782 resultados para colombian government
The Colombian Constitution of 1991 as the Starting Point of a new Constitutionalism in Latin America
Resumo:
The objective of this article is to show that the Colombian Constitution of 1991 has certain traits that clearly differentiate it from Western constitutional tradition. Some of these traits would later be included in constitutional processes and constitutions in Venezuela (1999), Ecuador (1998 and 2008) and Bolivia (2009), in a process collectively known as Latin American Neo-Constitutionalism. This paper intends to demonstrate how the text of the Colombian Constitution represents a turning point that marks the beginning and establishes the foundations for the development of a home-grown constitutional form in Latin America over the last two decades.
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This article reviews the evidence collected by diverse national and international organizations regarding the relationship between sexual violence against women, forced displacement, and dispossession in the context of the Colombian armed conflict. To this end, it uses the concept of “sexual violence regimes” to highlight that the endspursued by sexual violence are not always exhausted by simple consummation (that is, the act of sexual violence itself), but depending on the context, can be connected with broader strategic goals of armed actors. At the same time, this document admits the difficulty of proving this relationship with respect to judicial procedures, and thus sets out the possibility of creating a rebuttable presumption, in the framework of “unconstitutional state of affairs” created by judgment T-025 of 2004, that alleviates the burden of proof of the victims, and serves as a catalyst to promote new genderbased mechanisms of reparations.
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En el año 2011, después de cuatro años de cabildeo y forcejeo político, Colombia aprobó la Ley 1448, más conocida como la Ley de Víctimas. Los objetivos perseguidos por esta ley son bastante amplios, en la medida en que pretende ser una regulación comprensiva para enfrentar los efectos que el conflicto armado ha infligido en la población civil. En este sentido, la ley incluye las reformas legales que fueron consideradascomo necesarias para restablecer el estado de derecho a través de la proteccióny cumplimiento de los derechos de las víctimas. Actualmente, el gobierno, la sociedad civil y la academia se han enfocado en el análisis de los dilemas y grandes temas dela ley. Sin embargo, esta nueva regulación, con sus 208 artículos, es más amplia y compleja, razón por la cual es indispensable hacer un análisis más detenido de sus múltiples provisiones. Una de estas, que parece no haber llamado la atención y que, por lo tanto, no ha sido objeto de estudio pormenorizado es el artículo 46. A primera vista, este parece estar encaminado a reforzar la investigación y juzgamiento de las personas jurídicas relacionadas con violaciones de derechos humanos y derecho internacional humanitario en el contexto colombiano. Este texto examina específicamente los alcances reales y dilemas del artículo, y propone algunas soluciones para llenar la laguna que existe actualmente en el país en la materia.
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En las décadas comprendidas entre 1982 y 2002, Colombia ya se afirmaba como un Estado democrático. Sin embargo, en este período el paramilitarismo agenció uno de los más agudos niveles de violencia homicida en el país. Ante esta realidad incuestionable, surgen planteamientos que intentan explicar esta paradoja: a) Colombia no es una democracia: es un régimen terrorista que acaba con la oposición para mantener un sistema de exclusiones desde arriba; b) las instituciones colombianas han sido una víctima más de la violencia paramilitar; y c) el paramilitarismo obedece a la insurgencia de élites locales y regionales contra procesos de paz impulsados desde arriba. Las dos primeras, claramente cuestionables. La última, todavía insuficiente a la hora de identificar el papel de los tomadores de decisiones a nivel central, tanto en el Estado como en el sistema político, en el despliegue y auge del fenómeno paramilitar.Este artículo evalúa estas tres afirmaciones y analiza, con base en documentos oficiales e informes de prensa de la época, los alcances del paramilitarismo en las décadas comprendidas entre 1982 y 2002, al tenor del papel desempeñado por la democracia colombiana y sus instituciones, pues –alcontrario del discurso oficial de los gobiernos, quienes por más de treinta años han afirmado haber sufrido la penetración y agresión del paramilitarismo de la mano de “manzanas podridas” o “casos aislados”– el fenómeno paramilitar en Colombia durante el período estudiado disfrutó de un estatus especial agenciado públicamente por políticos centristas, prosaicos y conciliadores apuntalados en las presiones de sectoresclave del sistema político y de las élites vulnerables del país.
