Sexual Violence Against Women as a Strategy to Dispossess Land in the Colombian Armed Conflict

This article reviews the evidence collected by diverse national and international organizations regarding the relationship between sexual violence against women, forced displacement, and dispossession in the context of the Colombian armed conflict. To this end, it uses the concept of “sexual violence regimes” to highlight that the endspursued by sexual violence are not always exhausted by simple consummation (that is, the act of sexual violence itself), but depending on the context, can be connected with broader strategic goals of armed actors. At the same time, this document admits the difficulty of proving this relationship with respect to judicial procedures, and thus sets out the possibility of creating a rebuttable presumption, in the framework of “unconstitutional state of affairs” created by judgment T-025 of 2004, that alleviates the burden of proof of the victims, and serves as a catalyst to promote new genderbased mechanisms of reparations.

Citizen safety at local level: fieldwork notes on performance and perception of the ‘Quadrant Plan’ in Cali (Colombia)

This article summarizes field notes related to the study of the actions performed by the Metropolitan Police of Santiago de Cali in the context of its ‘Plan Cuadrante’ (a micro-local security action plan) and the citizen’s perception towards it. Taking an ethnographic approach, it places special emphasis on the actions that imply identifying the main criminal and violent actors and activities. The study focuses on four local districts of the city: El Cortijo, Mariano Ramos, Terrón Colorado y Villa del Lago.

Les expériences françaises de police de proximité

El artículo explora las experiencias francesas del modelo de policía de proximidad. Con base en la división policial francesa entre la gendarmería de corte militar y la policía nacional, institucional civil. El autor da cuenta de las experiencias de vieja data y el desarrollo que ha tenido la policía de proximidad en Francia. Aunque el modelo fue adoptado de manera reciente en ese país (desde finales de los años 90), la policía francesa ha tenido siempre una vocación de cercanía con los vecinos y los ciudadanos en general. Sin embargo, recientemente las experiencias de policía de proximidad han cedido ante las tareas y políticas de represión impuestas para combatir la delincuencia creciente. Sólo las policías municipales, enteramente dependientes de los alcaldes y tradicionalmente cuestionadas, han suplido tangencialmente este rol de policía cercana a la comunidad. El modelo de policía de proximidad en Francia no ha sido suficientemente evaluado y se encuentra en medio del debate sobre su eficacia real.-----This article examines the French experience with the so called ‘police de proximite’ or ‘proximity police’. Based on the French division of the police force into the gendarmerie, of military nature, and the national police, a civil institution, the autor describes in detail the experiences and developments of the longstanding ‘police de proximite’ in France. Even if the model was established as recently as the late 90’s, the French police force has tended right from its beginnings to be close to neighbours and citizens in general, an experience that has yielded lately to repressive tasks and policies to combat a raising crime rate. Only the local boroughs’police, entirely dependent on the city mayors and traditionally called into question, has marginally played this role of communityclase policing. In short, the proximity policing model has not been sufficiently assessed and its efficiency is now in the middle of intense debate.

Prevalencia de riesgo psicosocial en personal civil y militar en una unidad militar de Bogotá Colombia 2014

El estudio se realizó en 2014 para establecer la prevalencia de los factores de riesgo psicosocial en el personal civil y militar en una unidad militar de Bogotá D.C. De una población universo de 632 funcionarios, se tomó por muestreo probabilístico aleatorio a 264 funcionarios a quienes se les aplicó los cuestionarios para la evaluación de Factores de Riesgo Psicosocial Intralaboral, extralaboral, síntomas de estrés y la ficha de datos sociodemográficos y ocupacionales, de la Batería de Instrumentos del Ministerio de Trabajo Colombia [1]. El estudio permitió establecer que los niveles de riesgo con síntomas de estrés son altos; el 61,74% presenta riesgo Muy alto y Alto, el 15,53% riesgo medio y 22.73% riesgo Bajo y Muy bajo. El riesgo más alto lo presentan los oficiales, seguido del personal civil y suboficiales. De mantenerse las condiciones actuales sin intervención fácilmente podrían incrementarse y de acuerdo con el modelo sistémico expuesto por Villalobos 2005, se podrían asociar a respuestas de estrés [2], por tanto se recomienda implementar un Sistema de Vigilancia Epidemiológica para riesgo psicosocial con base en los diagnósticos y sistema de gestión en seguridad y salud en el trabajo, donde se involucre personal con diagnóstico de patología mental.

La educación secundaria y sus dos dimensiones, efectos del barrio y del colegio sobre los resultados saber 11.

