From evolution to co-evolution – An empirical study of the role of innovation, policy and public research in industrial dynamics

In the past decades since Schumpeter’s influential writings economists have pursued research to examine the role of innovation in certain industries on firm as well as on industry level. Researchers describe innovations as the main trigger of industry dynamics, while policy makers argue that research and education are directly linked to economic growth and welfare. Thus, research and education are an important objective of public policy. Firms and public research are regarded as the main actors which are relevant for the creation of new knowledge. This knowledge is finally brought to the market through innovations. What is more, policy makers support innovations. Both actors, i.e. policy makers and researchers, agree that innovation plays a central role but researchers still neglect the role that public policy plays in the field of industrial dynamics. Therefore, the main objective of this work is to learn more about the interdependencies of innovation, policy and public research in industrial dynamics. The overarching research question of this dissertation asks whether it is possible to analyze patterns of industry evolution – from evolution to co-evolution – based on empirical studies of the role of innovation, policy and public research in industrial dynamics. This work starts with a hypothesis-based investigation of traditional approaches of industrial dynamics. Namely, the testing of a basic assumption of the core models of industrial dynamics and the analysis of the evolutionary patterns – though with an industry which is driven by public policy as example. Subsequently it moves to a more explorative approach, investigating co-evolutionary processes. The underlying questions of the research include the following: Do large firms have an advantage because of their size which is attributable to cost spreading? Do firms that plan to grow have more innovations? What role does public policy play for the evolutionary patterns of an industry? Are the same evolutionary patterns observable as those described in the ILC theories? And is it possible to observe regional co-evolutionary processes of science, innovation and industry evolution? Based on two different empirical contexts – namely the laser and the photovoltaic industry – this dissertation tries to answer these questions and combines an evolutionary approach with a co-evolutionary approach. The first chapter starts with an introduction of the topic and the fields this dissertation is based on. The second chapter provides a new test of the Cohen and Klepper (1996) model of cost spreading, which explains the relationship between innovation, firm size and R&D, at the example of the photovoltaic industry in Germany. First, it is analyzed whether the cost spreading mechanism serves as an explanation for size advantages in this industry. This is related to the assumption that the incentives to invest in R&D increase with the ex-ante output. Furthermore, it is investigated whether firms that plan to grow will have more innovative activities. The results indicate that cost spreading serves as an explanation for size advantages in this industry and, furthermore, growth plans lead to higher amount of innovative activities. What is more, the role public policy plays for industry evolution is not finally analyzed in the field of industrial dynamics. In the case of Germany, the introduction of demand inducing policy instruments stimulated market and industry growth. While this policy immediately accelerated market volume, the effect on industry evolution is more ambiguous. Thus, chapter three analyzes this relationship by considering a model of industry evolution, where demand-inducing policies will be discussed as a possible trigger of development. The findings suggest that these instruments can take the same effect as a technical advance to foster the growth of an industry and its shakeout. The fourth chapter explores the regional co-evolution of firm population size, private-sector patenting and public research in the empirical context of German laser research and manufacturing over more than 40 years from the emergence of the industry to the mid-2000s. The qualitative as well as quantitative evidence is suggestive of a co-evolutionary process of mutual interdependence rather than a unidirectional effect of public research on private-sector activities. Chapter five concludes with a summary, the contribution of this work as well as the implications and an outlook of further possible research.

Incidencia de la Política de Defensa y Seguridad Democrática en las relaciones diplomáticas Colombo-Ecuatorianas desde Agosto de 2002 a Marzo de 2008

