795 resultados para Demographic policies


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Resumen basado en el de la publicaci??n

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The work developed in LUDA’s project has clearly showed that, in a European economic and cultural diversified frame, crossed by recent and not so recent historical challenging processes, the issues of the urban affairs certainly have different layouts, but, as a matter of fact, we can assume that in their essence they are common to all regions. Identifying a set of common problems is not difficult: the Luda’s; the disadjustment between people and goods mobility, the difficult articulation between space and development sustainability the fragile features of the urban space in its complexity, the responsible social management of current migrations etc.

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Goa commemorated in 2011 the golden jubilee of the end of colonialism (19 December 1961) and the beginning of its participation in the democratic institutions of India. The administrative decentralization known as Panchayati Raj is an ancient tradition in India, but it suffered dilution and breaks during centuries of Muslim and British domination. During the early years of Independence, the Union government was more worried about security concerns, and hence the policies of centralization. However, the second five-year plan and during the decades of 50 and 60 one could notice greater openness towards decentralization. This was done through Constitution Amendment Act nº 73 (1992) and the inclusion of article 243 in Part IX of the Constitution. The present essay seeks to clarify how the Panchayati Raj is the key to the success of the Indian democracy in the context of its demographic magnitude and ethnic, religious and linguistic diversities. Obviously, the challenges persist, but a country like India would be ungovernable without a democratic functionality at its bottom. It would be interesting to reflect and discover if Portugal has anything to benefit from the democratic experience of India and one of the fast growing emergent economies of the world.

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La inclusión social en la educación y particularmente en la educación superior constituye un campo de estudio relevante definido a su significativo impacto sobre el desarrollo económico y social. En el caso de América Latina, es bien conocido el carácter excluyente que han tenido sus universidades como herencia de 300 años de colonialismo, la esclavitud de negros e indígenas y la tradicional discriminación de género. En el caso de Cuba, el Gobierno resultante de la Revolución de 1959 ha realizado notables esfuerzos para promover la inclusión de grupos tradicionalmente vulnerables por razones de género o color de la piel, a pesar de las difíciles condiciones económicas derivadas de la hostilidad del Gobierno de los Estados Unidos. Los resultados alcanzados demuestran una fuerte tendencia a la equidad, sin embargo, existen otros determinantes de vulnerabilidad como la acumulación de capital cultural, que deben reforzarse en los próximos años debido a la implantación de un sistema de acceso meritocrático, y a los cuales debe prestarse especial atención pues pueden convertirse en factores de exclusión en el largo y mediano plazo. Algunos de estos determinantes como la escolaridad de los padres, la calidad de la enseñanza precedente y el ambiente cultural comunitario son considerados en el presente trabajo.

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This paper is a longitudinal study of the CID Parent-Infant Program, 1966-1976.

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This work seeks to reconstruct the dynamics of the agreements and disagreements between the State and the indigenous peoples in Ecuador, emphasising particularly on two key elements: first, the indigenous peoples participation and exercise of their political rights, in particular the right to self-government and autonomy within their jurisdictions; and secondly, indigenous peoples’ degree of direct influence on public policies’ formulation and implementation, specially those directly affecting their territories, including the exploitation of natural resources. In Ecuador, during this historical period, the state has gone through three major moments in its relationship with indigenous peoples: neo - indigenism associated to developmentalism (1980-1984); multiculturalism associated to neoliberalism (1984- 2006) as one of the dominant trends over the period; and the crisis of neoliberalism and the search for national diversity and interculturalism associated to post- neoliberalism (2007-2013). Each has had a particular connotation, as to the scope and methods to respond to indigenous demands. In this context, this research aims to answer the central question: how has the Ecuadorian State met the demands of the indigenous movement in the last three decades, and how has it ensured the validity of their gradually recognized rights? And how and to what extent by doing so, it contradicts and alters the existing economic model based on the extraction of primary resources?

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Two stark reminders of the difficulties that people on the move encounter in the Mediterranean have been grabbing headlines recently: the so-called ‘left-to-die’ boat report and the ground-breaking Hirsi judgment. These two instances present the worst of both worlds: the first concerns a migrant boat that was ignored altogether, resulting in many deaths, whereas the second concerns a migrant boat being intercepted but subsequently dealt with in a way that contradicts Europe’s human rights standards. These two cases are neither isolated nor incidental. Instead they are of wider concern to the EU and reminders of structural deficiencies in Europe’s approach to people on the move in the Mediterranean. This paper identifies those cross-cutting deficiencies and proposes recommendations to correct them.