716 resultados para Sexual Violence And Abuse


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In the last five years the forces of organised right-wing extremism have made electoral advances across many states in contemporary Europe. Germany has not been immune and the extreme right party, the National Democratic Party of Germany won its first seat in the European Parliament since 1989. The recent successes of the extreme right pose issues for European society about tolerance and immigration policy, but this scene has also been associated with an upsurge in racially motivated political violence and acts of right-wing terrorism. Much of this violence is perpetrated by small neo-Nazi styled groups. This paper looks at the most notorious and recent of such groups to emerge in Germany, the National Socialist Underground. The paper explores the origins and personalities behind this terror cell, provides derails of its criminal activities and murder spree, and questions why it took so long for the authorities to identify the NSU.

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"Land, Popular Politics and Agrarian Violence in Ireland" provides an original and insightful study of the highly formative Land War and Home Rule from a local and regional perspective. Lucey examines the emergence and development of the largest mass political mobilisation brought about in nineteenth-century Ireland in the form of the Land League, and subsequently the National League, in the south-western county of Kerry. Such an unprecedented level of local political activity was matched by an upsurge in agrarian violence and the outbreak of serious outrage, which was largely orchestrated by secret societies known as Moonlighters. In turn, this book provides an important exploration of the dynamics behind the mass political mobilisation and agrarian violence that dominated Kerry society during the 1880s. The role of Fenians, radical agrarian agitators and moderate constitutional nationalists are all examined within the county.This study has importance beyond the local and provides a range of insights into motivations behind political action and violence at an everyday level during one of the most seminal and transformative eras in the development of modern Irish history. This title is suitable for students and academics of nineteenth-century Irish history and general readers.

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This article outlines the changes to the definition of sexual offences in Northern Ireland following the implementation of the Sexual offences Northern Ireland Order 2008 in 2009, and its implications for nurses working with sexually active children in a range of clinical settings. The paper outlines the key changes for practice and addresses the needs of children in three different age groups with emphasis on children aged 13-15 years, and reviews mandatory reporting, the differences between the rights of children to consent and confidentiality, developmental sexual experimentation and sexual health promotion. It reviews related policy and guidance and makes clear the differences between sexual abuse and exploitation, and experimentation. It seeks to advise the Safeguarding Committee of the Department of Health Northern Ireland on how best to support nurses working with sexually active children and when this activity should be discussed with line managers and safeguarding specialists or referred to the safeguarding authorities.

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This essay examines the origins and uses of restorative justice with sexual offending and the contemporary challenges and controversies surrounding this. It charts the range of ad hoc initiatives which have sought to apply a restorative form of intervention with violent or sexual offending from first time and ‘acquaintance’ rape as well as young sexual abusers to high risk sexual offenders in the form of circles of support and accountability. Such schemes are often presented as a counter to the failings of retributive forms of justice and are premised on Braithwaite’s (1989) notion of ‘reintegrative shaming’ that seek to reintegrate offenders into the community. Critics of restorative justice traditionally put forward a number of core objectives when restorative justice is applied to serious forms of offending such as sexual offending. The essay also sets out and seeks to counter these principal challenges and how they may be overcome. For the most part, however, restorative justice has failed to reach its potential as a fully fledged sentencing rationale in being applied as a mainstream response to a wide range of offending including that at the higher end of the spectrum. The essay also seeks to examine barriers to restorative justice within contemporary penal policy and to highlight some of the most controversial applications of the restorative paradigm including those related to clergy sexual abuse. It concludes by offering some thoughts on the future of restorative justice as a mainstream responses to serious forms of offending.

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This article analyzes the relationship between truth and politics by asking whether the 'publicness' of a truth commission - defined by whether it has public hearings, releases a public report, and names perpetrators - contributes to democratization. The article reviews scholarship relevant to the potential democratizing effects of truth commissions and derives mechanisms that help explain this relationship. Work from the transitional justice field as well as democratization and political transition more generally is considered. Using a newly-constructed Truth Commission Publicness Dataset (TCPD), the analysis finds that even after statistically controlling for initial levels of democracy, democratic trends in the years prior to a commission, level of wealth, amnesties and/or trials, the influence of the South African Truth and Reconciliation Commission, and different cutoff points for measuring democratization across a number of models, more publicness predicts higher levels of democracy years after the commission has finished its work. The more public a truth commission is, the more it will contribute to democratization. The finding that more public truth commissions are associated with higher levels of democratization indicates particular strategies that policymakers, donors, and civil society activists may take to improve prospects for democracy in a country planning a truth commission in the wake of violence and/or government abuse. © The Author(s) 2012.

