America & Europe, and other essays,

Also published as part of the author's The prospects of democracy, and other essays, London, 1929.

Tras las huellas de Hegemón : Usos de hegemonía en la teoría política de Ernesto Laclau

Este artículo presenta un análisis de la noción de hegemonía tal como es desarrollada por Ernesto Laclau en investigaciones que comprenden desde trabajos previos a su clásico Hegemonía y estrategia socialista. Hacia una radicalización de la democracia (1985, en colaboración con Chantal Mouffe) hasta su obra importante más reciente La razón populista (2004). La hipótesis de lectura que guía el articulo es que hegemonía -desde sus orígenes en la teoría política de Laclau- funciona como una categoría que plantea la relación entre la universalidad y la particularidad pero también como tres conceptos -en tanto esta categoría adquiere un contenido particular cuando se la utiliza en diferentes campos: lo político y la lógica de constitución de lo social; el funcionamiento de una/la lógica de la política; y la constitución de las identidades colectivas

Participation and transparency in food law

La governance del settore alimentare si fonda su una struttura multilivello, ove poteri locali, nazionali, sovranazionali e globali interagiscono. In tale assetto, ogni regolatore è chiamato a proteggere interessi diversi tra loro, tra cui l'ambiente, la salute umana, il benessere animale e la libera concorrenza. La regolazione del settore alimentare, inoltre, impone la considerazione di aspetti etici e culturali, dotati di una forte matrice territoriale. In questo sistema, i valori che entrano in gioco non sono egualmente rappresentati, ma quelli considerati "minori" sono sovente sovrastati dalle esigenze di protezione di un unico interesse: la libera concorrenza su scala globale. Ne deriva che la regolazione del settore alimentare necessita di un nuovo equilibrio. Questo può richiedere sia l'adozione di nuove regole - soprattutto a livello sovranazionale - sia un'interpretazione maggiormente inclusiva dei principi e delle regole già esistenti da parte delle Corti. Tuttavia, risulta maggiormente urgente e di immediata efficacia permettere ai soggetti interessati, siano essi privati o pubblici, di partecipare alla formulazione delle politiche e delle decisioni inerenti il settore alimentare. La partecipazione procedurale è in grado di soddisfare esigenze differenti e talvolta opposte, pertanto essa è regolata dal legislatore a seconda dello scopo finale prefissato. Principalmente, essa è vista come una applicazione diretta dei principi di democrazia e trasparenza; tuttavia, il suo reale impatto sul risultato finale delle decisioni pubbliche può scostarsi considerevolemente da tale paradigma. Lo scopo di tale lavoro è analizzare i diversi modelli partecipativi implementati nei vari livelli di governo, al fine di determinarne il reale impatto sui soggetti interessati e sul bilanciamento degli interessi in gioco. La conclusione dimostra un certo livello di perplessità per ciò che riguarda l'assetto di tali garanzie nella regolazione del settore alimentare, dove lo sviluppo del concetto di democrazia partecipativa e di bilancio tra gli interessi rilevanti è ancora acerbo.

O DIRETOR ESCOLAR E A IDÉIA DE DEMOCRACIA: UM OLHAR A PARTIR DA FORMAÇÃO

O presente trabalho apresenta uma reflexão e uma discussão em torno dos modelos de democracia, presentes nos gestores e em suas práticas pedagógicas. Essa leitura é feita a partir de processos de formação que incluem toda a trajetória das pessoas envolvidas na busca das formas de apropriação dos ideais de democracia presentes em cada um e em suas etapas de formação para a vida e para a profissão. O suporte teórico pauta-se no ouvir contar , ou seja, nos relatos orais das histórias de vida de cada um dos envolvidos. Infância, dolescência, juventude e maturidade permeiam-se na busca de respostas para os referenciais que cada um dos agentes possui. Dialoguei com as memórias dos entrevistados na busca da descoberta da idéia que cada um dos entrevistados carrega a respeito da gestão democrática. Olhei para as subjetividades e descobri um universo muito mais complexo do que aquele abordado pelas bibliografias a respeito do assunto. Descobri que as pessoas constroem suas concepções ao longo da vida e se relacionam com estas através das situações mais formais, tais como a profissão. O trabalho está estruturado em três capítulos, seguidos de anexos.

