951 resultados para Australian federal cultural policy


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The recent House of Lords decision in Quintavalle v Human Fertilisation and Embryology Authority has raised difficult and complex issues regarding the extent to which embryo selection and reproductive technology can be used as a means of rectifying genetic disorders and treating critically ill children. This comment outlines the facts of Quintavalle and explores how the House of Lords approached the legal, ethical and policy issues that arose out of the Human Fertilisation and Embryology Authority's (UK) decision to allow reproductive and embryo technology to be used to produce a 'saviour sibling' whose tissue could be used to save the life of a critically ill child. Particular attention will be given to the implications of the decision in Quintavalle for Australian family and medical law and policy. As part of this focus, the comment explores the current Australian legislative and policy framework regarding the use of genetic and reproductive technology as a mechanism through which to assist critically ill siblings. It is argued that the present Australian framework would appear to impose significant limits on the medical uses of genetic technology and, in this context, would seem to reflect many of the principles that were articulated by the House of Lords in Quintavalle.

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Social movement theories offer useful conceptual and analytical tools to the study and research of global media reform movements. This article is a critical analysis of the Communication Rights in the Information Society (CRIS) campaign. It explores its successes and blind-spots in the light of social movement theory, in particular resource mobilization theory (RMT), and offers practical directions for the movement to move on from where it is to where it ought to be.

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A presente dissertação aborda os meandros de criação e implementação da principal política pública federal de combate à homofobia: o Programa Brasil sem Homofobia. Traz o cenário atual da luta pelos direitos humanos do segmento homossexual e os avanços e retrocessos no campo da educação e da cidadania de Lésbicas, Gays, Bissexuais, Travestis e Transexuais. Analisa a partir do conceito de dispositivo forjado por Michel Foucault, o Dispositivo da Sexualidade com enfoque na homossexualidade/homofobia, deste modo identifica as relações de saber-poder que têm envolvido LGBTs positiva e negativamente, através das verdades construídas, das instituições de poder e da subjetividade como força de ruptura. Assim, ressalta o poder de resistência de cada indivíduo, reflete sobre a visibilidade como instância produtiva de poder e discute a unidade da comunidade LGBT para fins de enfrentamento das violações de direitos sofridas por não-heterossexuais.

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The European Union with its sophisticated institutional system is the most important regional integration on Earth. This tight form of economic integration converges to the level that Dani Rodrik calls hyperglobalization in his model, the political trilemma of globalisation. In our paper we develop the mentioned model and then we apply it to the case of the European Integration. We argue that if we want to maintain the deep integration among member states in the EU we have to pass more and more functions of the nation states to the federation level. In case of the EMU that means that federal fiscal policy is needed which could lead to multi-speed Europe considering new member states’ reluctance to give up their specific institutions.

