786 resultados para Serious suicide attempts


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Objective: To estimate the magnitude of serious eye disorders and of visual impairment in a defined elderly population of a typical metropolitan area in England, and to assess the frequency they were in touch with, or known to, the eye care services.

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Using qualitative methods, this study explored potential risk factors for suicide, as defined by Joiner's Interpersonal-Psychological Theory of Suicide (IPTS), in a population of Soldiers returning from deployment in Operation Enduring Freedom/Operation Iraqi Freedom (OEF/OIF). Sixty-eight Soldiers participated in semi-structured interviews during the period of transition from deployment to the garrison environment. These Soldiers were asked about changes in perception of pain, experiences of perceived burdensomeness, and lack of belonging. Interviews were transcribed and analyzed. A phenomenological methodology was employed (Creswell, 2006). In response to questions about perception of pain, Soldiers discussed both positive and negative changes in their experience of physical and emotional pain. When asked about experiences of perceived burdensomeness, Soldiers described changes related to deployment, such as injuries and combat related guilt, as well as changes related to transition from combat, including care seeking, reintegration into family and society, and emotional distancing. Regarding the experience of lack of belonging, Soldiers described difficulties related to the deployment, such as combat injuries, leadership roles, and individual differences, as well as difficulties related to reintegration such as symptoms of emotional numbing and distancing. Findings highlight the potential utility of IPTS in exploring both acute and chronic suicide risk factors associated with deployment and transition, as well as potential treatment strategies that may reduce suicide risk in the population of Soldiers during reintegration.

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La relación entre los videojuegos y el mundo de la educación es y ha sido tormentosa, con amores y odios, con sus altibajos. Pero lo que es indudable es que los videojuegos son una realidad en el mundo actual y una potente industria. Y además, los juegos siempre han jugado un papel fundamental en la educación. Aunque su incorporación a la actividad académica no ha sido todo lo ágil que hubiera sido conveniente, los videojuegos ya forman parte de la universidad. En este artículo vamos a presentar algunas de las iniciativas que hemos llevado a cabo desde que en el año 2002 incorporamos los videojuegos en nuestras actividades académicas, tanto docentes como investigadoras. MadUniversity es un videojuego que dio lugar a varios proyectos final de carrera de la Ingeniería en Informática. Screaming Racers es un videojuego diseñado y desarrollado para ser utilizado como plataforma de experimentación de técnicas en inteligencia artificial basadas en la neuroevolución. The Conference Interpreter (CoIn) es un videojuego para la práctica del inglés desarrollado para apoyar una tesis doctoral. GameLearning es una colección de minijuegos conceptuales para la adquisición de habilidades directivas. ABPgame es la aplicación de la metodología basada en proyectos a varias asignaturas de las titulaciones de Ingeniería en Informática y del Grado en Ingeniería Multimedia que realizan un proyecto común: un videojuego. PLMan es un sistema gamificado que ayuda a desarrollar habilidades de pensamiento lógico, a través del lenguaje Prolog. Nuestro objetivo es mostrar la utilidad de los videojuegos y sus múltiples aplicaciones en el entorno universitario: como objetos de aprendizaje por medio de videojuegos educativos (serious games); como proyectos informáticos complejos para ser desarrollados por nuestros estudiantes; como entorno de experimentación para comprobar la validez de las investigaciones en inteligencia artificial; y finalmente como filosofía a aplicar al campo de la educación, lo que se ha etiquetado como gamificación.