Resumen: Este trabajo estudia los resultados en matemáticas y lenguaje de 32000 estudiantes en la prueba saber 11 del 2008, de la ciudad de Bogotá. Este análisis reconoce que los individuos se encuentran contenidos en barrios y colegios, pero no todos los individuos del mismo barrio asisten a la misma escuela y viceversa. Con el fin de modelar esta estructura de datos se utilizan varios modelos econométricos, incluyendo una regresión jerárquica multinivel de efectos cruzados. Nuestro objetivo central es identificar en qué medida y que condiciones del barrio y del colegio se correlacionan con los resultados educacionales de la población objetivo y cuáles características de los barrios y de los colegios están más asociadas al resultado en las pruebas. Usamos datos de la prueba saber 11, del censo de colegios c600, del censo poblacional del 2005 y de la policía metropolitana de Bogotá. Nuestras estimaciones muestran que tanto el barrio como el colegio están correlacionados con los resultados en las pruebas; pero el efecto del colegio parece ser mucho más fuerte que el del barrio. Las características del colegio que están más asociadas con el resultado en las pruebas son la educación de los profesores, la jornada, el valor de la pensión, y el contexto socio económico del colegio. Las características de los barrios más asociadas con el resultado en las pruebas son, la presencia de universitarios en la UPZ, un clúster de altos niveles de educación y nivel de crimen en el barrio que se correlaciona negativamente. Los resultados anteriores fueron hallados teniendo en cuenta controles familiares y personales.

La incidencia del Movimiento Islámico de Uzbekistán en el establecimiento de una agenda de seguridad uzbeka en Asia Central 1991-2012

El interés del presente estudio de caso es analizar la estrategia de securitización implementada por el Presidente de la Republica de Uzbekistán Islam Karimov sobre el Movimiento Islámico de Uzbekistán. Se describe y se explica cómo desde las lógicas históricas y étnicas acontecidas en Asia Central, se pueden comprender los alcances internacionales de la confrontación antagónica ejercida entre uzbekos al apoyar ideas de corte secular e islamista. Así, siguiendo los parámetros establecidos por Barry Buzan con respecto a la securitización, se puede llegar a identificar la creación de una agenda de seguridad uzbeka en la región de Asia Central, cuyos logros permitieron disminuir el riesgo de la amenaza insurgente.

The persistent colombian conflict bubnational analysis of the duration of violence

The growing empirical literature on the analysis of civil war has recently included the study of conflict duration at the cross-country level. This paper presents, for the first time, a within-country analysis of the determinants of violence duration. I focus on the experience of the Colombian armed conflict. While the conflict has been active for about five decades, local violence ebbs and flows and areas experiencing continuous conflict coexist with places that have been able to resile and where violence is mostly absent. I examine a wide range of factors potentially associated with violence duration at the municipal level, including scale variables, geographical conditions, economic and social variables, institutions and state presence, inequality, government intervention, and victimization variables. I characterize a few variables robustly correlated with the persistence of localized conflict, both across specifications and using different econometric models of duration analysis.

Violence and growth in colombia : a review of the quantitative literature

This is a critical review of the empirical literature on the relationship between violence and economic growth in Colombia: an interesting case study for social scientists studying violence, conflict, crime and development. We argue that, despite the rapid development of this literature and the increasing use of new techniques, there is still much room for research. After assessing the contribution of the most influential papers on the subject, we suggest directions for future research.

Don't make war, make elections : Franchise extension and violence in XIXth-century Colombia

This paper studies the effect of strengthening democracy, as captured by an increase in voting rights, on the incidence of violent civil conflict in nineteenth-century Colombia. Empirically studying the relationship between democracy and conflict is challenging, not only because of conceptual problems in defining and measuring democracy, but also because political institutions and violence are jointly determined. We take advantage of an experiment of history to examine the impact of one simple, measurable dimension of democracy (the size of the franchise) on con- flict, while at the same time attempting to overcome the identification problem. In 1853, Colombia established universal male suffrage. Using a simple difference-indifferences specification at the municipal level, we find that municipalities where more voters were enfranchised relative to their population experienced fewer violent political battles while the reform was in effect. The results are robust to including a number of additional controls. Moreover, we investigate the potential mechanisms driving the results. In particular, we look at which components of the proportion of new voters in 1853 explain the results, and we examine if results are stronger in places with more political competition and state capacity. We interpret our findings as suggesting that violence in nineteenth-century Colombia was a technology for political elites to compete for the rents from power, and that democracy constituted an alternative way to compete which substituted violence.

