826 resultados para rural women workers
Resumo:
En este artículo analizaremos la trayectoria de un grupo de agricultores que fundó en el interior de la provincia de Misiones el Movimiento Agrario Misionero (MAM). Al principio, igual que en las demás provincias del Nordeste, los agricultores participaron juntos en las movilizaciones de protesta y fueron apoyados por el obispo católico del lugar. Los dirigentes se vincularon tempranamente con los líderes de la Tendencia de nivel nacional - creada por Montoneros- y de la capital provincial, y construyeron un discurso adonde afirmaban que el MAM debía representar, tanto a los medianos y pequeños propietarios como a la "clase trabajadora" del sector rural, lo que generó un creciente malestar entre sus filas. Con la llegada del peronismo al poder, se abrió otra etapa adonde quedaron expuestas las diferencias al interior del Movimiento. En 1974 se produjeron dos grandes rupturas: a principios de ese año, un grupo de agricultores formó la Asociación Misionera de Agricultores (AMA) y a mediados, otro sector decidió expulsar a los agricultores que integraban la conducción del MAM. Los expulsados formaron las Ligas Agrarias Misioneras (LAM) y en el medio de la escalada de la violencia armada y el pase a la clandestinidad de Montoneros, crearon junto a los dirigentes capitalinos, el Partido Descamisado primero y el Partido Auténtico después. Participaron de las elecciones de abril de 1975, ganaron dos bancas y en la Cámara Legislativa siguieron defendiendo los intereses de los "obreros rurales" y la instauración de la "patria socialista". Esta historia se vio violentamente interrumpida con la llegada del golpe militar del 24 de marzo de 1976, cuando los militantes del MAM, las LAM y del Partido Auténtico fueron el blanco de la represión en la provincia, aunque ésta se había iniciado unos meses antes. Pretendemos mostrar, a partir del microanálisis, cómo se fue organizando y consolidando desde 1972, este grupo de militantes locales provenientes de la capital provincial y del interior, que pretendió encuadrar al MAM en la Tendencia y fue perdiendo apoyos avanzada la década. Aún después de la expulsión, veremos de qué manera continuaron considerándose la "vanguardia" de los "agricultores" y de la "clase trabajadora rural". Todo esto en un clima adonde la cúpula de Montoneros ordenaba el pase a la clandestinidad y privilegiaba la lucha armada. En suma, trataremos de rescatar la complejidad que envolvió a estos grupos y que fue característica de esos años.
Resumo:
The process of the family farmers' recognition as individuals with rights demonstrates having their first roots, in spite of being recent, if compared to the history of the Brazilian rural syndicalism, still in the constitution of the labor-syndical legislation in 1930. Therefore, seeking to explore that process the present paper has as objective to analyze the family farmers' emergence as individuals of rights in the contemporary Brazilian society, analyzing the processes of formation of the rural syndicalism and the expansion of the labor law for the rural workers as a form of accomplishment of a "regulated citizenship" until the decade of 1970; the urge to the official syndicalism, the structuring of a "new syndicalism" and the new social actors' appearance in the field, which made possible the enlargement of the citizenship spaces in the period of re-democratization in Brazil; the "crisis" of the new syndicalism, the creation of new syndical structures "apart" of the official structure (syndicalism of the family agriculture) and the emergency of the "family farmers" as subject of rights in the recent period.
