816 resultados para Revolutionary rhetoric


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Thesis (M.Ed.)-- Brock University, 1995.

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This thesis deals with the nature of ignorance as it was interpreted in the Upani~adic tradition, specifically in Advaita Vedanta, and in early and Mahayana Buddhism , e specially in the Madhyamika school of Buddhism. The approach i s a historical and comparative one. It examines the early thoughts of both the upanis.a ds and Buddhism abou t avidya (ignorance), shows how the notion was treated by the more speculative and philosphically oriented schools which base d themselves on the e arly works, and sees how their views differ. The thesis will show that the Vedinta tended to treat avidya as a topic for metaphysical s peculation as t he s chool developed, drifting from its initial e xistential concerns, while the Madhyamika remained in contact with the e xistential concerns evident in the first discourses of the Buddha. The word "notion" has been chosen for use in referring t o avidya, even though it may have non-intellectual and emotional connotations, to avoid more popular a lternatives such as "concept" or "idea". In neither the Upani,ads, Advaita Vedanta, or Buddhism is ignorance merely a concept or an idea. Only in a secondary sense, in texts and speech , does it become one. Avidya has more to do with the lived situation in which man finds himself, with the subjectobject separation in which he f eels he exists, than with i i i intel lect ual constr ucts . Western thought has begun to r ealize the same with concerns such as being in modern ontology, and has chosen to speak about i t i n terms of the question of being . Avidya, however, i s not a 'question' . If q ue stions we r e to be put regarding the nature of a vidya , they would be more of t he sort "What is not avidya?", though e ven here l anguage bestows a status t o i t which avidya does not have. In considering a work of the Eastern tradition, we f ace t he danger of imposing Western concepts on it. Granted t hat avidya is customari ly r endered i n English as ignorance, the ways i n which the East and West view i gno rance di f f er. Pedagogically , the European cultures, grounded in the ancient Greek culture, view ignorance as a l ack or an emptiness. A child is i gnorant o f certain t hings and the purpose o f f ormal education , in f act if not in theory, is to fill him with enough knowledge so that he can cope wit h t he complexities and the e xpectations of s ociety. On another level, we feel t hat study and research will l ead t o the discovery o f solutions, which we now lack , for problems now defying solut i on . The East, on the o t her hand, sees avidya in a d i fferent light.Ignorance isn't a lack, but a presence. Religious and philosophical l iterature directs its efforts not towards acquiring something new, but at removing t.he ideas and opinions that individuals have formed about themselves and the world. When that is fully accomplished, say the sages , t hen Wisdom, which has been obscured by those opinions, will present itself. Nothing new has to be learned, t hough we do have t o 'learn' that much. The growing interest in t he West with Eastern religions and philosophies may, in time, influence our theoretical and practical approaches to education and learning, not only in the established educati onal institutions, but in religious , p sychological, and spiritual activities as well. However, the requirements o f this thesis do no t permit a formulation of revolutionary method or a call to action. It focuses instead on the textual arguments which attempt to convince readers that t he world in which they take themselves to exist is not, in essence, real, on the ways i n which the l imitations of language are disclosed, and on the provisional and limited schemes that are built up to help students see through their ignorance. The metaphysic s are provisional because they act only as spurs and guides. Both the Upanisadic and Buddhist traditions that will be dealt with here stress that language constantly fails to encompass the Real. So even terms s uch as 'the Real', 'Absolute', etc., serve only to lead to a transcendent experience . The sections dealing with the Upanisads and Advaita Vedanta show some of the historical evolution of the notion of avidya, how it was dealt with as maya , and the q uestions that arose as t o its locus. With Gau?apada we see the beginnings of a more abstract treatment of the topic, and , the influence of Buddhism. Though Sankhara' S interest was primarily directed towards constructing a philosophy to help others attain mok~a ( l iberation), he too introduced t echnica l t e rminology not found in the works of his predecessors. His work is impressive , but areas of it are incomplete. Numbers of his followers tried to complete the systematic presentation of his insi ghts . Their work focuses on expl anat i ons of adhyasa (superimposition ) , t he locus and object of ignorance , and the means by which Brahman takes itself to be the jiva and the world. The section on early Buddhism examines avidya in the context o f the four truths, together with dubkha (suffering), the r ole it p l ays in t he chain of dependent c ausation , a nd t he p r oblems that arise with t he doctrine of anatman. With t he doct rines of e arly Buddhism as a base, the Madhyamika elaborated questions that the Buddha had said t e nded not t o edi f ication. One of these had to do with own - being or svabhava. Thi s serves a s a centr e around which a discussion o f i gnorance unfolds, both i ndividual and coll ective ignorance. There follows a treatment of the cessation of ignorance as it is discussed within this school . The final secti on tries to present t he similarities and differences i n the natures o f ignorance i n t he two traditions and discusses the factors responsible for t hem . ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I would like to thank Dr. Sinha for the time spent II and suggestions made on the section dealing with Sankara and the Advait.a Vedanta oommentators, and Dr. Sprung, who supervised, direoted, corrected and encouraged the thesis as a whole, but especially the section on Madhyamika, and the final comparison.

