The individual and society in the GDR under Honecker : orthodoxy, dissidence and internal debate.

The thesis offers a comparative interdisciplinary approach to the examination of the intellectual debates about the relationship between individual and society in the GDR under Honecker. It shows that there was not only a continuum of debate between the academic disciplines, but also from the radical critics of the GDR leadership such as Robert Havemann, Rudolf Bahro and Stefan Heym through the social scientists, literary critics and legal theorists working in the academic institutions to theorists close to the GDR leadership. It also shows that the official line and policy of the ruling party itself on the question of the individual and society was not static over the period, but changed in response to internal and external pressures. Over the period 1971 - 1989 greater emphasis was placed by many intellectuals on the individual, his needs and interests. It was increasingly recognised that conflicts could exist between the individual and society in GDR socialism. Whereas the radical critics argued that these conflicts were due to features of GDR society, such as the hierarchical system of labour functions and bureaucracy, and extrapolated from this a general conflict between the political leadership and population, orthodox critics argued that conflicts existed between a specific individual and society and were largely due to external and historical factors. The internal critics also pointed to the social phenomena which were detrimental to the individual's development in the GDR, but they put forward less radical solutions. With the exception of a few radical young writers, all theorists studied in this thesis gave precedence to social interests over individual interests and so did not advocate a return to `individualistic' positions. The continuity of sometimes quite controversial discussions in the GDR academic journals and the flexibility of the official line and policy suggests that it is inappropriate to refer to GDR society under Honecker simply as totalitarian, although it did have some totalitarian features. What the thesis demonstrates is the existence of `Teiloffentlichkeiten' in which critical discussion is conducted even as the official, orthodox line is given out for public consumption in the high-circulation media.

The Dialectics of Modernity - Recognizing Globalization. Studies on the Theoretical Perspectives of Globalization

The volume The Dialectics of Modernity - Recognizing Globalization. Studies on the Theoretical Perspectives of Globalization is the product of a work of that quarter of the century, which has been continuing, since 1989 up today, the true beginning of the globalization. Therefore, because that concept was not existing at that time, the work is not yet directed, in the first years, on the globalization itself. As it can be seen, this concept pushed through only in the second half of the nineties, when the concept could also be already statistically revealed in the world press. How a group of researchers from Hungary was enquirying during the nineties, according to partners of conversation at home and abroad, with whom one could talk about how the new world emerging with 1989 can actually be described, is a long story, the theory of which consists in the fact, that we apparently live in a world, where the most part of the people, even worse, even most of the intellectuals are hardly interested in how this one really looks like. On looking for partners, the circle of the authors of this volume was created. In Hungary, we quickly reached our limit (which much later did not prevent us from appearing, such as if we had always been living in the theoretically worked globalization). The French group around Jacques Poulain reacted the fastest way (and later around Francois de Bernard, with his particularly valuable homepage www.mondialisations.org), not much later the contact with the Russian colleagues around Alexandr Shumakov was created, in which Encyclopedia of the Globalization our contribution could already appear in 2003. On these traces, we came to the productive relationship with Leonid Grinin and Andrey Korotayev. Finally, we mention the Fürstenfeld's initiative, founded since 2009 with Melitta Becker's help in the framework of the Centre for the Interdisciplinary Research in this Austrian city. A relevant part of the author inside this book participated from the beginning in the work of the group. The individual contributions to this volume are linked together by a common interest in knowledge. This is the theoretical view of the phenomenon of the globalization. From the beginning, it was not further defined or limited to certain approaches, particularly an independent theory of the globalization was not intended. We started from the fact, that every legitimately revealed theoretical approach can contribute legitimately to a later theory of the globalization. In this way, the further contacts with Nico Stehr and the members of the Dresden group for the investigation of the security problems arose, mainly with Ernst Woit. Hegel defined the philosophy as the flight of the Owl of Minerva, which "begins its flight only with the falling twilight". Through the theoretical investigation of the globalization always becoming interdisciplinary, we wanted by no means to debate about this incomparable aphorism. We simply started from the conviction, that a new reality should not remain without any description.