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This article offers a theoretical interpretation of the dispositions on land restitution contained in the famous “Victims’ Bill”, which was debated in the Colombian Congress during the year 2008. The bill included specific mechanisms aimed at guaranteeing the restitution of land to victims of the Colombian armed conflict. At the time, the bill was endorsed by all the main political actors in the country –notably the government and the elites that support it, on the one hand, and victims’ and human rights organizations and other opposition groups, on the other–. The fact that the restitution of land to victims of the Colombian armed conflict was being considered as a serious possibility by all political actors in the country seemed to indicate the existence of a consensus among actors whose positions are ordinarily opposed, on an issue that has traditionally led to high levels of polarization. This consensus is quite puzzling, because it seems to be at odds with the interests and/or the conceptions of justice advocated by these political actors, and because the restitution of land faces enormous difficulties both from a factual and a normative point of view, which indicates that it may not necessarily be the best alternative for dealing with the issue of land distribution in Colombia. This article offers an interpretation of said consensus, arguing that it is only an apparent consensus in which the actors are actually misrepresenting their interests and conceptions of justice, while at the same time adopting divergent strategies of implementation aimed at fulfilling their true interests. Nevertheless, the article concludes that the common adherence by all actors to the principle of restorative justice might bring about its actual realization, and thus produce an outcome that, in spite (and perhaps even because) of being unintended, might substantively contribute to solving the problem of unequal land distribution in Colombia. Even though the article focuses in some detail on the specificities of the 2008 Bill, it attempts to make a general argument about the state of the discussion on how to deal with the issue of land distribution in the country. Consequently, it may still be relevant today, especially considering that a new Bill on land restitution is currently being discussed in Congress, which includes the same restitution goals as the Victims’ Bill and many of its procedural and substantive details, and which therefore seems to reflect a similar consensus to the one analyzed in the article.
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Public contracting in Colombia is conflicting and inefficient. It frequently leads to damage to State property. The Colombian legal system cannot assure efficient and transparent public contracting. The cause is the institutional environment characterized by high transaction costs. Colombian law worsens the process by recognizing the principle of economic equilibrium in public contracts. This principle increasese contract incompleteness and renders impossible the use of economic incentives to control the opportunism of the economic agents. The authors present the hypothesis that the economic equilibrium principle increases the conflictive nature of public contracting. They test the hypothesis empirically. The first section of the paper presents a summary of the literature on transaction costs economics, as well as the legal literature on the historical origin and the content of the economic equilibrium principle. The second section describes the methodology of the empirical study. The third section shows the empirical evidence of the effects that the economic equilibrium principle exerts over the public contracting. The last section presents the conclusions.
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The results presented in this paper are aim at examining and comparing the migratory events occurred betwixt two countries which have different social and economic conditions. The information developed along this text is, therefore, an initial assessment on migration between Canada and Colombia. The author used hermeneutics as a main methodological tool for conducting this study.This paper concludes that, although there are a range of motivations behind the decision to leaving one’s home country, the pursuit for better economic conditions is the dominant factor.
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This study evaluated the construct validity and reliability of Femininity and Masculinity Inventory-Imafe (Lara, 1993), and calculated standardized punctuations for Colombian teenagers and young adults. Participants were 1527 male and female, between 15 and 42. The general and scale reliability was evaluated through Alfa and Guttmann coefficients, and the factor analysis was used to estimate the construct validity. Standardized punctuations were obtained for gender, since there were statistically significant differences for sex in the six scales of the instrument. The inventory presented reliability values that oscillated between .76 and .88, and the factorial analysis showed three factors coherent with the factors found in its original validation. Correlacional inter-scales analysis and sex-differences were theoretically consistent.
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Cross-cultural studies on eating behaviors and related constructs can identify cultural and social factors that contribute to eating disorder symptomatology. Eating disorders (EDs) are a major cause for concern in the U.S., and recent studies in Colombia have shown growing rates among their female population. In addition, cosmetic surgery procedures have been increasing rapidly in both the U.S. and Colombia, and preliminary research suggests a positive relation between disordered eating and endorsement of plastic surgery. In samples of college women from Colombia and the U.S., we investigated patterns of association between disordered eating variables and cosmetic surgery acceptance. Our approach utilized separate analyses for various subcomponents of disordered eating (to determine their unique associations with cosmetic surgery acceptance) while adjusting for potentially relevant covariates and examining cross-cultural patterns. Participants were students at an urban, public college in the U.S. (n=163) and an urban, private college in Colombia (n=179). Overall, our findings suggested that participants from Colombia with greater disordered eating were more likely to endorse cosmetic surgery for social reasons, while those from the U.S. were more likely to consider undergoing cosmetic surgery for personal reasons. Differing findings between the two samples may be due to cultural and social factors, which we delineate. These findings also have potential implications for presurgical counseling of cosmetic surgery candidates.
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The goal of this research was to identify predic- tive psychosocial factors of the subjective quality of life in a group of 60 people, with ages between 19 and 57, from both sexes, included in the program of demobilization and social inclusion of the Pro- grama de la Alta Consejería para la Reintegración Social y Económica de Personas y Grupos Alzados en Armas en Colombia. this research was a predic- tive correlational descriptive study. the Question- naire of optimism/Pessimism was used to assess the optimist or pessimist trend, and, for assess the quality of life, these strategies were combined: a home visit to value the objective quality of life, the Analogous scale of subjective Quality of Life to value satisfaction and well-being, and a general format to collect socio-demographic and juridical information. Results show that some variables as perceived health, optimism, educational level, re- ligious believes, objective quality of life, type of demobilization and years spent in the armed group operating outside the law, are associated to better levels of perceived quality of life. The findings and limitations of the study are discussed.