What May the Sheep safely know?

The relationship of knowledge and liberties in modern societies presents a multitude of fascinating issues that deserve to be explored more systematically. The production of knowledge is dynamic, and the conditions and practice of freedom is undergoing transformation. These changes ensure that the linkages between liberty and knowledge are always subject to changes. In the past, the connection between scientific knowledge, democracy, and emancipation seemed self-evident. More recently, the close linkage between democracy and knowledge has been viewed with skepticism. This volume explores the relationship between knowledge and democracy, Do they support each other, do they mutually depend on each other, or are they perhaps even in conflict with each other? Does knowledge increase the freedom to act? If additional knowledge contributes to individual and social well being, does it also enhance freedoms? Knowledge and Democracy focuses on the interpenetration of knowledge, freedom and democracy, and does so from various perspectives, theoretical as well as practical. Modern societies are transforming themselves into knowledge societies. This has a fundamental impact on political systems and the relationship of citizens to large social institutions. The contributors to this book systemically explore whether, and in what ways, these modern-day changes and developments are connected to expansion of the capacities of individual citizens to act. They focus on the interrelation of democracy and knowledge, and the role of democratic institutions, as well as on the knowledge and social conduct of actors within democratic institutions. In the process of investigation, they arrive at a newplatform for future research and theory, one that is sensitive to present-day societal conflicts, cleavages, and transformations generated by new knowledge.

Dangerous brown men:exploiting sex, violence and feminism in the 'war on terror'

Why is the public presentation of the war on terror suffused with sexualised racism? What does this tell us about ideas of gender, sexuality, religious and political identity and the role of the state in the Western powers? Can we diffuse inter-ethnic conflicts and change the way the West pursues its security agenda by understanding the role of sexualised racism in the war on terror? In asking such questions, Gargi Bhattacharyya considers how the concepts of imperialism, feminism, terror and security can be applied, in order to build on the influential debates about the sexualised character of colonialism. She examines the way in which western imperial violence has been associated with the rhetoric of rights and democracy - a project of bombing for freedom that has called into question the validity of western conceptions of democracy, rights and feminism. Such rhetoric has given rise to actions that go beyond simply protecting western interests or securing access to scarce resources and appear to be beyond instrumental reason. The articulations of racism that appear with the war on terror are animated by fears and sexual fantasies inexplicable by rational interest alone. There can be no resolution to this seemingly endless conflict without understanding the highly sexualised racism that animates it. Such an understanding threatens to pierce the heart of imperial relations, revealing their intense contradictions and uncovering attempts to normalise violent expropriation.

Beyond securitisation : Western Mediterranean international relations from a security perspective 1989-2002

Following the end of the Cold War and the ensuing changes to the international landscape, thinking about security has tended to become more discursive and interpretative in nature. What counts as security has increasingly derived from security discourses (that is, 'securitisation') and uncertainty about the multi-faceted future facing various countries and regions. Within this post-Cold War discourse, the Western Mediterranean has emerged as a region fraught with latent and manifest threats in the economic, political, societal and military sectors. Improved access to EU markets for Maghrebi exports; the security of energy supplies to the EU from Algeria and Libya; lack of democracy and the advance of political Islam; the flow of northward migration and worries about law and order in France, Italy and Spain; the growth in military expenditure and weapons proliferation in the Maghreb; all have been central to the securitisation agenda. However, this agenda has often lacked credibility especially when inter-linkages have purportedly been established between economic underdevelopment and political instability, between the advance of political Islam and the threat to energy supplies, or between immigration and the threat to national identity. Such inter-sectoral linkages distract from the credibility of those 'securitisation instances' which correspond to reality; the former linkages have often been exploited by extremist politicians in south-west European countries as well as by regimes in the Maghreb to advance their respective interests. Thus, securitisation may defeat its main purpose; it may generate responses out of keeping with the aims proclaimed at the outset, aims centred on the countering of real threats and the ensuring of greater stability.

