791 resultados para political conflict, service user involvement, social work education, victims
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Health policies in Brazil, the decentralization of SUS management responsibilities for the three spheres of government has driven the creation and regulation of the audits of health services in the National Audit Office, this is a trend of neoliberal policies imposed by international bodies like the World Bank and IMF to peripheral countries characterized by productive restructuring and reforming the state focuses on the presence of two competing projects in the area of health: Health Sector Reform Project which is based on the democratic rule of law with the assumption of health as social right and duty of the State in defending the extension of the conquest of rights and democratization of access to health care guaranteed through the public financing strategies and the effective decentralization of decisions pervaded by social control and privatized Health Project which is based on the state minimum, with a reduction in social spending or in partnerships and privatization, stronger nonprofit sector, subject to capitalist interests, is made effective through strategies targeting health policy and refilantropização actions. In this context, the present study is an analysis on the work of social audits of public health in infants from a qualitative and quantitative approach, embodied by the critical method of dialectical Marxist social theory that enabled us to unveil the characterization, the demands, challenges and outline the profile of Social Work in teams inserted audits of SUS in RN, but also provided evidence to demonstrate the prospects and possibilities of this area of activity of social workers. It was also found that through the audit work that the state fulfill its role as bureaucratic and regulator of health services with efficiency, effectiveness and economy. Yet, paradoxically, the audits of SUS may provide a vehicle for enforcing rights and ensuring the fundamental principles contained in the project of health reform, because it can be configured in a space of political struggle as representing a new field of knowledge production that needs to be appropriate for a theoretical critic able to redirect the social interests in favor of the user. From this perspective, it is concluded that the work of social audits of public health in infants despite the social relevance that prints, as they constitute an activity study of reality and its transformation proposition requires a transformative political action guided the discussion Marxist theory holds that the ethical project professional politician of Social Work
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This study aimed to analyze the work of social workers at the Hospital Universitário Onofre Lopes (HUOL), with the analytical approach the contracting process with the HUOL with the National Health System (SUS), which is set from 2004. Thus, this study sought in times of state reform, restructuring and tension between enlargement / reduction of social and labor rights, understanding the limits and possibilities of social work in HUOL, analyzing how these determinations bounce in the practice of social workers included in the collective process of health work. From a theoretical and methodological historical and dialectical materialism, we conducted literature search, in which developed book report and readings of texts, articles, books that focus on the central categories of the study, namely: Work, Social Work, Health, Health Reform , Project ethical and professional politician. Operationalized also a documentary research, on the Brazilian Public Health Policy, (SUS) and of the Education, as well as research field in which we conducted interviews with 11 social workers, employees packed the HUOL. We conclude that social workers did not participate in the discussion process of contracting the HUOL with the Municipal Health Secretariat of Natal, RN, manager of health and full resetting of user access, via reference setting - counter-referral services provided by the hospital brought the main demands on Social Work guidance regarding the functionality of SUS, and the social intervention in the struggle to guarantee such access. However, the data show that the expansion of demands that require the intervention of the social worker at HUOL is not associated with quantitative growth of these professionals need. Such conditions inflect the possibilities of materialization of the professional ethical-political project, even though that these professionals worry and seek the intellectual improvement, quality of service and to guarantee the social rights of users in the professional practice everyday