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Young people’s understandings of sexual readiness are under-researched and their perspectives are often missing in debates about sexuality and sex education. Research to date has predominantly focussed upon age and socio-cultural predictors of sexual debut, thus failing to explain how young people themselves conceptualise their readiness for sexual relations. Synthesised in this review is the evidence from 26 studies which included young people’s perspectives of their readiness to begin sexual intercourse, undertaken using either quantitative or qualitative methods. Available evidence suggests that young people may not view initiating sex as problematic, focusing instead on the rewards sex brings and less on health concerns. Gender differences emerged in conceptualisations of love, parenthood, respect and abuse within relationships and were further mediated by social class and ethnicity. Age was also significant in young people’s accounts. Those under 16 years may not be ‘sexually ready’ because their own retrospective analyses suggest they experienced difficulty negotiating their risk of coercion or exploitation. More research exploring more deeply young people’s understandings of sexual readiness is required. We recommend a rights-based approach to support young people’s participation in the research process and to include their voices in the development of relevant sex education and services.

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Civic participation is important for peacebuilding and democratic development; however, the role of mental health has been largely overlooked by policymakers aiming to stimulate engagement in civil society. This study investigated antecedents of civic participation in Colombia, a setting of protracted political conflict, using bootstrapped mediation in path analysis. Past exposure to violence, experience with community antisocial behavior, and perceived social trust were all significantly related to civic participation. In addition, depression mediated the impact of past exposure to political violence and perceived social trust, but not community antisocial behavior, on civic participation. In this context, findings challenged depictions of helpless victims and instead suggested that when facing greater risk (past violence exposure and community antisocial behavior), individuals responded in constructive ways, taking on agency in their communities. Social trust in one’s neighbors and community also facilitated deeper engagement in civic life. Relevant to the mediation test, interventions aiming to increase civic participation should take mental health into account. Limitations and possible future research are discussed.

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Purpose
A number of school-based domestic abuse prevention programmes have been developed in the United Kingdom, but evidence as to the effectiveness of such programmes is limited. The aim of the research was to evaluate the effectiveness of one such programme and to see whether the outcomes differ by gender and experiences of domestic abuse.

Method
Pupils aged 13–14 years, across seven schools, receiving a 6-week education programme completed a questionnaire to measure their attitudes towards domestic violence at pre-, post-test, and 3-month follow-up, and also responded to questions about experiences of abuse (as victims, perpetrators, and witnesses) and help seeking. Children in another six schools not yet receiving the intervention responded to the same questions at pre- and post-test. In total, 1,203 children took part in the research.

Results
Boys and girls who had received the intervention became less accepting of domestic violence and more likely to seek help from pre- to post-test compared with those in the control group; outcomes did not vary by experiences of abuse. There was evidence that the change in attitudes for those in the intervention group was maintained at 3-month follow-up.

Conclusions
These findings suggest that such a programme shows great promise, with both boys and girls benefiting from the intervention, and those who have experienced abuse and those who have not (yet) experienced abuse showing a similar degree of attitude change.

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Beyond Criminal Justice presents a vision of a future without brutal, authoritarian and repressive penal regimes. Many of the papers brought together here have been unavailable for more than two decades. Their republication indicates not only their continuing theoretical importance to abolitionist studies but also how they provide important insights into the nature and legitimacy of criminal processes in the here and now. Contributors highlight the human consequences of the harms of imprisonment, evidencing the hurt, injury and damage of penal incarceration across a number of different countries in Europe. Focusing on penal power and prisoner contestation to such power, the moral and political crises of imprisonment are laid bare. The contributors to Beyond Criminal Justice explore the urgent need for a coherent, rational and morally and politically sophisticated theoretical basis for penal abolitionism. Advocating a utopian imagination and at the same time practical solutions already implemented in countries around Europe - alongside grappling with controversial debates such as abolitionist responses to rape and sexual violence - the book steps outside of common sense assumptions regarding 'crime', punishment and 'criminal justice'. Beyond Criminal Justice will be of interest to students of criminology, zemiology, sociology, penology and critical legal studies as well as anyone interested in rethinking the problem of 'crime' and challenging the logic of the penal rationale.

