Historia en voz baja: la oralidad y el rumor para la narración de la Guerra Civil española en la ‘Primera derrota’ de Alberto Méndez

The first of the four paths that structure the book "Los girasoles ciegos", by Alberto Méndez – with its theory about the delayed end of the Spanish Civil War as a longing for destruction outside of any kind of strategy based on military logic – presents the construction of a memory based on certain oral marks, facts provided quietly by apparently non-central characters, the distrust of written documents, and the use of speech patterns mostly associated with spontaneity in order to set up a level of verisimilitude which makes the memory emerge in parallel pathways considered relatively reliable (for example, the case of a report), forged speech on the basis of indirect references, testimonials and letters. The aim of the paper is to consider an example of contemporary Spanish narrative in which a journey, perhaps weak in terms of the material, support to the channels through which the narrator comes in the story through the voice of the people – but functional as an approach to a search of the recent past – contributes to a certain conception of memory.

Retratos da Guerra Civil Espanhola na obra de Juan Marsé

O conflito civil espanhol (1936-1939) teve consequências desastrosas para o país. No entanto, o período do pós-guerra foi igualmente difícil pela falta de valores, fragmentação de famílias, fome e miséria generalizada. Juan Marsé, escritor catalão, aborda invariavelmente o mesmo tema nas suas obras – a Barcelona do pós-guerra –, recuperando a memória desta fratura na História de Espanha. Deste modo, este artigo pretende analisar obras como Últimas tardes con Teresa, Si te dicen que caí ou Rabos de Lagartija e identificar paisagens físicas e humanas dessa época.

Fortress Monroe, Old Point Comfort, and Hygeia Hotel, Va. /

"Entered according to Act of Congress in the year 1861 by E. Sachse & Co. in the Clerks Office of the District Court of Maryland."

City profile - Colombo

Rooted in a history that dates back 1500 years, the concentration of economic activity and infrastructure in Colombo represents an extreme case of urban primacy within the national context of Sri Lanka. Located on the West Coast of the country, the Colombo metropolitan area accommodates a quarter of the country's 18.6 million population, and is the economic and political core of the country. However, Colombo is a city of extremes. Its modem and well-serviced core stands in stark contrast to the circumstances of more than half of its population, who live in poorly serviced shack and shanty settlements. The proportion of the population living in these areas continues to expand, notwithstanding a history of innovative and participatory approaches to development planning and management. Complicating these development challenges, the potential of the city is undermined by a civil war that has been under way since the early 1980s, taking an immense toll in loss of life, political polarization, and economic opportunity costs. This paper traces Colombo's historical development, provides a description of contemporary characteristics and challenges faced by the city, and examines the evolution of plans and programmes designed to improve the conditions of low-income settlements in the city. (C) 2002 Elsevier Science Ltd. All rights reserved.