Resumo:
Este artículo versa sobre un conjunto de unidades domésticas ubicadas en el área rural de Bernardo de Irigoyen (Misiones), en las que algunos de sus integrantes migran temporalmente al empleo forestal de otras provincias. El objetivo es comprender la práctica migratoria y su peso con relación a los demás mecanismos de reproducción social en las unidades domésticas. La metodología es de tipo cualitativa mediante la realización de entrevistas a trabajadores migrantes y sus parientes. El trabajo concluye que la movilidad espacial es un recurso al cual los trabajadores y sus familias acceden de modo desigual para lograr su reproducción social
Resumo:
En este artículo analizaremos la trayectoria de un grupo de agricultores que fundó en el interior de la provincia de Misiones el Movimiento Agrario Misionero (MAM). Al principio, igual que en las demás provincias del Nordeste, los agricultores participaron juntos en las movilizaciones de protesta y fueron apoyados por el obispo católico del lugar. Los dirigentes se vincularon tempranamente con los líderes de la Tendencia de nivel nacional - creada por Montoneros- y de la capital provincial, y construyeron un discurso adonde afirmaban que el MAM debía representar, tanto a los medianos y pequeños propietarios como a la "clase trabajadora" del sector rural, lo que generó un creciente malestar entre sus filas. Con la llegada del peronismo al poder, se abrió otra etapa adonde quedaron expuestas las diferencias al interior del Movimiento. En 1974 se produjeron dos grandes rupturas: a principios de ese año, un grupo de agricultores formó la Asociación Misionera de Agricultores (AMA) y a mediados, otro sector decidió expulsar a los agricultores que integraban la conducción del MAM. Los expulsados formaron las Ligas Agrarias Misioneras (LAM) y en el medio de la escalada de la violencia armada y el pase a la clandestinidad de Montoneros, crearon junto a los dirigentes capitalinos, el Partido Descamisado primero y el Partido Auténtico después. Participaron de las elecciones de abril de 1975, ganaron dos bancas y en la Cámara Legislativa siguieron defendiendo los intereses de los "obreros rurales" y la instauración de la "patria socialista". Esta historia se vio violentamente interrumpida con la llegada del golpe militar del 24 de marzo de 1976, cuando los militantes del MAM, las LAM y del Partido Auténtico fueron el blanco de la represión en la provincia, aunque ésta se había iniciado unos meses antes. Pretendemos mostrar, a partir del microanálisis, cómo se fue organizando y consolidando desde 1972, este grupo de militantes locales provenientes de la capital provincial y del interior, que pretendió encuadrar al MAM en la Tendencia y fue perdiendo apoyos avanzada la década. Aún después de la expulsión, veremos de qué manera continuaron considerándose la "vanguardia" de los "agricultores" y de la "clase trabajadora rural". Todo esto en un clima adonde la cúpula de Montoneros ordenaba el pase a la clandestinidad y privilegiaba la lucha armada. En suma, trataremos de rescatar la complejidad que envolvió a estos grupos y que fue característica de esos años.
Resumo:
In a civilisation space of Sao Francisco basin river. Women and men interlace on their relations building mutual and each one on your way in handling of the clay in politics fights and in life daily of Buriti do Meio Quilombo. The objective of this study was to do a ethnographically reflection of gender relations that link men and women in the black rural community Buriti do Meio in Sao Francisco municipal district on the North of Minas Gerais/Brazil. We tried to understand the meanings and the composed representations on the feminineness and the masculine ways in relation that men and women set up among themselves in handling workmanship for the information in politics fight of community group as quilombo remaining and to rights access derived and everyday life where they build and organize together the life of all their members reflecting in his symbolic order. Buriti do Meio is traditional known for its handcraft and for cultural manifestations, legacy of their ancestral, olds slaves that ran way to look for autonomy and freedom express signs of afrobrazilian culture inserted on the civilization space in Sao Francisco basin river
Resumo:
The process of the family farmers' recognition as individuals with rights demonstrates having their first roots, in spite of being recent, if compared to the history of the Brazilian rural syndicalism, still in the constitution of the labor-syndical legislation in 1930. Therefore, seeking to explore that process the present paper has as objective to analyze the family farmers' emergence as individuals of rights in the contemporary Brazilian society, analyzing the processes of formation of the rural syndicalism and the expansion of the labor law for the rural workers as a form of accomplishment of a "regulated citizenship" until the decade of 1970; the urge to the official syndicalism, the structuring of a "new syndicalism" and the new social actors' appearance in the field, which made possible the enlargement of the citizenship spaces in the period of re-democratization in Brazil; the "crisis" of the new syndicalism, the creation of new syndical structures "apart" of the official structure (syndicalism of the family agriculture) and the emergency of the "family farmers" as subject of rights in the recent period.
