564 resultados para Liberalism.


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En este trabajo se reconstruye la trayectoria del régimen fraudulento durante el gobierno de Agustín Justo (1932-1938). Las acciones coercitivas desplegadas por los caudillos durante la jornada electoral fueron su rasgo más evidente, pero la instrumentación del fraude tuvo alcances más profundos. A lo largo de esta experiencia, el ejercicio abierto de la coerción sobre el principal partido opositor y el avasallamiento de los derechos de la ciudadanía fueron acompañados por la reorganización del Estado en un sentido que quebró la relación de equilibrio entre los poderes a través de la subordinación del Poder Judicial y el Legislativo a las directivas del elenco gobernante. En este texto se identifican las prácticas y las decisiones desplegadas por los partidos políticos del campo opositor y del oficialista en relación con este proceso.

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El presente trabajo ofrece elementos para mostrar que las ideas políticas del autotitulado "Proceso de Reorganización Nacional (PRN)" se estructuraron dentro del marco ideológico brindado por el liberalismo conservador. A través del estudio de algunos de los promotores ideológicos del PRN, se argumenta que el liberalismo conservador sirvió como aglutinante a las diferentes derechas argentinas y sentó las bases para que, con posterioridad al período dictatorial, se impulsaran las ideas neoliberales

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Este artículo sostiene que la ciudadanía política es formulada por Esteban Echeverría como un producto histórico- institucional del progreso que, gradualmente, con la labor pedagógica de los capaces se ampliará a toda la sociedad. La ciudadanía política, escala meritocrática entre el municipio y el gobierno nacional, es una solución al problema del desajuste producido entre la ley electoral de 1821 implementada en el Estado de Buenos Aires y la inexperiencia del Río de la Plata en materia de gobierno representativo. Para enmendarlo propondrá "organizar la democracia" en base a la "soberanía de la razón" o el gobierno de los capaces

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The concept of national self-determination is a highly contested concept from very outset. It is partly due to its dual parentage, namely nationalism and liberalism. Prior to 1945 it was only a political concept without legal binding. With the incorporation of the principle in the UN Charter it was universalized and legalized. However, there were two competing interpretations at the UN based on de-colonization and representative government. How to define self and what really determined remain highly controversial. How to reconcile the international norm of sovereignty of state and self determination of people became more complex problem with the tide of secessionist movements based on ethno-nationalism. The concept of internal self-determination came as a compromise; but it is also very vague and harbors a wide range of interpretations.

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This dissertation identifies and challenges post-feminist narratives that remember the second wave or 1960s and 1970s liberal feminism as a radical form of activism. The narratives of three prominent post-feminist authors: Dr. Christina Hoff Sommers, Tammy Bruce and Dr. Laura Schlessinger are used as examples of how identification works as a rhetorical device that motivates individual actors to join in a struggle against liberal and radical feminist ideologies. I argue that each author draws on classically liberal and politically conservative virtues to define a "true" feminism that is at odds with alternative feminist commitments. I demonstrate how these authors create a subject position of a "true feminist" that is reminiscent of the classically liberal suffragist. In Burkean terms, each author constitutes the suffragist as a friend and juxtaposes her with the enemy--modern liberal and radical feminists. I articulate the consequences of such dialectical portrayals of feminist activism and further suggest that these authors' visions of feminism reinforce patriarchal practices, urging women to assimilate into a classically liberal society at the cost of social justice. In opposition to their memories of feminism, I offer a radical democratic approach of remembering feminism that is less concerned with the definition of feminism or feminist than it is with holistically addressing oppression and what oppression means to subjugated populations.

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Since relatively a few years ago research work regarding the genesis and evolution of agrarian organizations in our country has been carried out. Studies with a marked regional emphasis that, rarely were able to reference the true state of the associational framework during the nineteenth century, exception made of the Sociedades Económicas and of very concrete monographic studies. It is necessary to go back to the first years of the past century to find the first descriptions and working papers alluding the agrarian associational framework in Spain. On this respect, José Elías de Molins already did a study entitled La Asociación y Cooperación Agrícolas, published in the year of 1912, in which a recount of confraternities and brotherhoods verified by the Consejo de Castilla in 1770 was done. The first of modern references related to the agrarian organizations, properly speaking, corresponds to Juan Pan-Montojo in his well known work “La naissance des associations agraries en Espagne 1833-1898”, in which the consequences and changes effected in economic power structures were reflected, once the suppression of privileges linked to the land had started, as a consequence of the strengthening of liberalism in a large portion of the state’s farms. After him, came he important works of, among others, Jordi Planas and Germán Rueda. On a comparative level, the formation of agrarian societies with mobilization capacity in other European states certainly took the same amount of time to happen. Thus, the Société des Agriculteurs de France or the Société Nationale et Centrale d’Agriculture, in 1867 and 1871, respectively, came to remind the Sociedades Económicas de Amigos del País in Spain...

