984 resultados para Schwarzenberg, Karl Philipp, Fürst zu, 1771-1820


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Wahrscheinlich war es ja nur ein Versuch einer alteingesessenen Institution der Massenmedien, sich bei „den Leuten, die man früher ‚das Publikum‘ nannte“ („the people formerly known as the audience“; Rosen, 2006, n.pag.) wieder einzuschmeicheln. Dennoch, die Anerkennung des kollektiven „You“ in YouTube und anderen kollaborativen Onlineplattformen als Person des Jahres durch das amerikanische Magazin Time (Grossman, 2007) liefert ein weiteres Indiz für die wachsende Bedeutung solcher Projekte zur gemeinschaftlichen Produktion und Distribution von Inhalten. Kreative Websites wie Flickr und YouTube, kollaborative Wissenssammlungen von Wikipedia über Digg bis zu Google Earth, nutzergesteuerte Diskussionen in Slashdot, OhmyNews, und der allgemeinen Blogosphäre, aber auch die Softwareentwicklungsgemeinschaften im Open‐Source‐Bereich – sie alle dienen als Beispiele für diese nun etablierten Trend zur Entwicklung neuer Produktions‐, Geschäfts‐, Gemeinschafts‐ und Selbstlenkungsmodelle, die wesentlich durch zunehmend komplexere Web‐2.0‐Tools unterstützt werden. Hinter diesen Beispielen wird eine allgemeiner Tendenz sichtbar, die aus ökonomischer Sicht bereits von Yochai Benkler als „commons‐based peer production“ (2006), und von Eric von Hippel als „democratizing innovation" (2005) beschrieben worden ist. Henry Jenkins spricht zudem von einer „convergence culture“ (2006), in der solche nutzergesteuerten Projekte operieren, und es können auch Verbindungen zwischen diesen stärker aktive gewordenen Nutzern und Alvin Tofflers professionellen Konsumenten, den „Prosumers“ ziehen (1971).

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Da hatte das Pferd die Nüstern voll. Gebrauch und Funktion von Phraseologie im Kinderbuch. Untersuchungen zu Erich Kästner und anderen Autoren. [Da hatte das Pferd die Nüstern voll. Fraseologian käyttö ja tehtävä lastenkirjallisuudessa. Tutkimuksia Erich Kästnerin ja muiden kirjailijoiden tuotannossa.] Usein oletetaan, että idiomit ovat lapsille vaikeita ymmärtää, koska niiden merkitystä ei voi kokonaisuudessaan johtaa rakenteeseen kuuluvien yksittäisten sanojen merkityksestä. Silti lastenkirjallisuudessa idiomeja käytetään paljon ja monessa eri tehtävässä. Tässä tutkimuksessa tarkistetaan fraseologian (idiomien ja sanalaskujen) käytön koko skaala saksankielisessä lastenkirjallisuudessa Erich Kästnerin (1899-1976) klassikoista tähän päivään asti. Kolmen eri korpuksen avulla (905 idiomiesimerkkiä kuudesta Kästnerin lastenkirjasta, 333 idiomia kahdesta Kästnerin aikuisromaanista ja 580 esimerkkiä kuudesta eri kirjailijoiden kirjoittamasta lastenkirjasta) pyritään vastamaan mm. seuraaviin kysymyksiin: Kuinka paljon ja minkälaisia idiomeja teksteissä käytetään? Miten idiomit sijoitetaan teksteihin, minkälaisia suhteita kontekstiin rakentuu? Millaisia eroavaisuuksia idiomien käytössä on havaittavissa ensinnäkin saman kirjailijan (Kästnerin) lastenkirjojen ja aikuisille tarkoitettujen kirjojen välillä sekä toisaalta eri kirjailijoiden kirjoittamien lastenkirjojen välillä? Tutkimuksesta käy ilmi, että idiomien käyttö vaihtelee lastenkirjallisuudessa ensisijaisesti kirjailijoittain, joka näkyy erilaisten ’fraseologisten profiilien’ esiintyminä. Parafraasien käyttö (idiomin rinnalle asetetaan synonyyminen ei-idiomaattinen ilmaisu) on varsin yleistä kaikissa tutkituissa lastenkirjoissa. Kästnerin lastenkirjoissa parafraasin käyttö on selvästi yleisempää kuin aikuisromaaneissa. Näyttää siltä, että lastenkirjallisuudessa siis tietoisesti tai tiedostumatta otetaan huomioon lasten rajoitettu fraseologinen kompetenssi.

