ces expériences comme autant d'enquêtes contribuant, à travers le travail de mobilisation et construction de représentations territoriales auquel elles donnent lieu, à l'équipement sociocognitif d'un champ d'intervention territorial spécifique. Partant de l'hypothèse selon laquelle les potentialités comme les limites associées à l'équipement sociocognitif de ce champ orientent les possibilités d'action collective, la réflexion consiste en une application de cette grille à une trentaine d'expériences de planification énergétique territoriale. Cette application s'effectue en deux temps, correspondant à deux niveaux de lecture de ces démarches. Le premier porte sur les dispositifs organisationnels et les modalités d'interactions entre les cultures d'action qu'elles réunissent (chapitre 3). Le second se concentre davantage sur les supports cognitifs (représentations territoriales) autour desquels se structurent ces interactions (chapitre 4). Présentés dans le dernier chapitre de la thèse (chapitre 5), les enseignements tirés de ce travail de réexamen des démarches franco-valdo-genevoises de planification énergétique territoriale sont de deux ordres. Ils portent d'abord sur les caractéristiques des cadres institutionnels existants, la manière dont ils orientent ces démarches et délimitent les évolutions possibles dans les modes d'action collective et plus particulièrement d'action publique qui y sont associés. Mais ils portent aussi sur les potentiels de changement associés à ces démarches, et sur les pistes envisageables pour mieux valoriser es potentiels, dont l'activation passe par des évolutions profondes des systèmes institutionnels en place. -- In France as in Switzerland, local authorities stand out as leading players of energy transition, a transition that requires an important renewal of public intervention instruments. It is the stakes and the conditions of such a renewal that the present work aims to examine, based on the experiments of territorial energy planning led on the franco-valdo-genevan cross-border territory. Conceived as initiatives of relocation of the energy supply system, these energy planning initiatives are examined through an institutionalist and pragmatic « reading template ». This « reading template » consists of seeing these energy planning initiatives as pragmatist inquiries aiming, through a collective work of cognitive equipment of the territorial franco-valdo-genevan field of intervention, at the reconstruction of the means of coordination between people about their material, organizational and political territory. It opens towards a double reading of the energy planning initiatives. The first one concentrates on the organizational dimension of these inquiries - i.e. on the cultures of action which they gather and the modalities of interaction between them - whereas the second focuses on the cognitive substance which represents the medium of the interactions. This double reading provides insights at various levels. The first one concerns the (cognitive) territorial field of intervention that these energy-planning experiments contribute to draw. A field which, although better and better characterized in its technical dimensions, remains at the same time limited and " deformed " so that it values more the fossil energy systems, from which we want to release ourselves, than the renewable ones, which we would like to replace them with. The second level of teaching concerns the processes of production of territorial knowledge (PPTK) which presides over the demarcation and « equipment » of the territorial field of intervention. Examined through the institutional norms and the culture of action at stake in them, this PPTK turns out to create a sociocognitive "cross-border" area, the kind of area that could shelter the desired reconfigurations...on the condition that they are beforehand correctly "equipped", in cognitive and also in organizational terms. The determining factor for the quality of this equipment is concentrated in the third category of teaching. Starting with the opportunities created by these energy planning experiments concerning the renewal of public intervention instruments, these elements also allow us to take a new look at the urban area project under construction in this cross-border territory, a project th t shows itself closely linked to the energy experiments through a common challenge of territorialisation.
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Les droits de l’Homme, la Démocratie et l’Etat de droit sont des valeurs fondatrices de l’Union Européenne et constituent des objectifs fondamentaux de son action extérieure. Leur promotion et leur protection se révèlent nécessaires au regard des systèmes institutionnels et politiques profondément instables de certains Etats tiers et des nombreuses violations des Droits de l’Homme et des principes démocratiques à travers le monde que ce soit de la part d’Etat tiers ou d’autres entités ou personnes. Pour ce faire, l’Union dispose de différents moyens d’actions qu’elle exerce à travers des mesures incitatives et également restrictives.
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Ever since the inception of economics over two hundred years ago, the tools at the discipline's disposal have grown more and more more sophisticated. This book provides a historical introduction to the methodology of economics through the eyes of economists. The story begins with John Stuart Mill's seminal essay from 1836 on the definition and method of political economy, which is then followed by an examination of how the actual practices of economists changed over time to such an extent that they not only altered their methods of enquiry, but also their self-perception as economists. Beginning as intellectuals and journalists operating to a large extent in the public sphere, they then transformed into experts who developed their tools of research increasingly behind the scenes. No longer did they try to influence policy agendas through public discourse; rather they targeted policymakers directly and with instruments that showed them as independent and objective policy advisors, the tools of the trade changing all the while. In order to shed light on this evolution of economic methodology, this book takes carefully selected snapshots from the discipline's history. It tracks the process of development through the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, analysing the growth of empirical and mathematical modelling. It also looks at the emergence of the experiment in economics, in addition to the similarities and differences between modelling and experimentation. This book will be relevant reading for students and academics in the fields of economic methodology, history of economics, and history and philosophy of the social sciences.
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Political actors use ICTs in a different manner and in different degrees when it comes to achieving a closer relationship between the public and politicians. Usually, political parties develop ICT strategies only for electoral campaigning and therefore restrain ICT usages to providing information and establishing a few channels of communication. By contrast, local governments make much more use of ICT tools for participatory and deliberative purposes. These differences in usages have not been well explained in the literature because of a lack of a comprehensive explanatory model. This chapter seeks to build the basis for this model, that is, to establish which factors affect and condition different political uses of ICTs and which principles underlie that behaviour. We consider that political actors are intentional and their behaviour is mediated by the political institutions and the socioeconomic context of the country. Also, though, the actor¿s own characteristics, such as the type and size of the organization or the model of e-democracy that the actor upholds, can have an influence in launching ICT initiatives for approaching the public.