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Phe Ihesis examines the evolution of the -policies of the People fs Jtenublie of China towards J?hail°nd, PTal ysia, Singapore, Iidonesia pad the Philip-pines, organised in the Association of Southeast Asian Nations from 1969 to 1975• 2ze first central point of this study is an *ir sumption that the foreign relations of The People's Tepublic of Chi la Towards Southeast ^sia have been motivated by a dynamic interplay of t^o main factors: (1) Farxist-Leninist ideology and ICao J^e-tung Ph^ught, which dictate to China to behave as a revolutionary Dover vhich must assist the insurgent movements in the area in their strug fle to overthrow the local governments; (2) national interest, vhich demands of China to safeguard the southern flank of her territory bordering on Southerst 'sia through Friendly relations, trade and ot*»er conventional inrtniments of diplomacy. hile the tvo main motive factors are nuTually antagonistic and exclusivet the Chinere leaders are nevertheless at te mi ting to oring them iirco a coherent policy under Mao's theory of tve {hniity of op-nosites," vhich believes that it is -possible to reconcile these co-posing tendencies into a dynamic enuibrium through vhich both opnosites could be promoted at the same time although not to the same extent* la other words, the Chinese leaders conceive the dynamic equilibrium as a continuum between them in a mix in which one or the other orientation predominates in different •periods* Bins we might see China1 s conduct motivated in one period by mostly ideological considerations at the expense of the staire-to-state relations, then ve might see her policy in the middle of the continuum and suf ering from immo bill sine and just muddling through, or finally ?fe might see her emphasising friendly ties at the expense of support of revolutionary movements at the other extreme -point of the spectrum* !fhe mechanism vhich enables Peking to move from one pole to the other of the spectrum is activated by the following elementsJ (1) the result of an internal power struggle within the leadership in Peking between ideologically radical and moderate elements, which enables the victorious faction to initiate nev policies; (2) Peking's assessment of the changing intentions and capabilities of the major powers in the area; (3) internal changes within the countries of the area and the changing attitudes of their governments towards China; (4) changing fortunes of revolutionary movements operating in the area* 'Phe second major point of this study is an assertion that while China's conduct toward Southeast *lsia after her foundation in 1949 was primarily based upon ideological considerations, the beginning of the seventies saw the national interest reasserting itself as the leading motive factor* Thus China talks with her neighbours in Southeast asia in terms of relevance of fllong historical ties," casting herself into the role of a benevolent "older brother11 who is entitled to reopect and deference in exchange for patronage and protection* Hence the traditional echoes of the past are emerging ever stronger and influencing her postures towards the region, while the open support to revolutionary moevments is underplayed at the moment.

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As we find in Empire and Multitude, Antonio Negri's political project IS a thoroughly Marxist analysis and critique of global or late capitalism. By modifying and updating Marx's conceptual tools, he is able to provide a clear account of capitalism's processes, its expanding reach, and the revolutionary potential that functions as its motor. By turning to Negri's philosophical works, however, we find that this political analysis is founded on a series of concepts and theoretical positions. This paper attempts to clarify this theoretical foundation, highlighting in particular what I term "ontological constructivism" - Negri's radical reworking of traditional ontology. Opposing the long history of transcendence in epistemology and metaphysics (one that stretches from Plato to Kant), this reworked ontological perspective positions individuals - not god or some other transcendent source - as the primary agents responsible for molding the ontological landscape. Combined with his understanding of kairos (subjective, immeasurable time), ontological constructivism lays the groundwork for opposing transcendence and rethinking contemporary politics.