The dynamics of movement: Toward a definition of a Latin American identity in contemporary fiction

Concha Meléndez opened up a venue for the discussion of a Latin American identity in works of literature when she implied that the great Latin American novel would gestate in the cities, the space where the typical Latin American would achieve an ideal state of consciousness and intellectual capabilities. ^ Her point of view mirrored nineteenth-century debate on a Latin American identity. Similar to her viewpoint, intellectuals of this period viewed the cities and their inhabitants of European extraction, as the ideal spaces and people on which an identity could be defined. However, the present state of urban and rural areas in Latin America demonstrates that there is no such clear-cut division of city and countryside or of their inhabitants. The dynamics of movement, from rural to urban areas, of people of diverse ethnic, and socioeconomic backgrounds, make it difficult to uphold descriptors of space, race, or culture, as sole descriptors of an identity. ^ A study of five twentieth-century novels from North and South America, La muerte de Artemio Cruz (1962), Hasta no verte Jesús mío (1969), Los ríos profundos (1981), La casa de los espíritus (1982), and Los años con Laura Díaz (1999) reveal that the dynamism of movement, between countryside, and cities of peoples of distinct races and social backgrounds, hamper the definition of a collective identity in specific spaces. As characters move, they are constantly reconfiguring their identities and creating tensions and conflicts that intensify social, racial and economic divisions in society. This makes it difficult to ascribe permanent identity descriptors, much less define a collective identity. ^ However, as writers of fiction address the malaise in Latin American societies, they have unearthed descriptors such as history, economy, land, and movement that advance a collective definition of self in these societies. Additionally, female characters have been granted a new identity. The overwhelming evidence in this study points to ‘land’ as the prime factor in the identity dilemma and suggests that a definition will not be possible until the vast landless populace is granted a space they can call home. Only then, perhaps, will Meléndez novel surface. ^

El discurso del poder y la lucha de contrarios en la narrativa de la esclavitud en Cuba y Estados Unidos

This dissertation explores the behavior of prejudiced discourse in the most representative narratives against inhumane slavery written in Cuba and the United States in the nineteenth century: Autobiografía de un esclavo, by Juan Francisco Manzano; Francisco, by Anselmo Suárez y Romero; Narrative of the Life of Frederick Douglass, an American Slave, by Frederick Douglass; and Uncle Tom's Cabin, by Harriett Beecher Stowe. This study deals with the identification between race and slavery that occurred in the American continent, using racial prejudice to justify the enslavement of human beings. Such concepts were maintained, diffused and perpetuated by the dominant discourse. ^ In the nineteenth century, intellectuals from both Cuba and the United States were highly influenced by the modern philosophical ideas rooted in the European Enlightenment. These ideas contradicted by principle the "peculiar institution" of slavery, which supported a great deal of the economy of both nations. This conflict of principles was soon reflected in literature and led to the founding of Cuban and African-American narrative respectively. The common exposure to slavery brought together two nations otherwise highly dissimilar in historical and cultural circumstances. Based on the theories of discourse by Foucault, Terdiman, and van Dijk, the analysis of the discourse displayed in these literary works helps understand how discourse is utilized to subvert the dominant discourse without being expelled or excluded by it. This subversion was successfully accomplished in the American narratives, while only attempted in the Cuban works, given Cuba's colonial status and the compromised economic loyalties of the Delmontino cenacle which produced these works. ^

The civil war of ideas: Ayn Rand, intellectual freedom, and the regulation of thought in the Soviet Union and United States, 1905-1943

The philosopher and novelist Ayn Rand (1905–1982) is an icon of American culture. That culture misunderstands her, however. It perceives her solely as a pure market conservative. In the first forty years of her life, Rand's individualism was intellectual and served as a defense for the free trade of ideas. It originated in the Russian Revolution. In 1926, when Rand left the Soviet Union, she developed her individualism into an American philosophy. Her ideas of the individual in society belonged to a debate where intellectuals intended to abolish the State and free man and woman from its intellectual snares. To present Rand as a freethinker allows me to examine her anticommunism as a reaction against Leninism and to consider the relation of her ideas to Marxism. This approach stresses that Rand, as Marx, opposed the State and argued for the historical importance of a capitalist revolution. For Rand the latter, however, depended on an entrepreneurial class that rejected Protestantism as ideology – which she contended threatened its interests because Christianity had lost its historical significance. This exposes the nature of Rand's intellectual individualism in American society, where the majority on the entire political spectrum still identified with the teachings of Christ. It also reveals the dynamics of her anticommunism. From 1926 to 1943, Rand remodeled American individualism and as she did so, she determined her opposition first to the New Deal liberals and second business conservatives. To these ends, Marxism and Protestantism served Rand's individualism and made her an American icon of the twentieth century.