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For years a literature on the uses that political parties make of information andcommunication technologies (ICTs) has been developed. It is a rapidly increasing, rich,and interesting field in the forefront of the investigation in political science. Generally,these works start from the expectation that the ICTs have a regenerative potential forliberal democracies and for the political parties as well. In developed societies, politicalparties have experienced some transformations that have leaded them to an increasingdivorce with the public. This divorce is shown by the decay of party adscription andmembership, and also by the decay of the conventional political participation. In thetheoretical discussion this situation has been described as ¿the crisis of the democracy¿(Norris, 1999). According to the more radically oriented scholars this crisis reflects theincapacities of liberal democracies. In this sense, ICTs suppose a great opportunity tosurpass the representative institutions and to institutionalize new forms of directdemocracy. More moderate scholars have considered that ICTs offer the opportunity for¿renaissance¿ for representative institutions, as they can reinforce the bonds between thepublic and its representatives.
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Discussions about the culture-economy articulation have occurred largely within theconfines of economic geography. In addition, much attention has been diverted intocaricaturized discussions over the demise of political economy or the invalidity ofculturalist arguments. Moving the argument from the inquiry on the ¿nature¿ of theeconomy itself to the transformation of the role of culture and economy inunderstanding the production of the urban form from an urban political economy (UPE)this paper focuses on how the challenges posed by the cultural turn have enabled urbanpolitical economy to participate constructively in interdisciplinary efforts to reorientpolitical economy in the direction of a critical cultural political economy.
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In this paper we investigate the optimal choice of prices and/or exams by universities in the presence of credit constraints. We first compare the optimal behavior of a public, welfare maximizing, monopoly and a private, profit maximizing, monopoly. Then we model competition between a public and a private institution and investigate the new role of exams/prices in this environment. We find that, under certain circumstances, the public university may have an interest to raise tuition fees from minimum levels if it cares for global welfare. This will be the case provided that (i) the private institution has higher quality and uses only prices to select applicants, or (ii) the private institution has lower quality and uses also exams to select students. When this is the case, there are efficiency grounds for raising public prices
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Aquest treball final de carrera sorgeix doncs d'una idea molt ambiciosa: crear un sistema de processat de senyal digital que permetés, a temps real, convertir un timbre d'un instrument determinat a un altre, és a dir, a través d'un micròfon que capti el so d'un instrument, com ara el clarinet, analitzar i processar mitjançant programari d'ordinador aquest so d'entrada. Conseqüentment, convertir-lo per poder percebre'l a través dels altaveus com a so d'un altre instrument. D'aquesta manera, un músic amb habilitats per tocar el clarinet, mitjançant aquesta eina podria simular so de saxo, trompeta, etc., sense haver de recórrer a un sintetitzador ni a altres instruments MIDI.
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El presente proyecto tiene como objetivo desarrollar una tecnología que permita codificar grandes cantidades de texto de manera automática para posteriormente ser visualizada y analizada mediante una aplicación diseñada en Qlikview. El motor de la investigación e implementación de este proyecto se ha encontrado en la incipiente presencia de tecnologías informáticas en los procesos de codificación para ciencias políticas. De esta manera, el programa creado tiene como objetivo automatizar un proceso que se desarrolla comúnmente de manera manual y, por ende, las ventajas de introducir técnicas informáticas son notablemente valiosas. Estas automatizaciones permiten ahorrar tanto en tiempo de codificación, como en recursos económicos o humanos. Se ha elaborado una revisión teórica y metodológica que han servido como instrumentos de estudio y mejora, con el firme propósito de reducir al máximo el margen de error y ofrecer un instrumento de calidad con salida de mercado real. El método de clasificación utilizado ha sido Bayes, y se ha implementado utilizando Matlab. Los resultados de la clasificación han llegado a índices del 99.2%. En la visualización y análisis mediante Qlikview se pueden modificar los parámetros referentes a partido político, año, categoría o región, con lo que se permite analizar numerosos aspectos relacionados con la distribución de las palabras repartidas entre las diferentes categorías y en el tiempo.
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Soitinnus: Huilu, oboe, klarinetti, käyrätorvi, fagotti.
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L'art. 23 de la CE consagra el dret fonamental dels ciutadans a participar en els assumptes públics, preveient-ne dues grans modalitats, la participació directa i la representativa. La doctrina jurisprudencial elaborada pel Tribunal Constitucional durant quasi trenta anys ha atorgat a aquest dret una configuració especial: el seu abast es veu reduït a l'estricta participació política (aspecte que tindrà conseqüències en el vessant de la participació directa reduïda a la iniciativa legislativa popular i el referèndum, deixant fora del seu abast altres possibles institucions participatives); però, per altra banda, amplia el nucli de protecció del dret, garantint no només l'accés dels ciutadans als càrrecs públics (un ius ad officium) en condicions d'igualtat; sinó també el dret dels representants a romandre en el seu càrrec lliures de qualsevol pertorbació i el tercer contingut, el dret dels representants a exercir les facultats inherents a la funció que desenvolupen tot atorgant-los un status constitucionalment garantit. Aquesta construcció jurisprudencial del dret esdevé així la garantia jurídica de la democràcia. Certament, aquest enteniment del dret fonamental de participació té conseqüències prou rellevants en l'àmbit dels partits polítics com a instruments fonamentals per a la participació política. L'abundància de resolucions per part del Tribunal Constitucional, majoritàriament a través de recursos d'empara, ha fet possible l'entrada del dret de participació en dos àmbits singularment rellevants del procés polític, com són el sistema electoral i el dret parlamentari, i ha permès al Tribunal construir tota una teoria de la representació política en seu de drets fonamentals.