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This study examined the impact that collaborative learning had on the assessment and evaluation of writing practices of a group of teachers as they engaged in a community of learners. The study explored the development of teacher knowledge and perceptions as well as the implementation of effective assessment strategies in writing for students in grades 4 to 8 that could be achieved through collaboration. Teachers' perceptions of the value of collaboration were also embedded within the study. Multiple methods of data collection were used to gather rich and descriptive data. Those methods included interviews, observation, and documentation of meetings and of participants' perceptions of their assessment and evaluation practices. Five preexisting themes describing desired outcomes of change were used to analyze the data. These themes included: knowledge, attitude, skill, aspiration, and behaviour. While it was difficult to identify definitively the degree oflearning achieved by the participants, conclusions can be drawn that the participants experienced learning and some change in the areas of knowledge and skill, attitude, aspiration, and behaviour. What was notable was the continued belief on the part of the participants of the value of collaboration as a means of learning.

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William Van Every, son of McGregory and Mary Wilcox (Jaycocks) Van Every, was born in New York state in 1765. During the Revolutionary War he joined Butler’s Rangers and served under Captain John McDonnell. He was granted three lots of land in the Township of Niagara, with additional lands granted at later dates. William married Elizabeth, daughter of George Young. Elizabeth was the widow of Col. Frederick Dochstader and mother of Catherine Dochstader, b. 1781. William Van Every died in 1832, his wife Elizabeth in 1851. Both are buried in the Warner Cemetery, in present day Niagara Falls. The children of William Van Every and Elizabeth Young were Mary, Elizabeth, Phoebe, John, Peter, William, Rebecca, Samuel and Joseph. Source: Mary Blackadar Piersol, The Records of the Van Every Family, Toronto : Best Printing, 1947. And, Patricia M. Orr, Historic Woodend, sponsored by Niagara Peninsula Conservation Authority, 1980?

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H.A.S. (Henry Alexander Scammell) Dearborn (1783-1851) was the son of Henry Dearborn, the American politician and veteran of the Revolutionary War and War of 1812. In the War of 1812, H.A.S Dearborn served as Brigadier General of the volunteer forces, responsible for the defence of Boston Harbour. From 1812-1829 he was collector of customs in Boston, from 1831-1833 he served as a representative from Massachusetts in the United States Congress, was adjutant general of Massachusetts from 1834-1843 and mayor of Roxbury from 1847-1851. Letter transcription: Dear Sir, My success in the line of recruiting has exceeded my most sanguine expectations. I have enlisted 24 1st Lt. 30—my 2nd Lt. 13, and my Ensign 9—Total 76. All very [ablebodied] men. In all probability my company will be full before the last day of June. I shall be in Boston on the 10th of June. I have not yet had the pleasure to hear of the arrival of your father at Boston. Please to offer my respects to your family, and to all my friends in the [office]. In haste, Yours, A.M. Clary.

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James Corbin (1791-1860) lived in Williamstown, Berkshire County, Massachusetts. He is buried there is Southlawn cemetery. Pliny Moore (1759-1822) was the founder of the town of Champlain, New York. He served in the revolutionary war and after received the Smith and Graves patent, a parcel of land more than 11,000 acres in size. He served in several town offices in Champlain, including postmaster and judge, as well as operating sawmills and textile mills. Letter transcription: Dear Sir, The reason I did not come to tend your mill last spring was because the letter you wrote me dated 1 of March I didn’t receive it until the 12 of April and inform me that if I could be there in 2 or 3 weeks you would employ me as we agreed and therefore I concluded it would not do any good for me to come. It was a great disappointment to me because I was all ready to come whenever I got word. It is impossible for me to come now for I am in partnership with my brother in the farm and Mills and must take care our crops and settle our [bushels] this winter. I know nothing to the contrary but what I can come next spring I will let you know by uncle Corbin this winter. James Corbin