Resumo:
Este artículo versa sobre un conjunto de unidades domésticas ubicadas en el área rural de Bernardo de Irigoyen (Misiones), en las que algunos de sus integrantes migran temporalmente al empleo forestal de otras provincias. El objetivo es comprender la práctica migratoria y su peso con relación a los demás mecanismos de reproducción social en las unidades domésticas. La metodología es de tipo cualitativa mediante la realización de entrevistas a trabajadores migrantes y sus parientes. El trabajo concluye que la movilidad espacial es un recurso al cual los trabajadores y sus familias acceden de modo desigual para lograr su reproducción social
Resumo:
In a civilisation space of Sao Francisco basin river. Women and men interlace on their relations building mutual and each one on your way in handling of the clay in politics fights and in life daily of Buriti do Meio Quilombo. The objective of this study was to do a ethnographically reflection of gender relations that link men and women in the black rural community Buriti do Meio in Sao Francisco municipal district on the North of Minas Gerais/Brazil. We tried to understand the meanings and the composed representations on the feminineness and the masculine ways in relation that men and women set up among themselves in handling workmanship for the information in politics fight of community group as quilombo remaining and to rights access derived and everyday life where they build and organize together the life of all their members reflecting in his symbolic order. Buriti do Meio is traditional known for its handcraft and for cultural manifestations, legacy of their ancestral, olds slaves that ran way to look for autonomy and freedom express signs of afrobrazilian culture inserted on the civilization space in Sao Francisco basin river
Resumo:
En este artículo analizaremos la trayectoria de un grupo de agricultores que fundó en el interior de la provincia de Misiones el Movimiento Agrario Misionero (MAM). Al principio, igual que en las demás provincias del Nordeste, los agricultores participaron juntos en las movilizaciones de protesta y fueron apoyados por el obispo católico del lugar. Los dirigentes se vincularon tempranamente con los líderes de la Tendencia de nivel nacional - creada por Montoneros- y de la capital provincial, y construyeron un discurso adonde afirmaban que el MAM debía representar, tanto a los medianos y pequeños propietarios como a la "clase trabajadora" del sector rural, lo que generó un creciente malestar entre sus filas. Con la llegada del peronismo al poder, se abrió otra etapa adonde quedaron expuestas las diferencias al interior del Movimiento. En 1974 se produjeron dos grandes rupturas: a principios de ese año, un grupo de agricultores formó la Asociación Misionera de Agricultores (AMA) y a mediados, otro sector decidió expulsar a los agricultores que integraban la conducción del MAM. Los expulsados formaron las Ligas Agrarias Misioneras (LAM) y en el medio de la escalada de la violencia armada y el pase a la clandestinidad de Montoneros, crearon junto a los dirigentes capitalinos, el Partido Descamisado primero y el Partido Auténtico después. Participaron de las elecciones de abril de 1975, ganaron dos bancas y en la Cámara Legislativa siguieron defendiendo los intereses de los "obreros rurales" y la instauración de la "patria socialista". Esta historia se vio violentamente interrumpida con la llegada del golpe militar del 24 de marzo de 1976, cuando los militantes del MAM, las LAM y del Partido Auténtico fueron el blanco de la represión en la provincia, aunque ésta se había iniciado unos meses antes. Pretendemos mostrar, a partir del microanálisis, cómo se fue organizando y consolidando desde 1972, este grupo de militantes locales provenientes de la capital provincial y del interior, que pretendió encuadrar al MAM en la Tendencia y fue perdiendo apoyos avanzada la década. Aún después de la expulsión, veremos de qué manera continuaron considerándose la "vanguardia" de los "agricultores" y de la "clase trabajadora rural". Todo esto en un clima adonde la cúpula de Montoneros ordenaba el pase a la clandestinidad y privilegiaba la lucha armada. En suma, trataremos de rescatar la complejidad que envolvió a estos grupos y que fue característica de esos años.