Las relaciones entre Colombia y Ecuador se han mantenido en una dinámica histórica de cooperación y conflicto donde se ha buscado mantener unos lazos de vecindad y convivencia en calma. La proximidad geográfica y además un marco histórico-cultural similar, ha llevado a la generación de fuertes alianzas socio-económicas entre las poblaciones fronterizas, de tal manera que se ha desarrollado una integración binacional compleja. Esta relación en la última década ha mantenido una incapacidad institucional binacional para solucionar los problemas transfronterizos, pues la política de vecindad se encontraba determinada por la situación interna de cada país y la injerencia de las dinámicas continentales. La coyuntura interna de los Estados direccionó sus políticas, Ecuador estaba envuelto en una inestabilidad política, generada por continuos cambios de gobierno, lo cual hacía cambiar su posición frente a las relaciones con Colombia en cortos lapsos de tiempo, de tal forma que se desestabilizaban los proyectos conjuntos. Por otro lado Colombia dada la problemática del conflicto interno basó su agenda en el tema de la seguridad puesto que éste flagelo agudizaba los problemas socio-políticos, de tal forma que el Estado colombiano se vio enfrentado a una crisis interna que encontró una salida a través de la Política de Defensa y Seguridad Democrática instaurada por el Presidente Álvaro Uribe Vélez en el 2002,la cual trajo consigo un método de lucha basado en la seguridad con acciones dirigidas a garantizar el control del territorio y la defensa de la soberanía nacional, combatiendo el problema de las drogas, el crimen organizado, el terrorismo y las migraciones por desplazamiento forzoso; mediante la generación de lazos de solidaridad que unieron a la población colombiana en torno a la solución del problema. Ésta política ha trabajado en la seguridad a nivel interno y de defensa nacional, pues dada la magnitud de la amenaza se hizo necesario fortalecer el apoyo internacional con énfasis en los países fronterizos. De ahí que Colombia haya hecho un llamado a la comunidad internacional para desarrollar un trabajo coordinado que impida la implicación de redes del terrorismo internacional en las actividades de los grupos armados ilegales colombianos. La ampliación del conflicto colombiano ha afectado a Ecuador, el cual se ha visto perturbado negativamente por la lucha interna colombiana a partir de la Política de Defensa y Seguridad Democrática.

Institutional Personal Learning Environments – Paradise or Paradox? A Digital Literacies Perspective

This was my keynote presentation at Computer Supported Education (CSEDU) 2012, in Porto. It looks at the importance of digital literacies and how VLEs do not support their developmeng and looks at iPLEs as an alternative.

La política exterior de la Unión Europea y los Laboratorios de Paz en Colombia entre el 2000 y 2010

La presente monografía tiene por objetivo analizar a través de la corriente constructivista de Alexander Wendt, cómo a partir de la política exterior de la Unión Europea, se crea una identidad europea que tiene efectos sobre Colombia a través de los Laboratorios de Paz. La creación de dicha identidad estuvo condicionada por la apropiación de ciertos mecanismos dentro de su política exterior, como la ayuda para el desarrollo y la diplomacia preventiva. Es de esta manera como la identidad europea afecta a Colombia a través de la creación de los Laboratorios de Paz por medio de mecanismos como actividades económicas alternativas y fuente de ingresos y empleo, sustitución de cultivos ilícitos, transferencia de conocimientos tecnológicos y administrativos, apoyo a procesos de paz al interior de la población, fortalecimiento institucional y participación ciudadana.

Advances and limitations in the attention to the problems of housing and urban land in Mexico. An approach from the legal-institutional frame

In this work we analyze the reforms carried out by the Mexican state in the nineties of the 20th century, in the items concerning the policies of housing and urban land, based on an exhaustive review of the main actions, programs and changes in the legal and institutional frame that applies for each of these fields. The nineties represent a "breaking point" in the way the State considers the satisfaction of the right to the housing and attends the offer of urbanized land for a tidy and sustainable urban development. In this period of time, the approach of direct intervention in developing and financing housing and creation of land reserves has changed into another one, ruled by the logic of the market. The balance to the first decade of the 21st century is ambiguous, as neither the housing policy has solved the housing shortage for low-income population, nor the land policy has eliminated the illegal urban growth.

La política exterior de Colombia con China: ¿Cuáles son los retos?