Self-selection into export markets by business services firms:evidence from France, Germany and the United Kingdom

This study investigates business services firms that (start to) export, comparing exporters to firms that serve the national market only. We estimate identically specified empirical models using comparable enterprise data from France, Germany, and the UK. Our findings show that exporters are on average more productive and pay higher wages in all three countries. However, results for profitability differ across borders, where profitability of exporters is significantly smaller in Germany, significantly larger in France, and does not differ significantly in the UK. The results for wages and productivity hold in the years before firms start exporting, which indicates self-selection into exporting of more productive services firms that pay higher wages. The surprising finding of self-selection of less profitable German services firms into exporting does not show up among firms from France and the UK. In all three countries we do not find evidence for positive effects of exporting on firm performance. © 2012 Elsevier B.V.

Learning from a deceptively spacious policy discourse

Networked Learning, e-Learning and Technology Enhanced Learning have each been defined in different ways, as people's understanding about technology in education has developed. Yet each could also be considered as a terminology competing for a contested conceptual space. Theoretically this can be a ‘fertile trans-disciplinary ground for represented disciplines to affect and potentially be re-orientated by others’ (Parchoma and Keefer, 2012), as differing perspectives on terminology and subject disciplines yield new understandings. Yet when used in government policy texts to describe connections between humans, learning and technology, terms tend to become fixed in less fertile positions linguistically. A deceptively spacious policy discourse that suggests people are free to make choices conceals an economically-based assumption that implementing new technologies, in themselves, determines learning. Yet it actually narrows choices open to people as one route is repeatedly in the foreground and humans are not visibly involved in it. An impression that the effective use of technology for endless improvement is inevitable cuts off critical social interactions and new knowledge for multiple understandings of technology in people's lives. This paper explores some findings from a corpus-based Critical Discourse Analysis of UK policy for educational technology during the last 15 years, to help to illuminate the choices made. This is important when through political economy, hierarchical or dominant neoliberal logic promotes a single ‘universal model’ of technology in education, without reference to a wider social context (Rustin, 2013). Discourse matters, because it can ‘mould identities’ (Massey, 2013) in narrow, objective economically-based terms which 'colonise discourses of democracy and student-centredness' (Greener and Perriton, 2005:67). This undermines subjective social, political, material and relational (Jones, 2012: 3) contexts for those learning when humans are omitted. Critically confronting these structures is not considered a negative activity. Whilst deterministic discourse for educational technology may leave people unconsciously restricted, I argue that, through a close analysis, it offers a deceptively spacious theoretical tool for debate about the wider social and economic context of educational technology. Methodologically it provides insights about ways technology, language and learning intersect across disciplinary borders (Giroux, 1992), as powerful, mutually constitutive elements, ever-present in networked learning situations. In sharing a replicable approach for linguistic analysis of policy discourse I hope to contribute to visions others have for a broader theoretical underpinning for educational technology, as a developing field of networked knowledge and research (Conole and Oliver, 2002; Andrews, 2011).

Ist Religion schlecht für Frauen? Empirische Erkenntnisse zum Zusammenhang zwischen öffentlichen Religionen und den Menschenrechten der Frau

Religion is a dynamic concept. It can be a means of supporting masculinist power structures as well as a means for challenging established gender hierarchies. This article therefore suggests the proposition that it is not religion as such constituting a problem for the human rights of women but the privileging of patriarchal interpretations of religion and the marginalization of progressive interpretations in many contexts, respectively. From an empirical perspective, thus, the question of the concrete conditions contributing to the ability of conservative religious actors to enforce their patriarchal views in politics and society arises. This article consults existing empirical studies on predominantly Christian democracies and Muslim societies to find answers to this question. It discusses the impact that the institutional relations between the state and religion, the significance of religion in the political party system as well as the confessional composition and the strength of religiosity in a society have on the human rights of women. The article, moreover, deals with the effect of democracy and certain rights on the promotion of women's rights in religious contexts. It demonstrates the requirement of and provides suggestions for further empirical research in this area.