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This work deals with the problematic of the determinations that contribute to become the adolescents involved with law. Thus, in this research, the social exclusion is apprehended as one of the most important determining to understand this problematic, once we defend that it is part of the trajectory of this adolescent's life since its birth as a punishment that starts before they becoming envolved in act's that break the law. It is still questioned the discussion of the reduction of the penal age, viewed aa a proposal that will contribute to perpetuate the repression. The objectives of the research were: analyze the problematic of adolescents in conflict with law, where social exclusion is seen here as a main category. The research also aims to understand the situation towards social exclusion and that this public is undertaken in the state of Rio Grande do Norte, more specifically in Natal. This is dane through analysis of the profile of adolescents that are submitted to the treatment at Centro Integrate de Atendimento ao Adolescente Acusado de Ato Infracional - CIAD in 2005. This is dane on arder to identify of the State's and society's actions towards this issue, how it has prevailed in analyzing if there is punishing or social protection. The research also contributed with discussion towards the non penal reduction of for underage minors. The approach realized if of qualiquantitative nature. The research was realized with 190 male adolescent subjects, age ranging from 12 to 21 that were interns at CIAD in the year of 2005. The research shows that their fundamental rights (education, health, amongst others) are disrespected on a daily basis by the State. The State prioritizes economic issues, making social inequality more profound. The main argument is that this problematic has its main oring in the social exclusion and it is imposed to the adolescents as a punishment before thes have been involved with the law going on top of the social protection. When the adolescent goes from being the victim to executioner, the Statute of Children and Adolescents is questioned by many sectors that defend the reduction of penal minority as a solution to reduce the country's violence. Thus, it was aimed here to discuss arguments that point to non exclusion, discrimination and repression. It is proposed that the State should assume children and adolescents as a priority, implementing what the statute establishes as well as assures related to the fruition of denied rights as a way to prevent their future involvement with violence
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Pós-graduação em Serviço Social - FCHS
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Pós-graduação em Serviço Social - FCHS
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Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES)
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Pós-graduação em Serviço Social - FCHS
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Pós-graduação em Serviço Social - FCHS
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A pesquisa em tela analisa a concepção de Trabalho Social proposta pelo Ministério das Cidades e implementada pela Companhia de Habitação do Estado do Pará. O trabalho social apresenta historicamente elementos que se reeditam e assumem novos contornos. A partir da criação do Ministério das Cidades, em 2003, inicia-se no Brasil um período novo, no que diz respeito às políticas de Desenvolvimento Urbano. No entanto, é apenas em 2007 com o lançamento do Programa de Aceleração do Crescimento, que se ampliam os investimentos na política urbana. O trabalho social é parte constituinte obrigatório nas intervenções de provisão habitacional e nas intervenções de assentamentos precários. No estado do Pará, o órgão responsável pela implementação da política urbana é a Companhia de Habitação do Estado do Pará. A construção desta pesquisa é orientada pela teoria social crítica, que permite compreender as múltiplas determinações dos fenômenos que norteiam a temática em questão. A pesquisa foi realizada com base no levantamento bibliográfico, documental e de campo, incluindo entrevistas com Assistentes Sociais que atuam nos projetos de Trabalho Social da Companhia de Habitação do Estado do Pará. Constata-se que o discurso estatal da concepção do trabalho social é entrelaçado por determinadas categoriais previamente definidas. Assim, compreende-se que a COHAB/PA alinha-se ao discurso empreendido pelo Ministério das Cidades e pelos órgãos que dão a direção para a implementação do Trabalho Social nos projetos de intervenção urbanística do governo federal. Identificam-se no discurso governamental através dos documentos, cursos à distância para os profissionais envolvidos com o trabalho social, e nos depoimentos das entrevistas, o alinhamento na direção dada ao Trabalho Social, que objetiva “a autonomia, o protagonismo e a participação da população beneficiária dos projetos de governo para o alcance da cidadania e da sustentabilidade do empreendimento.” Algumas Técnicas Sociais afirmam que buscam estratégias para a garantia dos direitos sociais, mas sentem-se amarradas pelas orientações da CAIXA e do Ministério das Cidades. Deste modo, as categorias que dão significado à concepção de Trabalho Social são esvaziadas de sentido e instrumentalizadas através de ações pontuais e assistencialistas que são insuficientes para o acesso à cidadania em seu aspecto pleno, para o acesso à moradia digna. É neste contexto de contradições e conflitos que se inserem o Trabalho Social proposto pelo Ministério das Cidades e implementado pela Companhia de Habitação do Estado do Pará.