The Framing of the Aftermath of the Chicago Teacher’s Strike

The study explores the framing of the Chicago teachers strike in the media. The study uses content analysis of text from major media sources to find major themes in frames, theorize their purpose, and explore the reaction to them of teachers as public intellectuals.

Social Movement Unionism or Social Justice Unionism? Disentangling Theoretical Confusion within the Global Labor Movement

After the election of John Sweeney as President of the AFL-CIO in October 1995, activists and supportive intellectuals in the United States began thinking about how to revitalize the almost moribund American labor movement. A key part of this literature has revolved around the concept of “social movement unionism.” This term touched a nerve, and has garnered widespread usage in North America over the past two decades. However, most researchers using this term have no idea that it was initially developed to understand the new unionism developed by members of specific labor movements in Brazil, the Philippines and South Africa, a type of unionism qualitatively different from that found in North America. This paper argues that the term “social movement unionism” should be confined only to labor organizations developing the same type of unionism, wherever in the world such should be found. Accordingly, this concept should not be utilized in North America today as there are no labor centers or unions present that are developing this type of trade unionism. It is important to clarify this confusion because it is leads to incorrect understandings and miscommunication. Accordingly, the current situation—whereby the same term is used to refer to two qualitatively different social phenomena —theoretically works against efforts to build global labor solidarity. What about the progressive, broad-scope unionism emerging in North America over the past two decades? Taking a page from labor history, this article argues that the proper precedent is progressive unionism developed by the United Packinghouse Workers of America, CIO, and others, and therefore should be referred to as “social justice unionism.” An Appendix provides a measurement tool. The argument is empirically grounded and theoretically developed, allowing us to better understand trade unionism around the globe.

The Exiled Intellectual and the American University

Dr Leon Botstein, Professor at Bard College, gives a lecture on the subject of the tradition of learning institutions providing exile to intellectuals from countries in crisis. Lecture held at the Graham Center, Modesto Maidique Campus, Florida International University on February 25, 2013.

A Experiência como ordenação da realidade: uma estratégia orgânica para a educação científica

Knowledge is understanding. According to the philosopher Gaston Bachelard our immediate contact with the reality is only worth as confusing and provisional data. This phenomenological contact requires inventory and classification. For this reason our first reading on any phenomenon is limited to a basic levels of reality. Elements such as dynamics, functioning or detailed characteristics of what is observed can only be accessed at higher levels of reality, explains the physicist Werner Heisenberg. The ideas woven by these two great intellectuals oxygenates the notion that a well-made thinking does not require only observation and description of the nature, but assigns value and meaning to the knowledge. Based on these ideas and on the cognitive horizon brought by the complexity sciences, this research aims to nurture a reflection on our understanding of the world built from a rational perspective of experience, as an organic sequence of research. This arguments, over the study, describes how the experience is able to oxygenate a well-made thinking, as the concept created by Edgar Morin and expanded by Conceição Almeida. I argue that the experience as a path of investigative research allows one to ventures in the shadows of the unknown to access upper layers of reality. The experience is, therefore, an organic strategy for a well-made thinking - A nutritious mud that oxygenates, regulates, repairs and configures the quality of understanding. As a thread to discuss this ideas I've used my professional journey over a year and a half as a Natural Sciences' teacher on the Federal University of Rio Grande do Norte, where I could see how experiences helped on breaking a simplified understanding of the world. I chose to work with the research problems developed by 398 students over these three semesters. The problems were essential to the questioning of the phenomena that once seemed obvious or uninteresting, bringing out operational reasons and dynamics of the observed structures. Experience, in this sense, is the founder of dynamic thinking, as the need to deconstruct the phenomena's first impressions, assigning value and meaning to gestated knowledge.