Resumo:
TSEP-RLI was a technical cooperation project jointly conducted by GOP thru DA-Agricultural Training Institute (ATI) and GOJ thru JICA aimed at institutionalizing the training program for Rural Life Improvement (RLI) at the (ATI). As expected, farmers, fisherfolk, women, youth and extension agents were provided with efficient and effective training services from ATI leading to the improvement of quality of life in the rural areas through efforts of human resource development. The ATI- Bohol was chosen as the model center where participatory trials and various activities of the project were undertaken for five years. These activities were participatory surveys and data collection of on-farm and off-farm productive activities; planning workshop for RLI; feedbacking of survey results and action plans to the community and the Local Government Units (LGUs), and signing of Memorandum of Agreement between the Project and participating LGUs. The above activities were done to facilitate the planning and development of most effective and necessary rural life improvement activities, to confirm the willingness of the people to support and participate and to formalize the partnership between the Project and the LGUs. Since the concept of rural life covers a vast range of activities, a consensus had been reached that the total aspects of rural life be grasped in three spheres, namely, Production & Livelihood (P/L), Rural Living Condition (RLC) and Community Environment (C/E). The RLI for Ubi (Yam) Growers was one of the pilot activities undertaken in two pilot barangays and the target beneficiaries were members of the Rural Improvement Club (RIC- a group of organized women) with the LGU of the Municipality of Corella as the implementing partner. During the planning workshop, the barangay residents articulated their desire to promote production and processing of ubi (sphere on P/L - as the entry point), lack of nutritious food was one of the identified problem (sphere on RLC- expansion point) and environmental degradation such as deforestation, and soil erosion was another problem articulated by the community people (sphere on C/E- expansion point). Major activities that were undertaken namely, Ubi cooking contest, cooking/processing seminar, training courses on entrepreneurial development, ubi production and storage technology, packaging and product design, human resource development and simplified bookkeeping motivated the beneficiaries as well as developed and enhanced their skills & capabilities while strengthening their associations. Their participation to the 5 ubi festivals and other related activities had brought some impacts on their economic and rural life improvement activities. The seven principles of TSEP-RLI include the participatory process, holistic approach, dialogical approach, bottom -up training needs assessment, demand-driven approach, cost sharing approach and collaborative implementation with other agencies including LGUs and the community.
Are Job Networks Localized in a Developing Economy? Search Methods for Displaced Workers in Thailand
Resumo:
Effects of localized personal networks on the choice of search methods are studied in this paper using evidence of displaced workers by establishment closure in Thailand Labor Force Survey, 2001. For the blocks/villages level, there is less significant evidence of local interactions between job-seekers and referrals in developing labor markets. The effects of localized personal networks do not play an important role in the probability of unemployed job-seekers seeking assistance from friends and relatives. Convincing evidence from the data supports the proposition that both self-selection of individual background-like professions and access to large markets determine the choice of job search method.
Resumo:
Using data obtained from a survey carried out in six villages in various parts of rural Malawi, this paper examines some of the main characteristics of female-headed households. In the study villages, most female-headed households are in a disadvantageous position relative to their male counterparts in terms of labour endowment, farm size, and agricultural productivity. The high cost of inputs, especially of fertilizer, prevents resource-poor female-headed households from improving maize self-sufficiency through increased productivity and from engaging in high-return agriculture such as tobacco production. The paper also shows that there are marked disparities within the category of female-headed households. Factors that enable some female-headed households to achieve high income include the availability of high-return nonfarm income opportunities, use of social networks to obtain labour and income opportunities, land acquisition through flexible applications of inheritance rules, and the existence of informal tobacco marketing. Livelihood diversification is adopted by both male- and female-headed households, but many of the female-headed households engage in low-return and low-entry-barrier activities such as agricultural wage labour. On the other hand, the high off-farm income in the wealthier female-headed households enables them to purchase fertilizer for own-farm production, contributing to an improvement in productivity and resultant increases in their total income.
Resumo:
This paper presents issues affecting the movement of rural labour in Myanmar, by examining the background, purpose and earned income of labourers migrating to fishing villages in southern Rakhine. A broad range of socioeconomic classes, from poor to rich, farmers to fishermen, is migrating from broader areas to specific labour-intensive fishing subsectors, such as anchovy fishing. These labourers are a mixed group of people whose motives lie either in supplementing their household income or accumulating capital for further expansion of their economic activities. The concentration of migrating labourers with different objectives in this particular unstable, unskilled employment opportunity suggests an insufficiently developed domestic labour market in rural Myanmar. There is a pressing need to create stable labour-intensive industries to meet this demand.
Resumo:
Given the migration premium previously identified in an impact evaluation approach, this paper asks the question of why migration is not more prominent, given such high premium associated with it. Using long-term household panel data drawn from rural Tanzania, Kagera for the period 1991-2004, this study aims to answer this question by exploring the contribution of education in the migration premium. By separating migrants into those that moved out of original villages but remained within Kagera and those who left the region, this study finds that, in consumption, the return on investment in education is higher at both destinations. However, whilst the higher return on education fully explains the gains associated with migration within Kagera, it only partly explains those of external migration. These findings suggest that welfare opportunities are higher at the destination and that an individual's limited investment in education plays a major role in preventing short-distance migration from becoming a significant source of raising welfare, which is not the case for long-distance migration. While education plays a role, it appears that other mechanisms may prohibit rural agents from exploiting the arbitrage opportunity when they migrate to the destination at a great distance from the source.