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Az Európai Unió a világgazdaság egyik legfontosabb integrációja. A benne megvalósuló gazdasági integráció szorossága megfelel annak a szintnek, amit Rodrik hiperglobalizációnak nevez. Az elmélet szerint a politika szintjén egyszerre nem megvalósítható a demokratikus politikai döntéshozatal, a teljes világgazdasági integráció, illetve a nemzetállam. A trilemma a globalizáció útjában álló intézményi különbségeken alapszik. Megoldása három módon lehetséges: a demokrácia kiiktatásával a megoldás az arany kényszerzubbony, ahol a piaci mechanizmusok veszik át az állami gazdaságpolitika szerepét; a globális kormányzás megvalósulása esetén a szuverén nemzetállamok tűnnek el a nemzetközi rendszerből; végül a Bretton Woods kompromisszum esetében a globalizáció útjába állítunk akadályokat. Írásunkban a modellt az európai integrációra, egészen pontosan a Gazdasági és Monetáris Unióra alkalmazzuk. Érvelésünk szerint, ha fent kívánjuk tartani az integráció szorosságát, erősíteni kell az integráció szintjén a gazdasági kormányzást, ami pedig csak a tagállami szuverenitás rovására mehet. Ez, mely a GMU esetében leginkább a fiskális föderáció erősítését jelenti ugyanakkor, megnövelve az integráció költségeit, egy többsebességes Európa kialakulása irányába hathat. _____ The European Union with its sophisticated institutional system is the most important regional integration on Earth. This tight form of economic integration converges to the level that Dani Rodrik calls hyperglobalization in his model, the political trilemma of globalisation. In this model Rodrik assumes that from the three desired element of world politics (deep economic integration, the nation state, and democratic politics) only two can be chosen. We can either choose deep integration and the nation state but then we have to abandon democracy; or we can choose deep integration and democracy, but then we have to forfeit the nation state; or we have to circumscribe globalisation to maintain democracy and the nation state. In our paper we develop the mentioned model and then we apply it to the case of the European integration. We argue that if we want to maintain the deep integration among member states in the EU we have to pass more and more functions of the nation states to the federation level. In case of the EMU that means that federal fiscal policy is needed which could lead to multi-speed Europe considering new member states reluctance to give up their specific institutions.

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For many y ears, the federal government policy is to use project for in order to speed up the work for decreasing the elementary education deficit vacancy . In Natal municipality the schoolhouses for children, from 0 to 6 years of age are denom inated Muinicipality Centre for Elementary Education. The federal government provides capital for the news edifications by the program of government named PROINFÂNCIA. This program embraces three types of projects. Type “A” must be furnished by the interes ted municipality and approved by Education and Cultura Ministry. The type “B” is standard plan with capability to 120 schoolchildren in full - time or 240 in two turns and ground plot measuring 40 x 70m and the “type C” also a standart projects to 60 schoolc hildren in full - time or 120 in two turns and ground plot measuring 35 x 45m. Sometimes , due to scarcity of bigger ground plot s is the “type C” instead of “type B”, referring to offering vacancies. In this meaning, this study intend s to present the draft - project to elementary schoolhouse, modulated and flexible, emphasizing the children needs . Therefore, it was studied concept, school architecture, construction technology, reference study and visiting to MCEE Fernanda Jales (PROINFÂNC IA “tipo B”). However, the proposal synthesizes the draft - project by module, implanting in its totality or in parts, according to its necessity and lot cha racteristic.

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Este trabajo analiza el impacto que ha generado la crisis económica y financiera más reciente en las industrias cinematográficas de siete países miembros de la Unión Europea. Las conclusiones señalan que, en efecto, la crisis ha impactado negativamente en las industrias de España e Italia, y muy gravemente en la de Portugal, pero en el lado contrario, la del Reino Unido ha experimentado un crecimiento apreciable y las de Francia y Alemania también lo han hecho, aunque en menor medida. Y en segundo lugar, es muy notable la escasa colaboración alcanzada entre los agentes europeos.

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The current trend in public policy is to valorise culture as a tool for social, economic and political transformation. This paper offers a direct contribution to debates that seek to unpack and problematise cities of culture. We adopt a more circumspect approach towards some aspects of the anticipated transformative powers of culture, and in particular the tendency to fetishize the economics of culture. Our empiricism is grounded in a detailed study of Derry~Londonderry as the inaugural UK City of Culture in 2013. We question whether City of Culture was ‘life and place changing’ or a ’12 month party’, and reveal different interpretations of success. In our view there is more potential in viewing culture as a peace resource for overcoming divisions in a socially and culturally segregated city, rather than its ability to tackle entrenched economic problems. Moving beyond the specifics of the case study we also provide lessons for future cities of culture and more generalizable insights for the academic and policy literatures.

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Dissertação (mestrado)—Universidade de Brasília, Centro de Estudos Avançados Multidisciplinares, Programa de Pós-Graduação em Desenvolvimento Sociedade e Cooperação Internacional, 2016.