La presente investigación está orientada a una revisión de la política exterior de Colombia con China, para identificar avances, fallas y omisiones en la búsqueda del fortalecimiento de la relación. Ante el fenómeno de la globalización, el gigante asiático se presenta como un actor fundamental para establecer sociedades, por su reciente ascenso en la jerarquía de poder, su creciente industria demandante de materias primas y su densa población, cuya capacidad de consumo se amplía con el paso del tiempo. Aunque el interés de Colombia por estrechar los vínculos con China se ha manifestado en los recientes gobiernos, la carencia de una política y estrategia de Estado, así como la debilidad diplomática, ha influido en que no se haya logrado resultados sustanciales. Se vislumbran falencias en la gestión política que han repercutido en la falta de dinamismo de los vínculos y que impactan en el plano económico. Para el desarrollo de la investigación se adoptan postulados teóricos sobre la relación entre la política interna y la política externa, que explican cómo los fenómenos domésticos influyen en las posiciones que los Estados adoptan en sus relaciones con otros países. Esta visión nos permite establecer de qué manera los procesos internos de Colombia, la caracterización institucional, la designación de líderes, entre otros aspectos, han incidido en los vínculos con China. Por la naturaleza del estudio se acoge una metodología cualitativa que abarca la revisión de material bibliográfico y periodístico, la consulta de documentos oficiales y el desarrollo de entrevistas a investigadores de la relación colombo-china. También se recogen datos estadísticos, fundamentales para soportar los objetivos de este trabajo y se citan casos de países como Brasil y Chile, que constituyen un referente para conocer qué tan lejos está Colombia en su relación con el gigante asiático y cuáles son los pasos que falta por dar. Se considera que esta investigación constituye una base académica para el desarrollo de nuevos estudios sobre la relación de Colombia con China, dado que se identifican elementos que han sido determinantes en el rezago histórico frente a este país asiático. Así mismo, con este trabajo investigativo se pretende hacer un aporte, desde la academia, al Estado colombiano para el desarrollo de una estrategia diplomática que permita estrechar lazos con China, basados en los factores que se han identificado en los cuatro capítulos que contempla el estudio. Colombia está en mora de replantear su relación con una de las economías más fuertes del mundo, para ello se requiere una hoja de ruta que permita navegar con claridad hacia el gigante asiático.

La cooperación cultural como herramienta para la reafirmación identitaria en el Grupo Visegrád y sus efectos en el posicionamiento del mismo dentro de la Unión Europea 2004-2012

El Grupo Visegrád es un escenario de cooperación multilateral, conformado por Polonia, República Checa, Eslovaquia y Hungría, el cual tiene como objetivo principal contribuir al cumplimiento de los intereses de dichos países, por medio de la financiación de proyectos culturales. El interés de esta monografía consiste en determinar la incidencia de la cooperación cultural en la reafirmación identitaria de cada uno de los miembros del Grupo y, por ende, en la manera como éstos se proyectan dentro de la Unión Europea. Así pues, se identifican los principales hechos históricos que han moldeado los intereses de los países del V4 y que condujeron a la creación de una estructura institucional sólida, que ha servido como plataforma para el accionar de dichos países dentro del bloque europeo. Se utiliza la perspectiva constructivista de Alexander Wendt, la cual permite entender la naturaleza de la cooperación y, su relación con las identidades y los intereses de los Estados.

Diseño de un sistema de benchmarking de prácticas de recursos humanos en redes interorganizacionales

Hoy en día en el mundo empresarial, son cada vez más las compañías que forman parte de redes interorganizacionales, debido a que al hacer parte de estas se genera un apoyo mutuo entre organizaciones sin que ninguna de ellas imponga acciones a realizar sobre la otra (Sulbrandt, Lira, Ibarra, 2001). En años anteriores se han realizado diversas investigaciones acerca de redes interorganizacionales, estudiando factores económicos, financieros y de mercado, pero poco se ha estudiado acerca del campo de recursos humanos y sus prácticas. Es por esto que esta investigación busca describir, explicar, analizar, y comparar, entre otras actividades intelectuales, conceptos de redes interorganizacionales, prácticas de recursos humanos y benchmarking, para finalmente proponer el diseño de un sistema de benchmarking que logre reunir y evaluar las mejores prácticas de recursos humanos de cada empresa dentro de una red interorganizacional.