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This doctoral thesis in theoretical philosophy is a systematic analysis of Karl Popper's philosophy of science and its relation to his theory of three worlds. The general aim is to study Popper's philosophy of science and to show that Popper's theory of three worlds was a restatement of his earlier positions. As a result, a new reading of Popper's philosophy and development is offered and the theory of three worlds is analysed in a new manner. It is suggested that the theory of three worlds is not purely an ontological theory, but has a profound epistemological motivation. In Part One, Popper's epistemology and philosophy of science is analysed. It is claimed that Popper's thinking was bifurcated: he held two profound positions without noticing the tension between them. Popper adopted the position called the theorist around 1930 and focused on the logical structure of scientific theories. In Logik der Forschung (1935), he attempted to build a logic of science on the grounds that scientific theories may be regarded as universal statements which are not verifiable but can be falsified. Later, Popper emphasized another position, called here the processionalist. Popper focused on the study of science as a process and held that a) philosophy of science should study the growth of knowledge and that b) all cognitive processes are constitutive. Moreover, the constitutive idea that we see the world in the searchlight of our theories was combined with the biological insight that knowledge grows by trial and error. In Part Two, the theory of three worlds is analysed systematically. The theory is discussed as a cluster of theories which originate from Popper's attempt to solve some internal problems in his thinking. Popper adhered to realism and wished to reconcile the theorist and the processionalist. He also stressed the real and active nature of the human mind, and the possibility of objective knowledge. Finally, he wished to create a scientific world view.

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A Revival in a Village and its Households. The Village of Oravisalo in Rääkkylä Parish and the Renqvistist Revivalism in the 1820s. My purpose is to apply the science of religion and the study of past communities to the study of religious revivalism. Revivalism will be considered a religious phenomenon as well as a cultural and social phenomenon. What makes this study unique is the possibility to reconstruct a list of participating revivalists based on entries in the communion book of the time. The conflict between the revivalists and the chaplain of Rääkkylä also generated other documentary material. The community in Oravisalo was relatively stratified. People lived in complex and varying forms of households. They also had plentiful contacts both with unrelated inhabitants of Oravisalo and with the neighbouring villages. Through these contacts the inhabitants of Oravisalo were introduced to revivalism. In Oravisalo, the revival for the most part fell into a certain social stratum and did not severely damage existing relationships within families or among acquaintances. The revivalists formed a new community within the village but the community was neither very tightly-knit nor was it closed. The revival was an individual phenomenon affected by general factors. First, there were factors that brought about a quest for an applicable system of meanings. These factors included at least three important issues: the Great Partition of land, the crisis of slash-and-burn cultivation, and a population growth that increased the proportion of the landless in the village. As a result, many of the revivalists had low status and poor expectations for the future. Second, there were factors that appealed to the people in the message and character of the preacher, Henrik Renqvist. Third, the proximity of the village to Liperi, where the revival got its start, was crucial to revivalism s spread to Oravisalo. Culturally, the revival meant a change in the system of symbols or meanings, so it was not solely a matter of intensified religious fervour. For instance, Communion, prayer, reading, and perhaps baptism symbolised different things to the revivalists than to other villagers. However, the revivalists do not seem to have started any moral revolution in their village. The religious aspect defined the limits of the protest and the resistance towards authorities. The revivalists wanted only to have the right to follow their conscience. The freedom granted the female members was limited to the religious sphere. No social or economic claims were made. The revival altered the situation of its members only on a symbolic level, yet it also offered them status within their own group.

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Rudolf Gottschalk (later Grahame) on right; Fritz Gottschalk (Levy) on left

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Rudolf Gottschalk (later Grahame) on right; Fritz Gottschalk (Levy) on left

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From left to right: Walter Gottschalk, Ida, Charlie Sloan (Karl Hermann Solomon); Ida, Kaete Solomon's maid, nursed Charlie back to health after his release from Dachau

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From left to right: Walter Gottschalk, Ida, Charlie Sloan (Karl Hermann Solomon); Ida, Kaete Solomon's maid, nursed Charlie back to health after his release from Dachau