O papel da Organização das Nações Unidas em Angola

RESUMO: Angola tem sido ao longo dos tempos objecto de cobiça por parte de países estrangeiros por motivações diversas, que foram desde interesses coloniais – como aconteceu com Portugal, que durante séculos a colonizou, e da Holanda, que dominou Luanda entre 1641 e 1648 – ou por interesses hegemónicos, ideológicos e políticos – como sucedeu com os EUA e a URSS, mas também com a Republica Popular da China e Cuba – e até por interesses regionais – como foram os casos da África do Sul e dos contíguos Congo Belga, hoje Republica Democrática do Congo, e Zâmbia. No entanto, a todos estes interesses diversos não se pode excluir um que lhes é transversal: o interesse económico. De facto, os 1246700 km² de que Angola dispõe, aliados à sua excelente localização geográfica com uma extensa costa atlântica e a sua extraordinária riqueza em recursos naturais podem explicar este envolvimento estrangeiro na História de Angola. No que diz respeito ao objecto da Dissertação, o envolvimento da ONU nas questões relacionadas com Angola remonta à década de 50, ou seja, ao período colonial e muito antes da independência do país em 1975, devido à política descolonizadora saída da II Guerra Mundial. Além disso, a dinâmica que emergiu da II Guerra Mundial, rapidamente, reconfigurou o panorama político internacional em dois blocos: o ocidental liderado pelos EUA e o de Leste liderado pela URSS, que se envolveram numa Guerra Fria, polarização cujos efeitos se ligam de forma trágica à guerra em Angola, primeiro para a autodeterminação, e, depois, já num contexto de independência, num conflito armado que ultrapassou o plano interno. Os interesses dos EUA e da URSS, que começaram por ser antagónicos, deram lugar em 1989 com o fim da bipolaridade a uma cooperação mais aberta e uma abertura política em Angola rumo à paz e ao início da construção da democracia. Neste trabalho estuda-se o papel da ONU em Angola, quer no período de luta pela independência, quer depois, na busca da paz no sangrento conflito – nem sempre civil – que mesmo antes da data da independência, a 11 de Novembro de 1975, e até Fevereiro de 2002, dilacerou o país. Procura-se, igualmente, analisar o contributo da ONU na consolidação das instituições e na construção de um regime democrático em Angola. ABSTRACT: Angola has been along time subject to the greed of several foreign countries for many reasons and motivations which go from colonial interests - that is the cases of, Portugal which for centuries colonized it, and Netherlands under whose administration had been Luanda between 1641 and 1648 - or for hegemonic, ideological and political interests - as it happened in regard to USA and USSR, but also People‟s Republic of China, Cuba, - and even for regional interests - regarding South Africa Republic, and the neighbouring countries, Democratic Republic of Congo (ancient Republic of the Congo “Leopoldville”), and the Republic of Zambia. On the other hand to these interests we may join another which is transversal to all of them: economic interest. Effectively, Angola‟s 481,351 square miles (1,246,700 Km2) estimated area, combined with its excellent geographical location with a lengthy Atlantic coast, its extraordinary richness in natural resources may well explain this foreign participation in its Political History. Concerning the objective of this work, the UN has been involved in matters regarding Angola since the decade of 50 of the last century, during the colonial period, long before the independence of the country in 1975, due to the decolonization policy emerged from the Second World War. Furthermore, after the Second World War, international environment has changed, transforming quickly the world into two main blocs, the West with the leadership of the USA and the East with the leadership of USSR which went into a Cold War. The effects of this polarization reached tragically Angola, early in the fight for self-determination, and went on later after independence in an armed conflict, which has overcome the internal dimension. The USA and USSR interests, at the beginning being antagonistic had become by 1989, with the end of bipolarity, more cooperative, leading Angola to a political reform towards peace and beginning the construction of democracy. In this academic work it‟s studied the UNO role in Angola since the fight for self-determination early in the sixties of last century, and later in the search for peace during the bloody - and not always civil – war conflict which very before independence date in 11th November 1975, and as long as 2002, divided the country. Additionally, this work aims to understand the UNO contribution to consolidate institutions and to promote democracy in Angola.

Orgulho e preconceito: a visão de um vitoriano acerca de Portugal e dos portugueses

As narrativas bélicas de viagem do séc. XIX, no âmbito da Guerra Civil Portuguesa (1828-1834) são particularmente ricas enquanto fonte e memória histórica de acontecimentos importantes da História de Portugal. Mas além do seu potencial historiográfico, tais escritos são também o espelho da idiossincrasia – vitoriana – do autor reflectida na forma como transforma, constrói, julga ou interpreta a realidade do país que visita, bem como a maneira de ser do seu povo.