A közérdek védelmének intézményei Public-Private Partnership esetében = Institutional approaches to protecting public interest in Public-Private Partnership projects

A tanulmány a Public-Private Partnership (PPP) egyik nagy kérdésének megközelítéseit vizsgálja: miként védhető a közérdek e projektekben. Piaci és nem piaci megoldásokat tesz az elemzés mérlegre, valamint kitér arra, hogy miért különleges a PPP projektek esetében a közérdek védelmének kérdése. A szabályozott verseny körülményeinek kialakítása több megközelítésben is perdöntő kérdés a PPP értéknövelésének előmozdításához, bár a létező megoldások nem mentesek anomáliáktól. A képviseleti demokrácia intézményi működésének támogatására pedig a társadalmi részvétel megoldásait javasolja az irodalom. E megközelítés is több formájában, többféle céllal és szintén kihívásokkal segítheti az értéknövelő PPP projekteket. A tanulmány az elvi lehetőségek értékelő elemzését követően a megvalósítás realitásait is mérlegre teszi. = This study focuses on a key issue in Public-Private Partnership (PPP) projects: how may public interest be protected. It assesses market based and non market based approaches, and also explains why PPP projects are peculiar when addressing the protection of public interest. Setting up the conditions for simulated competition is of paramount importance for different reasons in order to enable value creating PPP projects. Existing solutions however are not without anomalies. To promote the institutions of democracy, participatory solutions are recommended in the literature. That approach may help value creating PPP projects in various forms, with a range of objectives and challenges. The study concludes the analytical assessment of options by highlighting the realistic conditions of implementation.

Social change in Central and Eastern Europe: General trends and national patterns

The paper addresses five issue areas. First it describes the plurality of trajectories in central and eastern European transformations, offering a broad typology. Then it addresses the drift between acceptance of democracy and the market, owing to growing inequalities. Third, problems of poverty and exclusion are addressed. Fourth, it is addressed if any known model of redistribution emerged in the post-transition economies. Fifth, consequences of the populist turn in European policies are being analyzed. Influences of the EU practices will be dealt with and some preliminary conclusions drawn. These suggest a strong intertwining between social and economic performance that limit theoretically conceivable – neoliberal, social democratic, postmodern or conservative - policy choices.

Hungary's U-Turn

For two decades Hungary, like the other Eastern European countries, followed a general policy of establishing and strengthening the institutions of democracy, rule of law, and a market economy based on private property. However, since the elections of 2010, when Viktor Orbán's Fidesz party came to power, Hungary has made a dramatic U-turn. This article investigates the different spheres of society: political institutions, the rule of law, and the influence of state and market on one another, as well as the world of ideology (education, science and art), and describes the U-turn’s implications for these fields and the effect it has on the life of people. It argues against the frequent misunderstandings in the interpretation and evaluation of the Hungarian situation, pointing out some typical intellectual fallacies. It draws attention to the dangers of strengthening nationalism, and to the ambivalence evident in Hungarian foreign policy, and looks into the relationship between Hungary and the Western world, particularly the European Union. Finally, it outlines the possible scenarios resulting from future developments in the Hungarian situation.

Hungary's U-Turn

For two decades Hungary, like the other Eastern European countries, followed a general policy of establishing and strengthening the institutions of democracy, rule of law, and a market economy based on private property. However, since the elections of 2010, when Viktor Orbán's Fidesz party came to power, Hungary has made a dramatic U-turn. This article investigates the different spheres of society: political institutions, the rule of law, and the influence of state and market on one another, as well as the world of ideology (education, science and art), and describes the U-turn's implications for these fields and the effect it has on the life of people. It argues against the frequent misunderstandings in the interpretation and evaluation of the Hungarian situation, pointing out some typical intellectual fallacies. It draws attention to the dangers of strengthening nationalism, and to the ambivalence evident in Hungarian foreign policy, and looks into the relationship between Hungary and the Western world, particularly the European Union. Finally, it outlines the possible scenarios resulting from future developments in the Hungarian situation.

Hungary's U-Turn

For two decades Hungary, like the other Eastern European countries, followed a general policy of establishing and strengthening the institutions of democracy, rule of law, and a market economy based on private property. However, since the elections of 2010, when Viktor Orbán's Fidesz party came to power, Hungary has made a dramatic U-turn. This article investigates the different spheres of society: political institutions, the rule of law, and the influence of state and market on one another, as well as the world of ideology (education, science and art), and describes the U-turn’s implications for these fields and the effect it has on the life of people. It argues against the frequent misunderstandings in the interpretation and evaluation of the Hungarian situation, pointing out some typical intellectual fallacies. It draws attention to the dangers of strengthening nationalism, and to the ambivalence evident in Hungarian foreign policy, and looks into the relationship between Hungary and the Western world, particularly the European Union. Finally, it outlines the possible scenarios resulting from future developments in the Hungarian situation.