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Charles Larned (1791-1834) was a lawyer and American military officer who served during the War of 1812. He was the son of Simon Larned (1753-1817), who served as a captain in the Revolutionary War and was a member of the United States Congress from Massachusetts from 1804-1805. Charles studied law in the office of Henry Clay in Kentucky, and was dining with a group of prominent citizens when word was received that General William Henry Harrison could soon be overpowered by General Henry Proctor. Colonel Owen, a member of the group, organized a regiment to reinforce Harrison’s troops. Larned became a member and subsequently survived the River Raisin Massacre and was later present at the Battle of the Thames. He was also part of a group of men who learned of General William Hull’s plan to surrender Detroit to the British and planned to overtake him should this occur. However, the plan failed, Hull did surrender and the men became prisoners of the British. After the war, Larned became a lawyer, and served as Attorney General of Michigan Territory during the Black Hawk War. During the cholera epidemic of 1834, he worked tirelessly to assist others, but was stricken with the disease and died. Letter Transcription: Pittsfield, April 8, 1813 I think that by this time my dear Charles you will allow I have some reason to give you a gentle reprimand for breach of duty—but I will not censure you upon suspicion maybe you have substantial reasons—at any rate one cannot very graciously reproach the other for negligence I for one am healthy as ham & that we have so seldom exchanged letters during your absence & on my honor promise to be a better girl in future—but the truth is my Dear Charles I am secretary for the Family—Mama you know never writes & James but seldom & they are all dispersed in different directions, consequently I have many calls upon my time—this to be sure is a pleasant duty & I urge it only as a slight palliation for my remissness if you should consider it as such—now I have finished my preface—I will try to be more interesting & doubtless I succeed. Our dear Father we hope & trust is now in Green Bush, where he will probably remain a month perhaps & from thence he expects to go to Sacket’s harbor—at which place you know our troops are fast collecting-- We shall hope to see him either here or there before he goes. Brother George I believe is [still] at Plattsburgh but expects soon to be removed to some other military part perhaps with Papa (I hope so at least). We have just got letters from Brothers Sylvester & Joseph at Middlebury—they are in good health. Mama has for some weeks been afflicted with an inflammation in her eyes but seems now to be convalescing. Sister Martha has been somewhat unwell for a few weeks but is now tolerably recovered. James & myself are both in our usual good health & at this time seated by the same stand, one reading, the other writing. Thus my Dear Charles have I given you an abstract history of our Family—but here indeed is a wonderful omission; not a word about Miss Harriet Hunt, who in truth ought to have been noted first but the last she’s not the least in my memory. She is much grown since you saw her, but does not speak as fluently as we could wish—a few word she can say. Probably before this you have been informed of the great loss your friend Sherrill has sustained in the death of his mother—also of the revolution that has taken place in Hackbridge as it respects the religion & morality of the place that more than one hundred on the plain have become religious converts & c—indeed I am at a loss what to say that will afford your pleasure—a narrative at this time must be gloomy indeed. The distressing situation of our country at this time would make almost any recital melancholy. The prevailing epidemic has swept off many of your acquaintance no doubt. Mrs. Dewey of Williamstown, the sister of Mrs. Danforth, has left a Husband, Children & many Friends sincerely to lament her loss—some few have died in our village, but we have escaped astonishingly –it has raged in every town about us--If we are unwilling to acknowledge a God in his mercies. I fear she shall be compelled to do it in the awfulness of his judgments.--------I am much [pleased] with our new neighbors the Parsons Wife & a Miss Woodward her cousin is a fine girl, I think, Mrs. Allen has not a handsome face but something in her manner that interests one her person I think the handsomest I ever saw & the Parson seems well pleased with his selection—Mrs. Ripley is with them this winter & will probably remain thro the summer—Her husband at [Sackett’s Harbor] little or no alteration is apparent since her marriage—she seems as gay & fond of company as ever.-------Mrs. [McKnight] it is expected will commence housekeeping in about three weeks in the house formerly occupied by Mr…. [Report] says that Mr. Goodman & Clarissa Weller are soon to be married & many other things that I must omit to mention for Mama wants a… PS reserved--now my Dear Charles remember you are considerably… & I am confident you have as much leisure as I have –… be ceremonious but write whenever I find time not & I beg… the same – I tell James I shall not send his love for he must write himself. I shall anxiously expect you to write & do not disappoint your affectionate, sister--H One word my Dear Charles from your affectionate Mother who longs to see Her Dear son Charles—but being deprived of that rich blessing at present—begs Him so to conduct that she may hope for it ere long—do you search the Scriptures and keep the Sabbath holy unto the Lord—and all the sacred Commandments of God—it is my ardent desire…He would protect, support and provide for your soul and body and believe me your affectionate friend and Mother. R Larned.