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This chapter examines the nature and extent of violence experienced by women in Ireland during the Irish War of Independence (1919-1921) at the hands of both the Crown forces and the Irish Republican Army. It argues that targetted killings of women by either side was rare. The most common forms of such violence can be categorised as physical, gendered (cutting of hair) and psychological (intimidation and the killing of male relatives). It argues that there was a difference between gendered and sexual crime, the latter of which appears to have been very uncommon. A considerable part of the chapter uses theoretical literature on violence against women in conflict zones to explain why sexual violence was uncommon, arguing that neither side had much to gain from its employment, that the Crown forces were aware of the damage it could do to Britain's international reputation and that the terror tactics adopted by the Crown forces were sufficient to achieve their ends without resorting to rape. In regard to the IRA, the absence of any evidence of rape or sexual assault being perpetrated could be attributable to their Catholicism, reliance on support from the community, the efforts of the first Dáil to achieve foreign recognition of the Republic and the role of Cumann na mBan women in the guerrilla conflict. The historiography of women in the Irish revolution is also analysed.

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Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual and Transgender (LGBT) people have long been a ‘hidden’ or overlooked population in prisons. In recent years, however, international research and policy has begun to focus on the experiences and needs of this group. This research has revealed a range of issues that affect LGBT individuals in prison. This includes heteronormativity, homophobia and transphobia both within and outside prison, the threat of physical and sexual violence within prison, institutional discrimination and neglect, health needs, and social isolation. Based on a review of international literature and primary research with representatives from the LGBT and criminal justice sectors, prisoners and former prisoners, this report represents the first study of the needs and experiences of LGBT prisoners within the Irish context.

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Tese de mestrado, Medicina Legal e Ciências Forenses, Faculdade de Medicina, Universidade de Lisboa, 2014

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Après avoir situé la question de la dangerosité dans les perspectives psychiatriques actuelles, l'auteur propose de penser cette notion complexe dans un renversement du paradigme couramment admis : ainsi la référence à la dangerosité témoignerait-elle, au premier plan, de la part non symbolisée de la rencontre de la violence. Cette proposition prend appui dans un premier temps sur les propositions esquissées par M. Foucault dans sa compréhension du rapport à la violence et à la dangerosité. Puis, le recours au concept psychanalytique d'identification projective permet de proposer une modélisation clinique de la dangerosité, qui sera discutée à partir de deux observatoires dans le champ des violences sexuelles : celui d'une recherche menée auprès d'adolescents engagés dans des agirs sexuels violents et celui d'une pratique d'expertise judiciaire. First the author proposes to situate dangerousness's question in actual psychiatric field. Then, he proposes to think this complex notion into a reversal of dangerousness's paradigm: the reference to dangerousness will be thought as the expression of non-symbolized part through violence's meeting. This proposition relies in a first time on M. Foucault's propositions about a comprehension of the relation with violence and dangerousness. In a second time, the psychoanalytic concept of projective identification allows to propose clinical comprehension of dangerousness's notion. Two clinical situations about sexual violences will be asked in this plan: a research with Young sexual offenders and practice of judiciary evaluation.

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La transmission intergénérationnelle de la violence envers les enfants et les perceptions reliées aux expériences personnelles de violence dans l’enfance ont été peu étudiées auprès de la population générale et encore moins auprès des pères. L’objectif de la présente étude est de déterminer le lien entre, d’une part, la fréquence rapportée de la violence physique sévère vécue dans l’enfance et la légitimité perçue de cette violence et d’autre part, la violence physique mineure et psychologique envers les enfants au sein de la famille actuelle de 204 pères québécois. Les données sont issues de l’enquête sur la violence familiale dans la vie des enfants du Québec réalisée en 2004 par l’Institut de la Statistique du Québec. Il y a un lien significatif entre la fréquence rapportée de la violence physique sévère vécue dans l’enfance et sa légitimité perçue, ainsi qu’avec la violence envers les enfants dans la famille actuelle des pères. Les pères rapportant avoir souvent ou très souvent vécu de la violence physique sévère dans l’enfance ont actuellement des enfants qui vivent plus de violence psychologique que ceux qui en ont parfois vécu. Plus les pères considèrent la violence physique sévère vécue dans l’enfance comme méritée, plus leurs enfants vivent de la violence psychologique. Enfin, les enfants des pères qui considèrent la violence subie comme parfois méritée vivent moins de violence physique mineure que ceux des pères qui la considèrent comme souvent ou très souvent méritée. Les implications pour la recherche et la pratique sont discutées.