O Impacto do investimento direto estrangeiro no crescimento económico de Angola

Dissertação apresentada ao Instituto Superior de Contabilidade e Administração do Porto, para a obtenção do Grau de Mestre em Empreendedorismo e Internacionalização Orientação: Prof. Doutora Maria Clara Dias Pinto Ribeiro Prof. Doutora Celsa Maria Carvalho Machado

Draft for a Mental Health strategy Lebanon

RESUMO: O Líbano é um pequeno país na costa leste do Mar Mediterrâneo, com uma população de aproximadamente 4.350.000 pessoas, incluindo 1,5 milhões de refugiados, 400 mil dos quais são palestinos atendidos pela UNRWA (Agência das Nações Unidas de Socorro aos Refugiados da Palestina) (UNHCR, 2013; OMS, 2010a). Desde 2012, um excedente de 1.000.000 refugiados sírios cruzaram a fronteira com o Líbano, representando um aumento populacional de aproximadamente 25%. Além disso, entre 1975 e 1990, a violenta guerra civil pela qual o Líbano passou, destruiu grande parte da infra-estrutura do país, incluindo os serviços de saúde. O sector da saúde, mais especificamente os serviços de saúde mental, é majoritariamente privado. Serviços especializados em Saúde Mental estão disponíveis em três hospitais psiquiátricos privados, e em 4 unidades psiquiátricas de hospitais gerais, que estão localizados centralmente em torno da capital, Beirute. O Líbano é um dos dois únicos países da região que não tem uma Política de Saúde Mental e um dos seis países que não têm uma Legislação em Saúde Mental. Nos últimos anos, a Saúde Mental está sendo colocada no topo da agenda nacional, apesar das contínuas questões políticas e de segurança. Baseando-se nas informações acima, um projecto de estratégia em Saúde Mental, conduzido pelo Ministério da Saúde e apoiado pela OMS, foi escrito para servir como um guia para trabalhar em diferentes aspectos relacionados tanto em saúde mental quanto em organização dos serviços, revisão de legislação, financiamento e proteção dos direitos humanos básicos dos usuários do serviço. Esta tese descreve o processo pelo qual o projecto de estratégia nacional de Saúde Mental foi desenvolvido, seus principais componentes, os próximos passos a serem tomados para a sua implementação, os desafios e as oportunidades para implementá-lo e propõe alguns passos iniciais a serem tomados em primeiro lugar.----------ABSTRACT: Lebanon is a small country on the eastern shore of the Mediterranean Sea with a population of approximately 4,350,000 including 1,500,000 refugees, 400,000 of whom are Palestinians served by UNRWA (the United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees) (UNHCR, 2013; WHO, 2010a). Since 2012 an excess of 1,000,000 Syrian refugees have crossed the border into Lebanon accounting for approximately 25% increase in the population. In addition, from 1975 to 1990 Lebanon underwent a violent civil war that had also destroyed much of the country infrastructure including health services. The health sector, more so the mental health services, is mostly private. Specialized Mental Health services are available at three private mental hospitals, and 4 psychiatric units within general hospitals, which are located centrally around the capital, Beirut. Lebanon is one of only two countries of the region that does not have a Mental Health policy and one out of the six countries that does not have a Mental Health legislation. In recent years, Mental Health is getting placed higher on the national agenda despite the ever continuing political and security issues. Based on the above, A Mental Health strategy draft, lead by the Ministry of Health and supported by WHO, was written to serve as a guide to work on different aspects related to Mental Health from service organization, to the revision of legislation, financing and the protection of the basic human rights of service users. This thesis describes the process through which the national Mental Health draft strategy was developed, its main components, the next steps to be taken for its implementation, the challenges and the opportunities to implementing it and proposes a few initial steps to be taken first.

Humor and the framing of the public sphere and public opinion in Portugal (1797-1834)