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Since 1995 Free The Children (FTC) has grown to be one of the largest and most recognized youth-focused and youth-led non-governmental organizations (NGOs) in Canada. FTC has distinguished itself by developing slick marketing campaigns, promising youth that they will become agents of change who can make a significant contribution towards eradicating poverty and promoting global social justice. The organization has utilized the Internet, creating an engaging and dynamic web page used to promote its development initiatives and celebrate the altruistic actions of its young participants. FTC uses a variety of strategies including text, video and images to persuade the viewer to engage with and elicit support for the organization. FTC attracts viewers by highlighting the successes of its overseas initiatives and the contributions made by young Northern volunteers in the global South. The organization also uses celebrity ambassadors, and cultural events such as We Day to raise its profile. Using a critical rhetorical analysis, this thesis interrogates FTC’s online promotional materials, exploring how the organization uses rhetorical strategies to persuade young people to take an interest in social justice activities. More specifically, an examination of FTC web-based promotional materials identifies and problematizes the organization’s rhetorical emphasis on youth empowerment, global citizenship and direct forms of helping the global South. This thesis argues that FTC does not direct adequate attention to fostering critical awareness among it participants. Further, the organization fails to provide its online participants with the appropriate tools or opportunities to critically engage with the structural issues related to global inequities. This thesis also examines how the organization uses rhetoric that promotes simplistic, feel-good projects that avoid exposing young people to an analysis of global social injustices.

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John Butler (1728-1796) was originally from Connecticut but settled with his family in the Mohawk valley of New York around 1742. His father was a Captain in the British army and well acquainted with William Johnson (superintendent of Northern Indians). Butler impressed Johnson with his aptitude for Indian languages and diplomacy. He began to work with Johnson in 1755, and received several promotions in the department, until his apparent retirement in the early 1770s. At the onset of the Revolutionary War in 1775, Butler relocated to Canada to join the British forces, settling in Niagara. During the War, Butler was instrumental in maintaining the alliance with the Indians. After the War, Butler became prominent in local affairs in Niagara, but failed to secure any important offices when the province of Upper Canada was formed in 1792. In an effort to recoup some of the financial losses his family suffered during the War, Butler illegally attempted to supply trade goods to the Indian department with his son Andrew, his nephew Walter Butler Sheehan, and Samuel Street, a Niagara merchant.

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Catherine (Lemon) Everingham was the widow of James Everingham, a private with the first Battalion of Colo Delancys Regt. of the Jersey Volunteers. He died in the American Revolutionary War in 1796, leaving his wife and two children settled on two hundred acres of land in the Township of Willoughby. No certificate had been awarded to James Everingham for this land. Catherine subsequently petitioned the government to grant her the land that she had settled on with her family.

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The King’s Royal Regiment of New York was a Loyalist regiment that served on the Canadian frontier during the American Revolutionary War. The regiment was commanded by Sir John Johnson, who recruited members from the settlers on his estates in the Mohawk Valley. After the War, the two battalions of the regiment were disbanded. The First Battalion settled on the north shore of the St. Lawrence, while the Second Battalion settled by the Bay of Quinte.

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Notebook with H.K. Woodruff written on the front cover (soft cover). Inside, there is a list of 48 diverse items which include: sword found at Lundy’s Lane, stuffed frog from Long Point, Indian pipe, 5 curious old revolutionary pistols and Mrs. S. Bull’s slippers. At the back of the book there is a list of 22 items including: proclamation issued by Sir Isaac Brock on Feb. 24, 1812 and Egyptian mummy, 1884-1885.

