605 resultados para STANCE


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"Si el hombre es el cuidador de las palabras y sólo de ellas emerge el sentido de las cosas, la arquitectura tiene un cometido preciso: hacer de las condiciones ya dadas de cada lugar palabras que signifiquen las cualidades de la existencia, y que desvelen la riqueza y contenidos que en ellas se contienen potencialmente" Ignasi Solá Morales. Lugar: permanencia o producción, 1992. Esta tesis surge tanto del afán por comprender la identidad de uno de los espacios más representativos de mi ciudad, asumido familiarmente pero que plantea muchas dudas respecto a su caracterización, como de la preocupación personal respecto a la aparente hegemonía del modelo urbano de la "ciudad genérica", crudamente expuesto por Rem Koolhaas a finales del siglo XX, que pone en crisis la ciudad histórica. El territorio, espacio físico concreto, y la memoria asociada a este, obliterados, son considerados como punto de partida para confrontarlos con la proclamación del nuevo modelo de "ciudad genérica", de raíz eminentemente económica y tecnológica. La realidad tangible de un espacio, aparentemente forjado en base a los valores denostados por el nuevo modelo propuesto, se estudia desde las premisas opuestas. La idea del no-lugar, teorizado por Marc Augé y tomado como modelo por Koolhaas, supone éste emancipado tanto de las preexistencias históricas como de su ubicación física concreta, planteando un tipo de espacio de representación al margen del territorio y la memoria. Sin pretender adoptar una postura resistente u opuesta, sino antitética y complementaria, se toman aquí las premisas de Koolhaas para contrastarlas con una porción del territorio a medio camino entre la arquitectura y la ciudad, a fin de desarrollar una reflexión que sirva de complemento y contrapeso al paradigma espacial que la “ciudad genérica” implica y cuya inmediatez y supuesta anomia parecen anular cualquier intención interpretativa al neutralizar los centros históricos y proclamar el agotamiento de la historia. El planteamiento de una teoría dicotómica frente al espacio y las teorías arquitectónicas asociadas a este ya fue formulado por Colin Rowe y Fred Koetter a finales de los años setenta del siglo pasado. Se plantea aquí la idea de una “ciudad tangible” como opuesta a la idea de la "ciudad genérica" enunciada por Koolhaas. Tomando el territorio y la memoria como referencia principal en un lugar concreto y huyendo de la premisa de la inmediatez del instante y el "presente perpetuo" proclamado por Koolhaas, del que según él seríamos prisioneros, se establece una distancia respecto al objeto de análisis que desarrolla el estudio en la dirección opuesta al supuesto origen del mismo, planteando la posibilidad de reactivar una reflexión en torno al territorio y la memoria en el seno del proceso global de habitación para poner de manifiesto determinados mecanismos de configuración de un espacio de representación al margen de la urgencia del presente, reactivando la memoria y su relación con el territorio como punto de partida. Desde de la reconstrucción hipotética del territorio, partiendo de la propia presencia física del mismo, su orografía, la paleo-biología, las analogías etológicas, los restos arqueológicos, la antropología o la historia, se reivindica la reflexión arquitectónica como disciplina diversa y privilegiada en cuanto al análisis espacial, tratando de discernir el proceso mediante el cual el Prado pasó de territorio a escenario. La organización cronológica del estudio y la incorporación de muy diversas fuentes, en su mayoría directas, pretende poner de manifiesto la condición transitiva del espacio de representación y contrastar el pasado remoto del lugar y su construcción con el momento actual, inevitablemente encarnado por el punto de vista desde el cual se desarrolla la tesis. El Prado parece albergar, agazapado en su nombre, la raíz de un origen remoto y olvidado. Si como enunciaba Ignasi Solá-Morales la función de la arquitectura es hacer aflorar los significados inherentes al lugar, esta tesis se plantea como una recuperación de la idea del vínculo entre el territorio y la memoria como fuente fundamental en la definición de un espacio de representación específico. El escrutinio del pasado constituye un acto eminentemente contemporáneo, pues el punto de vista y la distancia, inevitablemente condicionados por el presente, determinan la mirada. El culto contemporáneo a la inmediatez y la proclamación de la superación de los procesos históricos han relegado el pasado, en cierto grado, a depósito de restos o referente a superar, obviando su ineluctable condición de origen o momento anterior condicionante. Partiendo de la reconstrucción del lugar sobre el cual se halla el Prado ubicado y reconsiderando, según las premisas desarrolladas por la moderna historiografía, fundamentalmente desarrolladas por la Escuela francesa de los Annales, la cotidianeidad y lo anónimo como fuente de la que dimanan muchos de los actuales significados de nuestros espacios de representación, tomando como punto de partida un lugar remoto y olvidado, se estudia como se fue consolidando el Prado hasta devenir un lugar insigne de referencia asociado a los