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Pós-graduação em Serviço Social - FCHS
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In this article, we refine a politics of thinking from the margins by exploring a pedagogical model that advances transformative notions of service learning as social justice teaching. Drawing on a recent course we taught involving both incarcerated women and traditional college students, we contend that when communication among differentiated and stratified parties occurs, one possible result is not just a view of the other but also a transformation of the self and other. More specifically, we suggest that an engaged feminist praxis of teaching incarcerated women together with college students helps illuminate the porous nature of fixed markers that purport to reveal our identities (e.g., race and gender), to emplace our bodies (e.g., within institutions, prison gates, and walls), and to specify our locations (e.g., cultural, geographic, socialeconomic). One crucial theoretical insight our work makes clear is that the model of social justice teaching to which we aspired necessitates re-conceptualizing ourselves as students and professors whose subjectivities are necessarily relational and emergent.
The Impact of Western Social Workers in Romania - a Fine Line between Empowerment and Disempowerment
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Ideally the social work profession promotes social change, problem solving in human relationships and the empowerment and liberation of people to enhance their well-being (IFSW 2004). The social work practice, however, often proves to be different. Social workers are always in the danger to make decisions for their clients or define problems according to their own interpretation and world view. In quite a number of cases, the consequence of such a social work practice is that the clients feel disempowered rather than empowered. This dilemma is multiplying when western social workers get involved in developing countries. The potential that intervention, with the intention to empower and liberate the people, turns into disempowerment is tremendously higher because of the differences in tradition, culture and society, on the one side and the power imbalance between the ‘West’ and the ‘Rest’ on the other side. Especially in developing countries, where the vast majority of people live in poverty, many Western social workers come with a lot of sympathy and the idea to help the poor and to change the world. An example is Romania. After the collapse of communism in 1989, Romania was an economically, politically and socially devastated country. The pictures of the orphanages shocked the western world. As a result many Non-Governmental Organisations (NGOs), churches and individuals were bringing humanitarian goods to Romania in order to alleviate the misery of the Romanian people and especially the children. Since then, important changes in all areas of life have occurred, mostly with foreign financial aid and support. At the political level, democratic institutions were established, a liberal market economy was launched and laws were adapted to western standards regarding the accession into the European Union and the NATO. The western world has left its marks also at the grassroots level in form of NGOs or social service agencies established through western grants and individuals. Above and beyond, the presence of western goods and investment in Romania is omnipresent. This reflects a newly-gained freedom and prosperity - Romania profits certainly from these changes. But this is only one side of the medal, as the effect of westernisation contradicts with the Romanian reality and overruns many deep-rooted traditions, thus the majority of people. Moreover, only a small percentage of the population has access to this western world. Western concepts, procedures or interpretations are often highly differing from the Romanian tradition, history and culture. Nevertheless, western ideas seem to dominate the transition in many areas of daily life in Romania. A closer look reveals that many changes take place due to pressure of western governments and are conditioned to financial support. The dialectic relationship between the need for foreign aid and the implementation becomes very obvious in Romania and often leads, despite the substantial benefits, to unpredictable and rather negative side-effects, at a political, social, cultural, ecological and/or economic level. This reality is a huge dilemma for all those involved, as there is a fine line between empowering and disempowering action. It is beyond the scope of this journal to discuss the dilemma posed by Western involvement at all levels; therefore this article focuses on the impact of Western social workers in Romania. The first part consists of a short introduction to social work in Romania, followed by the discussion about the dilemma posed by the structure of project of international social work and the organisation of private social service agencies. Thirdly the experiences of Romanian staff with Western social workers are presented and then discussed with regard to turning disempowering tendencies of Western social workers into empowerment.