In his Answer to the Question: What is Enlightenment (1784), Kant puts forward his belief that the vocation to think freely, which humankind is endowed with, is bound to make sure that “the public use of reason” will at last act “even on the fundamental principles of government and the state [will] find it agreeable to treat man – who is now more than a machine – in accord with his dignity”. The critical reference to La Mettrie (1747), by opposing the machine to human dignity, will echo, in the dawn of the 20th century, in Bergson’s attempt to explain humor. Besides being exclusive to humans, humor is also a social phenomenon. Freud (1905) assures that pleasure originated by humor is collective, it results from a “social process”: jokes need an audience, a “third party”, in order to work and have fun. Assuming humor as a social and cultural phenomenon, this paper intends to sustain that it played a role in the framing of the public sphere and of public opinion in Portugal during the transition from Absolute Monarchy to Liberalism. The search for the conditions which made possible the critical exercise of sociability is at the root of the creation of the public sphere in the sense developed by Habermas (1962), whose perspective, however, has been questioned by those who point 2 out the alleged idealism of the concept – as opposed, for example, to Bakhtin (1970), whose work stresses diversity and pluralism. This notwithstanding, the concept of public sphere is crucial to the building of public opinion, which is, in turn, indissoluble from the principle of publicity, as demonstrated by Bobbio (1985). This paper discusses the historical evolution of the concept of public opinion from Ancient Greece doxa, through Machiavelli’s “humors” (1532), the origin of the expression in Montaigne (1580) and the contributions of Hobbes (1651), Locke (1690), Swift (1729), Rousseau (1762) or Hume (1777), up to the reflection of Lippman (1922) and Bourdieu’s critique (1984). It maintains that humor, as it appears in Portuguese printed periodicals from 1797 (when Almocreve de Petas was published for the first time) to the end of the civil war (1834) – especially in those edited by José Daniel Rodrigues da Costa but also in O Piolho Viajante, by António Manuel Policarpo da Silva, or in the ones written by José Agostinho de Macedo, as well as in a political “elite minded” periodical such as Correio Braziliense –, contributed to the framing of the public sphere and of public opinion in Portugal.

Return Migration, Self-Selection and Entrepreneurship in Mozambique

Does return migration affect entrepreneurship? This question has important implications for the debate on the economic development effects of migration for origin countries. The existing literature has, however, not addressed how the estimation of the impact of return migration on entrepreneurship is affected by double unobservable migrant self-selection, both at the initial outward migration and at the final inward return migration stages. This paper uses a representative household survey conducted in Mozambique in order to address this research question. We exploit variation provided by displacement caused by civil war in Mozambique, as well as social unrest and other shocks in migrant destination countries. The results lend support to negative unobservable self-selection at both and each of the initial and return stages of migration, which results in an under-estimation of the effects of return migration on entrepreneurial outcomes when using a ‘naïve’ estimator not controlling for self-selection. Indeed, ‘naïve’ estimates point to a 13 pp increase in the probability of owning a business when there is a return migrant in the household relative to non-migrants only, whereas excluding the double effect of unobservable self-selection, this effect becomes significantly larger - between 24 pp and 29 pp, depending on the method of estimation and source of variation used.

Filhos da Rainha Ginga? Sociogénese da Nação e do Estado Angolano

A seguinte investigação centra-se sobre a sociogénese da nação e do Estado angolano no contexto de estado pós-colonial e de dependência externa. O presente trabalho tem como fito elaborar um conjunto de análises e interpretações de factos históricos e da realidade política angolana para compreender os sistemas de reproduções que estão na base da construção da herança colonial, e ao mesmo tempo explicar como este processo está a ser dirigido pelas elites angolanas na continuação da formação da identidade nacional. Para isso, foi importante o papel das elites nacionalistas de pendor mais internacionalista que, pelo seu legado cultural, apostaram mais na reprodução das estruturas do que em enveredarem para um pan-africanismo que caracterizou algumas tendências noutros estados pós-coloniais de África. O reforço da herança colonial está circunscrito na forma como a própria descolonização foi feita, no contexto de Guerra Fria e nos confrontos civis que se seguiram à independência. Logo, o papel dos nacionalistas foi de importância capital na constituição da nação e do Estado, a qual o processo ainda não apresenta sinais de um projecto acabado. Isto porque a dinâmica política ainda é muito dirigida pelo Estado e pela elite dirigente, perpetuando a forma de Estado centralizado de tipo colonial. As consequências desta forte centralização são a ausência de uma sociedade civil e a repressão de qualquer autonomia social ou liberdade individual. Tudo isto está a ser feito em nome da construção da identidade angolana e do pretenso Estado – Nação, que visa a uma cultura nacional.