A PESQUISA ACADÊMICA SOBRE COMUNICAÇÃO POPULAR, ALTERNATIVA E COMUNITÁRIA NO BRASIL: análise de dissertações e teses produzidas em Programas de Pós-Graduação em Comunicação entre 1972 - 2012

Mapeamento das dissertações e teses referentes à subárea da comunicação popular, alternativa e comunitária (CPAC) desenvolvidas nos Programas de Pós-Graduação em Comunicação stricto sensu no Brasil, de 1972 a 2012. Dentre os objetivos estão localizar as pesquisas; os autores; sua distribuição no tempo e espaço; identificar as instituições e orientadores que impulsionam a subárea; definir as abordagens teórico-metodológicas; e apontar autores/conceitos referência. Por meio de pesquisa exploratória e aplicação de quatro filtros, chegou-se a uma amostra final de 102 pesquisas, 87 dissertações e 15 teses, submetidas à análise quantitativa, por meio de Análise de Conteúdo a partir de partes pré-definidas (Resumo, Palavras chave, Introdução, Sumário, Considerações Finais e capítulo metodológico, quando presente), e a uma análise qualitativa do conteúdo completo das 15 teses. O método que orienta esta pesquisa é o histórico dialético, na perspectiva da busca de uma análise de conjunto e atenta às contradições e mudanças que o objeto está implicado; e a pesquisa bibliográfica que a fundamenta se ancora em autores como Jorge González, Cicilia Peruzzo, Regina Festa, Pedro Gilberto Gomes, Gilberto Giménez e Augusto Triviños e foi realizada com o apoio do software NVivo. Resultados quantitativos indicam: a) predominância de pesquisas sobre comunicação comunitária (68%) b) predominância de estudos empíricos (79%); c) a variedade de denominações atribuídas às experiências pelos pesquisadores; d) a constante luta das classes populares por democratização da comunicação e por direitos sociais ao longo dos anos; e) a influência e importância dos intelectuais orgânicos nas experiências estudadas, f) problemas metodológicos; g) UMESP, USP e UFRJ como instituições protagonistas, e, h) Cicilia Peruzzo e Raquel Paiva como as que mais orientam teses e dissertações sobre a temática. Quanto à análise qualitativa verificaram-se alguns critérios que permeiam a CPAC: 1) a definição de classes subalternas; 2) a importância da participação ativa das comunidades nos processos de comunicação; e 3) formas, conteúdos e objetivos que se complementam e dão identidade às experiências

The transition movement and food sovereignty: from local resilience to global engagement in food system transformation

The emergence of grassroots social movements variously preoccupied with a range of external threats, such as diminishing supplies of fossil energy or climate change, has led to increased interest in the production of local food. Drawing upon the notion of cognitive praxis, this article utilises transition as a trajectory guided by an overarching cosmology that brings together a broad social movement seeking a more resilient future. This ‘grand narrative’ is reinforced by ‘transition movement intellectuals��� who serve to shape an agenda of local preparedness in the face of uncertainty, rather than structural analysis of the global system. In this context, growing and producing food offers important multi-functional synergies by reconnecting people to place and its ecological endowments and serves to provide a vital element in civic mobilisation. Yet, local food could also become a means to build international solidarity in defence of food sovereignty and establish a global coalition opposed to the corporate agri-food agenda of biotechnologies, land grabbing and nutritional impoverishment.

Ink Under the Fingernails: Making Print in Nineteenth-Century Mexico City

This dissertation examines Mexico City’s material politics of print—the central actors engaged in making print, their activities and relationships, and the legal, business, and social dimensions of production—across the nineteenth century. Inside urban printshops, a socially diverse group of men ranging from manual laborers to educated editors collaborated to make the printed items that fueled political debates and partisan struggles in the new republic. By investigating how print was produced, regulated, and consumed, this dissertation argues that printers shaped some of the most pressing conflicts that marked Mexico’s first formative century: over freedom of expression, the role of religion in government, and the emergence of liberalism. Printers shaped debates not only because they issued texts that fueled elite politics but precisely because they operated at the nexus where new liberal guarantees like freedom of the press and intellectual property intersected with politics and patronage, the regulatory efforts of the emerging state, and the harsh realities of a post-colonial economy.