La dimensión transnacional del movimiento feminista marroquí: génesis, desarrollo e impacto social (1980-2008)

Esta monografía busca explicar cómo han incidido el contexto internacional y las relaciones transnacionales en el movimiento feminista de Marruecos. De este modo, este estudio defiende que las Conferencias Mundiales sobre la Mujer de la ONU crearon una estructura de oportunidad política que favoreció el surgimiento y el desarrollo de este movimiento. Asimismo, dicho contexto construyó un espacio para que las activistas feministas marroquíes crearan y se insertaran en Redes de Defensa Transnacional, las cuales contribuyeron a cambiar la condición de la mujer en Marruecos, a través de reformas a los Códigos de Familia y Nacionalidad y el levantamiento de las reservas a la CEDAW. Para esto se hará un estudio interdisciplinario haciendo uso de la teoría de los movimientos sociales y del activismo transnacional. Igualmente, se utilizará una metodología cualitativa, principalmente a través de las herramientas del análisis de contenido y el trabajo de campo de la autora.

Overcoming Gender Disadvantages. Social Policy Analysis of urban middle-class women in Colombia

The World Bank Report 2012 starts with this statement: “Gender equality matters in itself andit matters for development because, in today’s globalized worlds, countries that use the skillsand talents of their women would have an advantage over those which do not use it.” With theframe that suggest that gender equality matters, this paper describes some policy alternativesoriented to overcome gender disadvantages in the formal labor market incorporation of theurban middle class women in Colombia. On balance, the final recommendation suggest that itis desirable to adopt policy alternatives as Community Centers, which are programs orientedto a social redistribution of the domestic work as a way to encourage women participationin the formal labor market with the social support of the members of their own community.The problem that the social policy needs to address is the segregation of women in the formallabor market in Colombia. Although the evidence shows that the women overcome theeducational gap by showing better performance in education that their male peers, womenare still segregated of the labor market. The persistence of high rates of unemployment on thefemale population, the prevalence of the informal labor market as a women labor market, andthe presence of the payment difference between men and women with similar professionaltrainings are circumstances that sustain the segregation statement. These circumstances areinefficient for the society because an economic analysis shows that the cost of maintain the statuquo is externalized in the social security system that includes health, pension and maternityleave regimens. Therefore, the women segregation involves a market failure.This paper evaluates five policy alternatives each directed to the progress of a different causaldimension of the problem: (i) Quotas in the private market, (ii) Flexible working hours,(iii) replace the maternity leave with a family leave, (iv) Increase the Community Centers forredistributing the care work, and (v) Equal payment enforcement. The first alternative looksto increase women’s participation in the formal labor market. The second, third, and fourthalternatives constitute a package addressed at redistributing care work by reducing women’sresponsibility for reproductive work in the household with the help of husbands and the localgovernment. The fifth alternative intervenes to resolve the equal payment problem.After a four criteria evaluation that measure effectiveness, robustness and improbability inimplementation, efficiency and political acceptability or social opposition, the strongest alternativeis the fostering of Community Centers that promote a redistribution of care work. Thispolicy performs well in the assessment process because it combines gender focus with importantindirect effects: child support and human capabilities. The policy also shows a bottomup implementation process that overcomes the main adoption difficulties in the gender focusprograms and is supported by strong evidence of success in the Colombian context; this evidenceis produced by both transnational actors as a World Bank and also in local accountabilityreporters executed by local institutions like Colombian Institute of Family Welfare (ICBF).

Natural resource windfalls and efficiency of local government expenditures: evidence from Peru

We study the role of natural resource windfalls in explaining the efficiency of public expenditures. Using a rich dataset of expenditures and public good provision for 1,836 municipalities in Peru for period 2001-2010, we estimate a non-monotonic relationship between the efficiency of public good provision and the level of natural resource transfers. Local governments that were extremely favored by the boom of mineral prices were more efficient in using fiscal windfalls whereas those benefited with modest transfers were more inefficient. These results can be explained by the increase in political competition associated with the boom. However, the fact that increases in efficiency were related to reductions in public good provision casts doubts about the beneficial effects of political competition in promoting efficiency.