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- The first part of the document traces Mr. Haile’s lineage. His father, James Haile was a farmer. His grandfather, Amos Haile was a sailor for the early part of his life. He was placed on a British man-of- war in about 1758. He escaped and settled in Putney. (p.1) - His father’s mother’s maiden name was Parker. His mother’s maiden name was Campbell. Her father was a captain in the Revolutionary Army. (p.2) - His earliest memories revolve around the death of his aunt and the funeral of General Washington (although he did not witness this). At the time, his father was a Lieutenant in a regiment militia of Light Dragoons who wore red coats. (p.3) - In 1804, an addition was added to the Haile house which necessitated that William was to stay home to help with the building. He continued to study and read on his own. He was particularly interested in Napoleon Bonaparte’s victories. In that same year he was sent to Fairfield Academy where Reverend Caleb Alexander was the principal. (p.4) - On June 1, 1812, William was appointed as an Ensign in the Infantry of the Army of the United States. He was put into the recruiting service at Nassau (20 miles east of Albany) where he remained until September. (p.4) - He was assigned to the 11th Regiment of the W.S. Infantry and directed to proceed to Plattsburgh to report to Colonel Isaac Clark. (p.7) - He was assigned to the company commanded by Captain Samuel H. Halley who was not in the best of health and often absent. For a good part of the time William was in charge of the company. (p.8) - The 11th Regiment was encamped beside the 15th Regiment commanded by Col. Zebulon Montgomery Pike [Pike’s Peak was named after him]. Col. Pike generously drilled and disciplined the 11th Regiment since their officers didn’t seem capable of doing so. (p.8) - The first brigade to which William’s regiment was attached to was commanded by Brigadier General Bloomfield of New Jersey. Brigadier Chandler of Maine commanded the second brigade. (p.9) - At the beginning of November, Major General Dearborn took command of the army. He had been a good officer in his time, but William refers to him as “old and inefficient” earning him the nickname “Granny Dearborn” (p.9) - On November 17th, 1812, General Dearborn moved north with his army. The troops ended up in Champlain. There was no fighting, only a skirmish between a party of men under Colonel Pike and a few British troops who he succeeded in capturing. (p.10) - The troops were moved to barracks for the winter. Colonel Pike’s troops were put into suitable barracks and kept healthy but another part of the army (including the 11th Regiment) were sent to a barracks of green lumber north of Burlington. Disease soon broke out in the damp barracks and the hundreds of deaths soon followed. One morning, William counted 22 bodies who had died the previous night. He puts a lot of this down to an inexperienced commanding officer, General Chandler. (p.11) - At the beginning of 1813, William was stationed as a recruiter on the shore of Shoreham across from Fort Ticonderoga. In February, he returned to Burlington with his recruits. In March he received an order from General Chandler to proceed to Whitehall and take charge of the stores and provisions. In April and May it was decided that his half of the regiment (the First Battalion) should march to Sackett’s Harbour, Lake Ontario. They arrived at Sackett’s Harbour about the 10th of June, a few days after the Battle of Sackett’s Harbour. (p.12) - He was camped near the site of Fort Oswego and got word to head back to Sackett’s Harbour. A storm overtook the schooner that he was on. (p.14) - William was involved in the Battle of Williamsburg (or Chrysler’s Farm) which he calls a “stupid and bungling affair on the part of our generals”.(p. 18) - General Covington was wounded and died a few days after the battle. (p.19) - William speaks of being ill. The troops were ordered to march to Buffalo, but he is able to go to his father’s house in Fairfield where his mother nursed him back to health (p.23) - Upon arrival at Buffalo, the “old fogy Generals” were replaced with younger, more efficient men. (p.25) - On page 27 he sums up a few facts: In 1812, the army was assembled on Lake Champlain with the intention of capturing Montreal, and then Quebec. That year, under General Dearborn the army marched as far as Champlain, then turned back and went into winter quarters. In 1813, the army was assembled at Sackett’s Harbour and that year the campaign ended at French Mills which was 70 or 80 miles from Montreal. In 1814, the army at Buffalo were some 400 miles from Montreal with still the same object in view. - He says that these facts make “a riddle – difficult to explain”. (p.27) - On the evening of July 2nd they embarked on the boats with the objective of capturing Fort Erie. The enemy were all made prisoners of war (p.27) - On July 4th they went to Street’s Creek, 2 miles above the Chippewa [Chippawa] River (p.28) - Page 29 is titled The Battle of Chippewa [Chippawa] - He speaks of 2 drummers who were fighting over the possession of a drum when a cannonball came along and took of both of their heads (p.29) - He proclaims that this was one of the “most brilliant battles of the war”. The battle was fought and won in less than an hour after they left their tents. He credits General Scott with this success and states that was due to his rapid orders and movements. (p.30) - The dead of the battle remained on the field during the night. He describes this as quite gloomy seeing friend and foe lying side by side. At daybreak they set to work digging trenches to bury the dead. (p.31) - Colonel Campbell was wounded and advised to have his leg amputated. He refused, and subsequently died. (p.32) - It is said that the British threw several of their dead into the river and they went over the Falls. (p.32) - His troops repaired the bridge over Chippawa which the enemy had partially destroyed and then pursued the British as far as Queenston Heights. (p.32) - On pages 33 and 34 he speaks about meeting an old friend of his, Philip Harter. - The account ends at Queenston Heights