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The Austrian philosopher Ludwig Wittgenstein famously proposed a style of philosophy that was directed against certain pictures [bild] that tacitly direct our language and forms of life. His aim was to show the fly the way out of the fly bottle and to fight against the bewitchment of our intelligence by means of language: “A picture held us captive. And we could not get outside it, for it lay in our language and language seemed to repeat it to us inexorably” (Wittgenstein 1953, 115). In this context Wittgenstein is talking of philosophical pictures, deep metaphors that have structured our language but he does also use the term picture in other contexts (see Owen 2003, 83). I want to appeal to Wittgenstein in my use of the term ideology to refer to the way in which powerful underlying metaphors in neoclassical economics have a strong rhetorical and constitutive force at the level of public policy. Indeed, I am specifically speaking of the notion of ‘the performative’ in Wittgenstein and Austin. The notion of the knowledge economy has a prehistory in Hayek (1937; 1945) who founded the economics of knowledge in the 1930s, in Machlup (1962; 1970), who mapped the emerging employment shift to the US service economy in the early 1960s, and to sociologists Bell (1973) and Touraine (1974) who began to tease out the consequences of these changes for social structure in the post-industrial society in the early 1970s. The term has been taken up since by economists, sociologists, futurists and policy experts recently to explain the transition to the so-called ‘new economy’. It is not just a matter of noting these discursive strands in the genealogy of the ‘knowledge economy’ and related or cognate terms. We can also make a number of observations on the basis of this brief analysis. First, there has been a succession of terms like ‘postindustrial economy’, ‘information economy’, ‘knowledge economy’, ‘learning economy’, each with a set of related concepts emphasising its social, political, management or educational aspects. Often these literatures are not cross-threading and tend to focus on only one aspect of phenomena leading to classic dichotomies such as that between economy and society, knowledge and information. Second, these terms and their family concepts are discursive, historical and ideological products in the sense that they create their own meanings and often lead to constitutive effects at the level of policy. Third, while there is some empirical evidence to support claims concerning these terms, at the level of public policy these claims are empirically underdetermined and contain an integrating, visionary or futures component, which necessarily remains untested and is, perhaps, in principle untestable.
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The past decade has witnessed a period of intense economic globalisation. The growing significance of international trade, investment, production and financial flows appears to be curtailing the autonomy of individual nation states. In particular, globalisation appears to be encouraging, if not demanding, a decline in social spending and standards. However, many authors believe that this thesis ignores the continued impact of national political and ideological pressures and lobby groups on policy outcomes. In particular, it has been argued that national welfare consumer and provider groups remain influential defenders of the welfare state. For example, US aged care groups are considered to be particularly effective defenders of social security pensions. According to this argument, governments engaged in welfare retrenchment may experience considerable electoral backlash (Pierson 1996; Mishra 1999). Yet, it is also noted that governments can take action to reduce the impact of such groups by reducing their funding, and their access to policy-making and consultation processes. These actions are then justified on the basis of removing potential obstacles to economic competitiveness (Pierson 1994; Melville 1999).
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In the public debate the internet is regarded as a central resource for knowledge and information. Associated with this is the idea that everyone is able and even expected to serve himself or herself according to his or her own needs via this medium. Since more and more services are also delivered online the internet seems to allow its users to enjoy specific advantages in dealing with their everyday life. However, using the internet is based on a range of preconditions. New results of empirical and theoretical research indicate the rise of a social divide in this context. Within the internet, different ways of use can be identified alongside social inequalities. Boundaries of the "real life" are mirrored in the virtual space e.g. in terms of forms of communification and spaces for appropriation. These are not only shaped by invidual preferences but particularly by social structures and processes. In the context of the broader debate on education it is stated that formal educational structures are to be completed by arrangements which are structured in informal respectively nonformal ways. Particularly the internet is suggested to play an important role in this respect. However, the phenomenon of digital inequality points to limitations consolidated by effects of economic, social, and cultural ressources: Economical resources affect opportunities of access, priorities of everyday life shape respective intentions of internet use, social relationships have an impact on the support structures available and ways of appropriation reproduce a specific understanding of informal education ("informelle Bildung"). This produces an early stratification of opportunities especially for the subsequent generation and may lead to extensive inequalities regarding the distribution of advantages in terms of education. Thus the capacity of the virtual space in terms of participatory opportunities and democratic potentials raises concerns of major relevance with respect to social and educational policy. From the perspective of different disciplines involved in these issues it is essential to clarify this question in an empirical as well as in a theoretical way and to make it utilizable for a future-orientied practice. This article discusses central questions regarding young people's internet use and its implications for informal education and social service delivery on the basis of empirical findings. It introduces a methodological approach for this particular perspective and illustrates that the phenomena of digital divide and digital inequality are as much created by social processes as by technical issues.