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La evolución del arbolado en la Península Ibérica pasó por numerosos episodios que le condujeron a una situación grave de deforestación. Tras varios intentos de reforestación en épocas distintas, finalmente la apuesta definitiva se produciría con la creación del Patrimonio Forestal del Estado y el Plan Nacional de Repoblación Forestal de España de 1939. La sustitución del PFE por el ICONA en 1971, supuso un nuevo contexto, en el que se puso en duda tanto la actuación repobladora, como las especies utilizadas, principalmente del género Pinus. Este trabajo trata de poner en valor la información que aportan distintas corrientes científicas, la botánica, la biogeografía, paleobotánica y los datos de otros estudios realizados en numerosos yacimientos arqueológicos en Andalucía, especialmente en la zona oriental. Estos trabajos ponen de manifiesto la presencia de especies del género Pinus en distintos periodos geológicos, con avances y retrocesos del binomio Pinus-Quercus, durante períodos más o menos extensos. La repoblación forestal supuso un avance a una de esas situaciones, que dió como resultado el marco de nuevas intervenciones de manejo del bosque por la Administración Andaluza, siendo las exigencias de conservación prioritarias en la gestión de los espacios forestales, muchos de ellos declarados Espacios Protegidos. Se trata pues, de poner en valor aquellas actuaciones que dieron lugar a la nueva situación en la que se apuesta por la conservación y en la que juegan un papel importante la genética y la productividad de las especies utilizadas en las intervenciones forestales.

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This folder contains two drafts of a document describing Croswell's experiments with penmanship.

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Introduction et recension des écrits : Récemment, les suicides de vétérans et d’athlètes professionnels ont attiré l’attention sur l’association entre le TCC et le suicide. Les lignes directrices concernant la prise en charge en santé mentale dans cette population demeurent fragmentaires. Les objectifs de cette thèse sont de 1) déterminer si une association existe entre le TCC subi dans l’enfance et le suicide futur, 2) explorer si les personnes qui se sont suicidées ont consulté un psychiatre dans l’année précédant le suicide et évaluer si cela diffère selon que la personne ait eu un TCC ou non, 3) décrire et qualifier l’offre québécoise de santé mentale offerte en réadaptation aux enfants et aux adultes ayant subi un TCC. Méthodologie : Le volet épidémiologique consiste en une étude de cohorte rétrospective sur un échantillon de 135 703 enfants ayant reçu des services médicaux au Québec en 1987 et suivis jusqu’en 2008. Le volet qualitatif comprend un sondage auprès des gestionnaires des programmes de réadaptation TCC du Québec, des groupes de discussion avec des cliniciens et des entrevues avec des survivants de TCC et leurs proches. Résultats : Notre étude épidémiologique confirme une association significative entre le TCC subi dans l’enfance (HR 1,49 IC95% 1,04- 2,14), dans l’adolescence (HR 1,57, IC 95% 1,09-2,26) et à l’âge adulte (HR 2,53, IC95% 1,79-3,59) et le suicide. Malgré un risque de suicide plus élevé, les personnes avec un TCC et qui se sont suicidées n’ont pas consulté de psychiatre plus fréquemment que les personnes sans TCC (OR 1,29, IC 95% 0,75- 2,24). Par ailleurs, notre étude qualitative révèle que les forces du système actuel incluent une bonne qualité des services, mais qu’il existe des faiblesses au niveau de l’accès aux médecins spécialisés, du dépistage systématique et de l’accès aux services à long terme. Nos recommandations incluent le développement d’une approche coordonnée en santé mentale, l’implication automatique d’un gestionnaire de cas et l’amélioration des mécanismes d’accès après le congé.