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This article aims to undertake a preliminary comparative review of the concepts of political representation developed by the Spanish and Argentinean liberalism during the construction of the parliamentary and constitutional regimes in the nineteenth century. The idea of the representative government, as a regulatory mechanism of political participation, is considered in terms of an analysis of the right to vote, of the processes to develop citizenship, and of political modernization. Legislation on the right to vote, born as the political right par excellence during the nineteenth century, gives an excellent guide to these political processes of major scope and depth that characterize the contemporary world. The comparison between the Spanish and Argentinean cases shows that exchanges, transfers of legislative models and cultural movements took place in the birth of the concept of political representation in both countries. This enables us to identify the differences of in each case.

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Bill Clinton recuperó la tradición de liberalismo social que, desde una perspectiva de transversalidad, conformaba su diseño de una Presidencia donde confluían la acción y la respuesta, en forma de política pública, de las demandas sociales. La Administración Clinton hizo de la democracia como un activo social de necesaria incorporación a la idea compartida de Buen Gobierno y servicio público. En este artículo se estudian diversos ámbitos de aplicación del liberalismo social implementado por el Presidente Clinton. Las políticas públicas constituyeron el centro de su acción de Gobierno, mediante la implementación de una elasticidad que abarcaba la atención al ciudadano y la defensa de su dignidad como miembro activo del demos. El despliegue de lo social como parte del patrimonio moral de la democracia.

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El regreso de los Borbones en 1814, a pesar del agresivo programa de extrema derecha que trajo consigo, según el cual pretendía acabar con el aparato del Estado centralizado por considerarlo la fuente misma del “peligro revolucionario”, no mermó en ningún caso el poder de una administración que había sido muy poco depurada. El realismo ultra rápidamente demostró su incapacidad para estabilizar la economía y la sociedad mediante un compromiso histórico que, sin embargo, fue rápidamente organizado por una tecnocracia compuesta por una fusión de los despachos de la Francia anterior a 1789 y los del episodio revolucionario e imperial. Entre lecciones de Turgot y de Corbert, el Estado se hizo el guardián y el tutor de un liberalismo económico y social que dotó de un nuevo impuso a la industrialización de Francia y a la formación de un mercado nacional protegido. Esta identidad modernizadora del Estado supo evolucionar. Sobrevivió al giro a la derecha de la vida política propiciado por Villèle y, para hacer frente a las dificultades que se encontró Francia en su modernización a partir de 1828, el Estado se propuso aprender de los “métodos ingleses” que hicieron evolucionar la rigidez de la administración napoleónica.

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This paper explores the significant influences of European liberalism, and in particular French liberalism, in the Chilean thought and political culture/praxis during the construction of the State in the mid-19th century. It reveals and discusses the significant circulation of ideas that an array of Chilean travelers and exiles in several European countries generated and promoted in Chile in the middle of the 19th century. Among the intellectuals and politicians treated by this article are Andrés Bello, Manuel Antonio Tocornal, Santiago Arcos, Francisco Bilbao, Manuel Antonio Matta and Ángel Custodio Gallo.

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Más allá del mito de la discreta regente de España, María Cristina de Habsburgo ofrece una imagen poliédrica que puede contribuir a calibrar la importancia política, cultural y social de la representación simbólica de la corona. Las imágenes —oficial, de la oposición y populares— de María Cristina son analizadas desde diversas perspectivas: la consolidación de una monarquía en crisis tras el fallecimiento de Alfonso XII pocos años después de la República, la creación de una identidad nacional todavía no afirmada y la conformación de los estereotipos de género en torno al discurso de la separación de esferas. Imágenes que daban respuestas muchas veces divergentes a las circunstancias que distinguían a Maria Cristina de otros monarcas: era regente y no reina por derecho propio, era extranjera pero ocupaba el trono español y era mujer pero desempeñaba la más alta magistratura del país.

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Tese de doutoramento, Direito (Ciências Jurídico-Políticas), Universidade de Lisboa, Faculdade de Direito, 2016

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The aim of this paper is to identify how the ethical-political foundation of human rights in John Rawls’s theory of justice makes use of a coherentist model of moral justification in which cognitivism, liberalism, pluralism, non-foundationalism, and mitigated intuititionism stand out, leading to a pragmatic model of foundation with public justification in The Law of Peoples (LP). The main idea is to think about the reasonableness of the universal defence of human rights as primary goods with the aspects follows: its political nature, not metaphysical; its theoretical coherentist model, non-foundationalist; its pragmatic function and its public justification.

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The recent presidential and early parliamentary elections in Macedonia are only one illustration of the country’s long-term political condition: illiberal democracy. What is needed is a re-think of the instruments and the manner in which major international actors could and should foster constitutional liberalism in Macedonia. While recognising that the primary and essential responsibility lies with Macedonians themselves, the author calls for support to establish the Macedonian state’s capacity for the legitimate exercise of power.

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This paper sets out a constructivist analytical framework and applies it to post-reunification German policy towards the European Union. Although the structural constraints facing Germany shifted dramatically with the end of the Cold War and reunification, the direction of its European policy did not. The more powerful Federal Republic continued to press for deeper economic and political integration, eschewing a more independent or assertive foreign policy course. Neorealism, neoliberalism, and liberalism cannot adequately explain this continuity in the face of structural change; a constructivist account centered around state identity can. During and after reunification, German leaders across the political spectrum identified the Federal Republic as part of an emergent supranational community. This European identity, with roots in the postwar decades, drove Germany's unflagging support for deeper integration across the 1989-90 divide.