Historians of Mexico have typically approached print as a vehicle for texts written by elites, which they argue contributed to the development of a national public sphere or print culture in spite of low literacy levels. By shifting the focus to print’s production, my work instead reveals that a range of urban residents—from prominent printshop owners to government ministers to street vendors—produced, engaged, and deployed printed items in contests unfolding in the urban environment. As print increasingly functioned as a political weapon in the decades after independence, print production itself became an arena in struggles over the emerging contours of politics and state formation, even as printing technologies remained relatively unchanged over time.

This work examines previously unexplored archival documents, including official correspondence, legal cases, business transactions, and printshop labor records, to shed new light on Mexico City printers’ interactions with the emerging national government, and reveal the degree to which heated ideological debates emerged intertwined with the most basic concerns over the tangible practices of print. By delving into the rich social and cultural world of printing—described by intellectuals and workers alike in memoirs, fiction, caricatures and periodicals— it also considers how printers’ particular status straddling elite and working worlds led them to challenge boundaries drawn by elites that separated manual and intellectual labors. Finally, this study engages the full range of printed documents made in Mexico City printshops not just as texts but also as objects with particular visual and material qualities whose uses and meanings were shaped not only by emergent republicanism but also by powerful colonial legacies that generated ambivalent attitudes towards print’s transformative power.

Critique féministe matérialiste du droit civil québécois : le travail « domestique » et les violences sexuées, les « impensés » du droit du logement.