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Belarus holds a special position in Russian policy due to its geopolitical, military and transit significance. Russia's influence and position in the entire Eastern European region largely depend on how strong Russian influence in Belarus is. The process of Russian-Belarusian integration began in 1994, when Alyaksandr Lukashenka came to power in Minsk. At the time, Russia's policy towards Belarus was based on twomain assumptions. Firstly, the Kremlin supported Lukashenka's authoritarian regime. This allowed Russia to keep Belarus within its orbit of political influence and prevent other states from getting involved, since an undemocratic Belarus could not count on closer contacts with the West. Secondly, Russia heavily subsidised Belarus with cheap energy resources (way below the market price) and allowed the duty-free access of Belarusian goods to its market. Thus Belarus became a kind of 'sponsored authoritarianism' with a specific economic model, owing its existence to Russia's economic and political support. At the same time, Moscow's key objective in its policy towards Belarus was to make Minsk accept the Russian conditions concerning integration, which would in fact lead to Belarus' incorporation by the Russian Federation. However, Belarus managed to maintain its sovereignty, while Alyaksandr Lukashenka bandied the term 'integration' about in order to maintain the preferential model of his state's relations with Russia. Russia's intention to alter the nature of these bilateral relations became evident when Vladimir Putin took power in 2000. However, Moscow faced Minsk's refusal to accept the Russian integration plan (which, among other measures, provided for the takeover of Belarusian economic assets by Russian companies). This forced Russia to use its main tool against Minsk: the supplies of cheap gas and oil that had been sustaining Belarus' archaic economy. The most serious crisis in Russian-Belarusian relations broke out at the beginning of 2007, following Moscow's decision to raise the energy resource prices. This decision marked the beginning of the application of market principles to settlements between Moscow and Minsk. The key question this study is meant to answer concerns the consequences of the aforementioned decision by Russia for future Russian-Belarusian relations. Are they at a turning point? What are Russia's policy objectives? What results can come from the process of moving mutual relations onto an economic footing? What policy will replace Russia's 'sponsoring of Belarusian authoritarianism', which it has been implementing since 1994? Finally, what further measures will Russia undertake towards Belarus? The current study consists of five chapters. The first chapter offers a brief presentation of Belarus' significance and position in Russian policy. The second analyses the development of Russian-Belarusian political relations, first of all the establishment of the Union State, Belarus' position in Russian domestic policy and Russia's influence on Belarusian policy. The third chapter presents bilateral economic relations, primarily energy issues. The fourth chapter describes the state and perspectives of military cooperation between the two states. The fifth chapter presents conclusions, where the author attempts to define the essence of the ongoing re-evaluation in Russian-Belarusian relations and to project their future model.

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Since taking power in 2009, the Alliance for European Integration (AIE) has been trying to end Moldova’s dependence on Russian gas. Currently, natural gas accounts for about 50% of the country’s energy balance (excluding Transnistria), and Gazprom has a monopoly on the supply of gas to the republic. The key element of Chișinău’s diversification project is the construction of the Iasi-Ungheni pipeline, which is designed to link the Moldovan and Romanian gas transmission networks, and consequently make it possible for Moldova to purchase gas from countries other than Russia. Despite significant delays, construction work on the interconnector began in August 2013. The Moldovan government sees ensuring energy independence from Russia as its top priority. The significance and urgency of the project reflect Chișinău’s frustration at Moscow’s continued attempts to use its monopoly of Moldova’s energy sector to exert political pressure on the republic. Nonetheless, despite numerous declarations by Moldovan and Romanian politicians, the Iasi- -Ungheni pipeline will not end Moldova’s dependence on Russian gas before the end of the current decade. This timeframe is unrealistic for two reasons: first, because an additional gas pipeline from Ungheni to Chisinau and a compression station must be constructed, which will take at least five years and will require significant investment; and second, because of the unrelenting opposition to the project coming from Gazprom, which currently controls Moldova’s pipelines and will likely try to torpedo any energy diversification attempts. Independence from Russian gas will only be possible after the the Gazprom-controlled Moldova-GAZ, the operator of the Moldovan transmission network and the country’s importer of natural gas, is divided. The division of the company has in fact been envisaged in the EU’s Third Energy Package, which is meant to be implemented by Moldova in 2020.

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Good fences make good neighbours’ wrote the poet Robert Frost. Israel and Palestine are certainly not good neighbours and the question that arises is will a fence between Israel and Palestine turn them into ‘good neighbours’. This paper deals with the Israeli decision to construct a fence that will divide Israel and the West Bank. Almost all public debate of the wall in Israel has been limited to the security aspects. In light of the success enjoyed so far by the wall or fence around the Gaza Strip in preventing suicide bombers from getting through, the defence for needing a similar wall around the West Bank seems like an easy task. One of the main proponents of the wall concept in Israel is Dan Scheuftan, whose book on the subject has served as a guide for policy-makers. The paper provides a critique of Scheuftan’s book. The paper addresses various aspects of the wall and focuses on the different consequences of building a barrier between the two entities. Significant attention is paid to the economic consequences of the wall. The paper also looks at other issues such as the impact the wall will have on future attempts of peace-making. The paper attempts to show that the prevention of Palestinian access to Israel – the main goal of the wall – may not really have the hoped for effect of enhancing Israel’s security