Behavioral differences in violence: the case of intra-group differences of paramilitaries and guerrillas in Colombia

In most studies on civil wars, determinants of conflict have been hitherto explored assuming that actors involved were either unitary or stable. However, if this intra-group homogeneity assumption does not hold, empirical econometric estimates may be biased. We use Fixed Effects Finite Mixture Model (FE-FMM) approach to address this issue that provides a representation of heterogeneity when data originate from different latent classes and the affiliation is unknown. It allows to identify sub-populations within a population as well as the determinants of their behaviors. By combining various data sources for the period 2000-2005, we apply this methodology to the Colombian conflict. Our results highlight a behavioral heterogeneity in guerrilla’s armed groups and their distinct economic correlates. By contrast paramilitaries behave as a rather homogenous group.

Plan Colombia’s Onset: Effects on Homicides and Violent Deaths

In this paper, the link between Plan Colombia and violence is explored. This paper exploits the difference in the success of the program among the different regions to identify the potential side effects on homicides and violent deaths. Results show no significant effects observed on homicides. On the other hand, evidence was found of increases in the number of violent deaths for women living in urban areas, and an opposite negative effect for men living in rural areas. These findings are consistent for different specifications of the model, the cut-off end of the program, and the classification of the regions’ criteria.

The automatic identification and prioritisation of criminal networks from police crime data

The identification of criminal networks is not a routine exploratory process within the current practice of the law enforcement authorities; rather it is triggered by specific evidence of criminal activity being investigated. A network is identified when a criminal comes to notice and any associates who could also be potentially implicated would need to be identified if only to be eliminated from the enquiries as suspects or witnesses as well as to prevent and/or detect crime. However, an identified network may not be the one causing most harm in a given area.. This paper identifies a methodology to identify all of the criminal networks that are present within a Law Enforcement Area, and, prioritises those that are causing most harm to the community. Each crime is allocated a score based on its crime type and how recently the crime was committed; the network score, which can be used as decision support to help prioritise it for law enforcement purposes, is the sum of the individual crime scores.

The decomposition of some RDX and HMX based materials in the one dimensional time to explosion apparatus. Part 2. Estimating the violence of the cook-off event

Various methods of assessment have been applied to the One Dimensional Time to Explosion (ODTX) apparatus and experiments with the aim of allowing an estimate of the comparative violence of the explosion event to be made. Non-mechanical methods used were a simple visual inspection, measuring the increase in the void volume of the anvils following an explosion and measuring the velocity of the sound produced by the explosion over 1 metre. Mechanical methods used included monitoring piezo-electric devices inserted in the frame of the machine and measuring the rotational velocity of a rotating bar placed on the top of the anvils after it had been displaced by the shock wave. This last method, which resembles original Hopkinson Bar experiments, seemed the easiest to apply and analyse, giving relative rankings of violence and the possibility of the calculation of a “detonation” pressure.

On the troublesome relationship of feminism and terrorism: representing the female terrorist in contemporary art

This paper analyses tendencies in debates about cultural representations of terrorism to assume that artists make critical interventions, while the mass media circulates stereotypes. Some recent feminist analyses of female terrorist acts have re-instituted essentialist arguments in which violence and terrorism is described as inherently masculine, while women are by nature pacifist, so that femininity is the antithesis of militarism. More progressive analyses mostly tend to expose the circulation of stereotypes and their gender bias, in order to protest the misrepresentation of women in violence. These analyses do not construct alternative accounts. Through an analysis of two works by artists Hito Steyerl and Sharon Hayes, the paper argues that some of the moves to re-image the question of women, violence and agency have already been made in contemporary art practices. Through analysing legacies of terrorism and feminism, it becomes possible to rethink the question of agency, militancy and the nature of political art. The paper appears in an edited interdiscplinary collection arising from a conference at Universität der Bundeswehr in Munich. It relates to wider projects involving collaborations with Birkbeck and Edinburgh on representations of terrorism and on violence and contemporary art.

Rights, symbolic violence and the micro-politics of the rural: the case of the Parish Paths Partnership scheme

In this paper microlevel politics and conflict associated with social and economic change in the countryside and linked changes in rural governance are explored with a focus upon research carried out on a recent rural policy initiative aimed at local 'empowerment'. This acts as a touchstone for a wider theoretical discussion. The paper is theorised within a conceptual framework derived and extended from the work of Pierre Bourdieu and others in order to explore case studies of the English Countryside Commission's Parish Paths Partnership scheme. The micropolitics involved with this scheme are examined and used to highlight more general issues raised by increased 'parish empowerment' in the 'postrural'.