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This paper examines the workaholism phenomenon in different work situations in Colombian company. Workaholism was defined as the individual’s steady and considerable allocation of time to work, which is not derived from external necessities (1). The research studies about workaholics and workaholism have been increasing a lot in the last years (2). Workaholism is an addiction that actually is affecting a lot of people around the world and has serious consequences in personal life, in the community and also in economy. Some of these researches are directed to explore ways to diagnose when a person is workaholic and when this situation may affect the performanceof the individual in work, daily life activities and especially in psychosocial area. Objective: this pilot study contributes to identify if Colombian workers present the main characteristicsof workaholism and if the job they perform is related to the presence of the characteristics of this addiction. Materials and method: for this pilot study used the Dutch Work Addiction Scale(DUWAS), this test suggests when a person has work addiction, trough the evaluation of two main components working excessively and working compulsively. Results: the study find differences for the two groups: the 67% of the AE group are over the average while only the 33% of the members of the O group are over it. Conclusions: these percentages show that the combinations of the components of workaholism are more evident in the population belonging to the administrative/executive jobs group, giving evidence that workaholism is presented in greater proportion in the population performance management positions.
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Almost one hundred years ago the Carnegie Foundation for the Advancement of Teaching authorized a study and report about the medical education of the United States and Canada directed by Mr. Abraham Flexner an education expert of the time. This report turned out to be one of the most important documents of the medical education revolution that took place by that time in North America and that led it to become what it is today. Almost a century after that, Colombian medical education has reached an outstanding similarity to the system described in the Flexner report. The present article highlights the parallel between North America’s medical education situation a hundred years ago and Colombia’s actual medical education situation. We present here some notions about the actual education system based on what was described on 1910 and which we consider, constitutes the current medical education situation on our country and possibly on many Latin American countries.
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En este capítulo, los autores tratan de demostrar como los gobierno latinoamericanos, específicamente el peruano, evalúan los esfuerzos que realizan en la implementación de iniciativas de gobierno electrónico, identificando las expectativas que tienen los ciudadanos frente a estas iniciativas y como las perciben, aplicando un modelo de evaluación al servicio de pago electrónico de impuestos implementado como una iniciativa exitosa en Latinoamérica. El modelo propuesto fue desarrollado por uno de los autores como parte de su tesis doctoral y evaluado por el otro como jurado en el tribunal de la misma. Incluye cinco constructos latentes independientes, actitud, aptitud, confianza, relevancia y satisfacción que afecta a dos constructos latentes dependientes, la percepción y la expectativa frente a su relación con la administración pública vía el uso de las tecnologías de la información y las comunicaciones – TIC, bajo el efecto de variables ilustrativas relacionadas con los ciudadanos, las instituciones y el contexto.
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This paper presents the assessment that inhabitants of some Colombian cities did on the conditions that contribute to the livability of public space. Seven hundred and forty people, inhabitants of Yopal, Villavicencio, Valledupar, Popayán, Pereira, Pasto, Neiva, Montería, Medellín, Fusagasugá, Cúcuta, Cartagena, Cali and Bogotá participated in the study. The assessment of the conditions that contribute to the livability of public space was carried out using an instrument composed of 48 items that inquired about the level of contribution that can have different conditions on the quality of public space, from a scale five points ranging from: Does not contribute at all (-2) to: Contribute significantly (+2). The results show the conditions that most affect the habitability of public space in Colombia, as well as the differences between cities according to the assessment made by participants about the general state of public space in cities. Multidimensional analysis (SSA) evidence a structure that reflects the function that public space plays in people’s assessment on Colombian cities. It is discussed the implications of the findings for urban planning and management and the designed instrument is proposed as a tool to assess the quality of urban public space.
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Mediante este proyecto, se hace un análisis de la industria automotriz en Colombia, cómo se puede ver afectada y cuáles serán los pros y contras ante la puesta en ejecución del Tratado de Libre Comercio con la República de Corea, tomando como base diferentes agentes que incursionan directamente en la industria mencionada, como lo son sus consumidores, los comerciantes, productores (ensambladoras) y el gobierno nacional. Igualmente, la globalización como aspecto fundamental para las economías mundiales, genera la apertura de estas y afianza a su vez la firma de diferentes tratados que permitan mejorar el comercio y bajar los precios de bienes y servicios entre países; pero en este caso dicha apertura, puede no ser beneficiosa para la industria automotriz colombiana debido a las grandes diferencias en capacidad de producción y tecnología entre ambos países. Por lo anterior, se realizan comparaciones entre las dos economías y sus industrias (la automotriz), para encontrar los puntos en los cuales Colombia es más débil y buscar estrategias que permitan contrarrestar los efectos negativos que puede traer consigo el Tratado de Libre Comercio, así mismo, buscar oportunidades para mejorar el desarrollo tecnológico y de esta manera incentivar la inversión para consolidar dicha industria en el mercado.