Cette recherche constitue un essai de théorie critique féministe matérialiste et radicale. Elle poursuit principalement un objectif de dénonciation de la structure actuelle du droit du logement. À partir d’un cadre conceptuel fondé sur le féminisme matérialiste et radical, elle souhaite faire ressortir le point de vue de la classe des femmes dans l’habitation. Le droit du logement est ici utilisé dans un sens large, puisqu’il se réfère à la fois au logement comme phénomène juridique, mais aussi sociologique. À l’intérieur de la discipline juridique, il renvoie à l’ensemble des législations actuellement en vigueur au Québec en ce qui concerne la vie à domicile. Notre étude se concentre sur deux modes d’occupation des lieux, à travers le droit de propriété et le système locatif. Le droit au logement fait l’objet d’une reconnaissance internationale dans les textes portant sur les droits humains. Il est reconnu comme le « droit à un logement suffisant ». Au Canada et au Québec, il ne fait pas l’objet d’une reconnaissance explicite, malgré les engagements pris sur la scène internationale. Un portrait statistique, appuyé sur le critère du sexe, permet de mettre en évidence qu’il existe des écarts entre les hommes et les femmes en ce qui concerne la mise en application du droit du logement. Les femmes accèdent plus difficilement à un logement; elles y effectuent la majorité du travail domestique, de service et de « care » et elles sont les principales victimes des violences commises à domicile. Dans le système d’habitation, l’expérience des femmes se comprend comme une appropriation à la fois privée et collective par la classe des hommes, telle que réfléchie par Colette Guillaumin, qui se concentre autour de la division sexuelle du travail et des violences sexuées. Le droit du logement, dans sa forme actuelle, repose sur l’appropriation de la force de travail des femmes et de leur corps. Ces deux critères permettent de construire une grille d’analyse féministe matérialiste et radicale pour analyser la structure du droit du logement, tel que conçu en droit civil. Cette analyse féministe permet également de situer le droit étatique comme une pratique patriarcale. Cette dernière contribue à assurer le maintien du système d’habitation, qui est assimilable à un système hégémonique, au sens développé par Gramsci. Cette étude réfléchit sur le droit du logement dans le climat politique néolibéral. Le néolibéralisme est développé comme une idéologie qui impose une rationalité marchande à l’ensemble des politiques étatiques. À partir d’une méthode décrite comme métathéorique externe radicalement réflexive, puisqu’elle propose l’importation d’outils conceptuels étrangers à la discipline du droit moderne, nous réfléchissons de manière radicale la construction du droit civil et des institutions qui encadrent le droit du logement. La collecte des données s’effectue à partir de la recherche documentaire. Quatre institutions du droit civil seront examinées dans le détail, soit le sujet du droit, la dichotomie privé/public, la médiation du droit du logement par les biens immeubles, à travers le rapport contractuel et le droit de propriété, et finalement les notaires. L’analyse féministe du sujet du droit insiste sur un paradoxe. D’une part, l’universalité présumée de ce sujet, laquelle permet de poser l’égalité et la liberté pour toutes les personnes juridiques. Or, plutôt que d’être neutre sexuellement comme le prétend le droit positif, nous démontrons comment ce sujet est constamment un membre de la classe des hommes. D’autre part, nous analysons comment le droit reconnaît le sexe de ses sujets, mais surtout comment cette sexualité est construite sur l’idéologie naturaliste. Ce modèle de sujet masculin est fondamental dans la construction du droit du logement. L’étude féministe de la dichotomie privé/public en fait ressortir le caractère situé. En effet, si par essence aucun domaine ou enjeu n’est en soit privé ou public, le processus de qualification, lui, est un acte de pouvoir. Nous verrons comment le droit civil crée des zones de droit privé, comprises comme des zones de non-droit pour les femmes. La qualification de privé dévalue également le travail accompli par cette classe de sexe. Le droit du logement est pourtant centré sur le rapport contractuel et sur le droit de propriété. Il importe alors d’examiner la nature du consentement donné par les femmes comme groupe social dans les contrats de vente et de location. Ces contrats ne prennent pas en compte l’expérience des femmes dans leur formation. Les catégories qui y sont attachées, telles que vendeur.e ou locataire, représentent le point de vue de la classe des hommes. Bien que la popularité de la copropriété auprès de la classe des femmes semble porteuse d’un vent de changement, nous analysons comment le discours dominant qui l’entoure instrumentalise certaines revendications féministes, tout en laissant dans l’ombre la question du travail domestique et des violences sexuées. Finalement, nous nous intéressons aux notaires en les repensant comme des intellectuel.les organiques, tels que conçu.es par Gramsci, pour la classe des hommes. Cette fonction d’intellectuel.les permet de mettre en lumière comment chaque transaction immobilière favorise la reproduction des intérêts patriarcaux, remettant ainsi en question la nature des devoirs de conseil et d’impartialité du notariat. À la lumière de cette analyse, le Code civil du Québec est qualifié dans une perspective féministe matérialiste et radicale pour devenir un système qui institutionnalise l’appropriation des femmes par l’entremise du droit du logement. Ce travail de recherche permet d’envisager certaines pistes de réflexion pour des rénovations potentielles des pratiques juridiques entourant le droit du logement, notamment la pratique notariale, tournées vers des objectifs féministes de justice sociale.

Ezequiel Martínez Estrada : el profesor al servicio de las ideas

Ezequiel Martínez Estrada fue un ensayista relevante en el campo cultural debido a sus descripciones y análisis de la realidad. Sin embargo, también reflexionó sobre intelectuales argentinos y extranjeros y ejerció la docencia. En este trabajo, nos centramos en la compilación En torno a Kafka y otros ensayos para establecer una conexión entre la concepción de educación y la práctica docente del propio escritor, a partir de sus referentes literarios, Franz Kafka y Pedro Henríquez Ureña.

Ezequiel Martínez Estrada : el profesor al servicio de las ideas

Ezequiel Martínez Estrada fue un ensayista relevante en el campo cultural debido a sus descripciones y análisis de la realidad. Sin embargo, también reflexionó sobre intelectuales argentinos y extranjeros y ejerció la docencia. En este trabajo, nos centramos en la compilación En torno a Kafka y otros ensayos para establecer una conexión entre la concepción de educación y la práctica docente del propio escritor, a partir de sus referentes literarios, Franz Kafka y Pedro Henríquez Ureña.