New ICT sectors: platforms for European growth? Bruegel Policy Contribution 2012/14, August 2012

Europe's failure to specialise in new ICT sectors and firms is likely to hold back Europe’s post-crisis recovery. Europe lacks in particular leading platform providers, who are capturing most of the value in the new ICT ecosystem. • In-depth analysis of some specific new emerging ICT sectors shows that the problem in Europe appears not to be so much in the generation of new ideas, but rather in bringing ideas successfully to market. Among the barriers are the lack of a single digital market, fragmented intellectual property regimes, lack of an entrepreneurial culture, limited access to risk capital and an absence of ICT clusters. • The EU policy framework, particularly the Innovation Union and Digital Agenda EU 2020 Flagships, could better leverage the growth power for Europe of new ICT markets. The emphasis should move beyond providing support for infrastructure and research, to funding programmes for pre-commercial projects. But perhaps most important is dealing with the fragmentation in European digital markets.

Intra-Euro rebalancing is inevitable, but insufficient. Bruegel Policy Contribution 2012/15, August 2012

Greece, Portugal and Spain face a serious risk of external solvency due to their close to minus 100 percent of GDP net negative international investment positions, which are largely composed of debt. The perceived inability of these countries to rebalance their external positions is a major root of the euro crisis. Intra-euro rebalancing through declines in unit labour costs (ULC) in southern Europe, and ULC increases in northern Europe should continue, but has limits because: The share of intra-euro trade has declined. Intra-euro trade balances have already adjusted to a great extent. The intra-euro real exchange rates of Greece, Portugal and Spain have also either already adjusted or do not indicate significant appreciations since 2000. There are only two main current account surplus countries, Germany and the Netherlands. A purely intra-euro adjustment strategy would require too-significant wage increases in northern countries and wage declines in southern countries, which do not seem to be feasible. Before the crisis, the euro was significantly overvalued despite the close-to balanced current account position. The euro has depreciated recently, but more is needed to support the extra-euro trade of southern euro-area members. A weaker euro would also boost exports, growth, inflation and wage increases in Germany, thereby helping further intra-euro adjustment and the survival of the euro.

The EU's Promotion of External Democracy: In search of the plot. CEPS Policy Brief No. 281, 13 September 2012

This policy brief illustrates that both the conceptualisation of democracy and the means to achieve it remain vague, and explains why this is problematic. It points out the risks that stem from a lack of clear understanding about how human rights, governance, civil society and socio-economic development relate to democratisation. It concludes that the EU should reflect on the substance of its external democracy promotion policies and conceptualise the relationship between the different elements of democracy promotion cited above and democratisation. While ongoing reforms of international democracy promotion should continue, a wider debate on substance could help identify what the EU should support in the future. The EU should also establish a reflective external democracy promotion policy where the assessment of actions on democratic development becomes systematic and is institutionalised.

The euro crisis: ten roots, but fewer solutions. Bruegel Policy Contribution 2012/17, October 2012

Many factors have contributed to the euro crisis. Some have been addressed by policymakers, even if belatedly, and European Union member states have been willing to improve the functioning of the euro area by agreeing to relinquish national sovereignty in some important areas. However, the most pressing issue threatening the integrity, even the existence, of the euro, has not been addressed: the deepening economic contraction in southern euro-area member states. The common interest lies in preserving the integrity of the euro area and in offering these countries improved prospects. Domestic structural reform and appropriate fiscal consolidation, wage increases and slower fiscal consolidation in economically stronger euro-area countries, a weaker euro exchange rate, debt restructuring and an investment programme should be part of the arsenal. In the medium term, more institutional change will be necessary to complement the planned overhaul of the euro area institutional framework. This will include the deployment of a euro-area economic stabilising tool, managing the overall fiscal stance of the euro area, some form of Eurobonds and measures to make euro-area level decision making bodies more effective and democratically legitimate.