The Catalan countries project (1931-1939)

In the evolution of Catalan nationalism, as much politician as cultural, the period of II Spanish Republic (1931-1939) was essential. The obtaining of the Statute of Autonomy (1931-1932) supposed the beginning of a stage of expansion in multiple aspects. One of them were the contacts with the Catalanists nuclei of the rest of the cultural space of Catalan language in which, at that time, it would begin to call Catalan Countries (Balearic Islands, Valencian Country, Andorra, Rosselló, to l'Alguer). On Those Collaborations between cultural organizations, political and particular parties Catalonia always will be the model to follow. The Increasing connections will be visualized on press, as well as on cultural celebrations, policy of parties and Constituent Courts. This evolution will be cut by the Franco victory in the Civil War in 1939.

El canon de la arquitectura residencial barcelonesa 1940-1960

Este es un proyecto para el desarrollo de una tesis de introducción a una serie de proyectos de edificios de viviendas en Barcelona, con la característica común de encontrarse éstos entre medianeras, en un modelo de ciudad compacta. Lo que interesa desvelar en este estudio es la búsqueda de un canon en las obras residenciales de la época 1940-1960. La inserción de la arquitectura residencial moderna en el modelo de ciudad tradicional. El estudio se centra en el análisis detallado del legado arquitectónico de los años que van de la posguerra hasta el inicio de la autarquía, desmontando los modelos hasta descubrir las características esenciales de los ejemplos, casi podríamos decir canónicos, de una manera de proyectar y de construir para un grupo social muy concreto: la clase acomodada de Barcelona.

Irish Land Bonds: 1891-1938

This paper introduces a new database on Irish land bonds listed on the Dublin Stock Exchange from 1891 to 1938: it outlines the nature of these bonds and presents data on their size, liquidity and market returns. These government-guaranteed bonds arose during a period when the possibility of Irish secession from the United Kingdom appeared ever more likely, and were used to finance the transfer of land ownership from landlords to tenants in Ireland (North & South). Movements in the prices of these bonds can help to understand how financial markets responded to events in the early economic and political history of the Irish Free State, including Irish partition, Independence, Civil War and de facto default. Understanding these issues has contemporary relevance for regions in Spain (Catalonia, Euskadi), Great Britain (Scotland) and Belgium (Flanders).

Water scarcity, social power and the production of an elite suburb: the political ecology of water in Matadepera, Catalonia

This article investigates the history of land and water transformations in Matadepera, a wealthy suburb of metropolitan Barcelona. Analysis is informed by theories of political ecology and methods of environmental history; although very relevant, these have received relatively little attention within ecological economics. Empirical material includes communications from the City Archives of Matadepera (1919-1979), 17 interviews with locals born between 1913 and 1958, and an exhaustive review of grey historical literature. Existing water histories of Barcelona and its outskirts portray a battle against natural water scarcity, hard won by heroic engineers and politicians acting for the good of the community. Our research in Matadepera tells a very different story. We reveal the production of a highly uneven landscape and waterscape through fierce political and power struggles. The evolution of Matadepera from a small rural village to an elite suburb was anything but spontaneous or peaceful. It was a socio-environmental project well intended by landowning elites and heavily fought by others. The struggle for the control of water went hand in hand with the land and political struggles that culminated – and were violently resolved - in the Spanish Civil War. The displacement of the economic and environmental costs of water use from few to many continues to this day and is constitutive of Matadepera’s uneven and unsustainable landscape. By unravelling the relations of power that are inscribed in the urbanization of nature (Swyngedouw, 2004), we question the perceived wisdoms of contemporary water policy debates, particularly the notion of a natural scarcity that merits a technical or economic response. We argue that the water question is fundamentally a political question of environmental justice; it is about negotiating alternative visions of the future and deciding whose visions will be produced.