poderes fácticos y el espacio áulico de la capital de las Españas en el siglo XVII. El proceso mediante el cual el Prado pasó de territorio a escenario implica la recuperación de la memoria de un espacio agropecuario anónimo y el análisis de cómo, poco a poco, se fue depositando sobre el mismo el acervo de los diversos pobladores de la región que con sus particularidades culturales y sociales fueron condicionando, en mayor o menor grado, un lugar cuyo origen se extiende retrospectivamente hasta hace más de dos mil años, cuando se considera que pudo darse la primera habitación a partir de la cual, de manera ininterrumpida, el Prado ha venido siendo parte de lo que devino, más tarde, Madrid. La llegada de nuevos agentes, vinculados con estructuras de poder y territoriales que trascendían la inmediatez del territorio sobre el que se comenzó a erigir dicho lugar, sirven para repasar los diferentes depósitos ideológicos y culturales que han ido conformando el mismo, reivindicando la diversidad y lo heterogéneo del espacio de representación frente a la idea homogeneizadora que el modelo genérico implica. La constitución del Prado como un espacio de referencia asociado al paganismo arcaico a partir de la praxis espacial cotidiana, su relación con las estructuras defensivas de Al-Andalus y la atalaya Omeya, la apropiación del los primitivos santuarios por parte la iglesia, su relación con un determinado tipo de espiritualidad y las órdenes religiosas más poderosas de la época, la preferencia de Carlos V por Madrid y sus vínculos con la cultura europea del momento, o la definitiva metamorfosis del lugar a partir del siglo XVI y el advenimiento de un nuevo paganismo emblemático y estetizado, culminan con el advenimiento de lo económico como representación del poder en el seno de la corte y la erección del Palacio del Buen Retiro como manifestación tangible de la definitiva exaltación del Prado a espacio de representación áulico. Decía T.S. Elliot que la pugna por el espacio de la memoria constituye el principal rasgo del clasicismo, y el Prado, ciertamente, participa de ese carácter al que está profundamente asociado en la conciencia espacial de los madrileños como lugar de referencia. Acaso la obliteración del territorio y la memoria, propuestas en la “ciudad genérica” también tengan algo que ver con ello. ABSTRACT "If man is the caretaker of words and only they provide the sense of things, the architecture has a precise mission: to make out from the given conditions of each place words that mean the qualities of existence, and which unveil the wealth and content they potentially contain " Ignasi Solá Morales. Place: permanence or production, 1992. This thesis arises from both the desire to understand the identity of one of the most representative spaces of my city, assumed in a familiar way but that raises many doubts about its characterization, and from a personal concern about the apparent hegemony of the urban model of the "generic city " so crudely exposed by Rem Koolhaas in the late twentieth century that puts a strain on the historic city. The obliteration of the territory, specific physical space, and its associated memory, are considered as a starting point to confront them with the proclamation of the new model of "generic city" raised from eminently economic and technological roots. The tangible reality of a space, apparently forged based on the values reviled by the proposed new model, is studied from opposite premises. The idea of non-place, theorized by Marc Augé and modeled by Koolhaas, implies the emancipation from both historical preexistences and physical location, posing a type of space representation outside the territory and memory. Without wishing to establish a confrontational or opposite position, but an antithetical and complementary stance, the premises of Koolhaas are here taken to contrast them with a portion of territory halfway between architecture and the city, to develop a study that will complement and counterbalance the spatial paradigm that the "generic city" means and whose alleged immediacy and anomie appear to nullify any interpretative intention by neutralizing the historic centers and proclaiming the exhaustion of history. The approach of a dichotomous theory versus space and architectural theories associated with this were already formulated by Colin Rowe and Fred Koetter during the late seventies of last century. The idea of a "tangible city" as opposed to the idea of the "generic city" enunciated by Koolhaas arises here. Taking the territory and memory as the main reference in a particular place and trying to avoid the premise of the immediacy of the moment and the "perpetual present" proclaimed by Koolhaas, of which he pleas we would be prisoners, a distance is established from the object of analysis developing the study in the opposite direction to the alleged origin of it, raising the possibility of reactivating a reflection on the territory and memory within the overall process of inhabiting to reveal certain representational space configuration mechanisms outside the urgency of the present, reviving the memory and its relationship with the territory as a starting point. From the hypothetical reconstruction of the territory, starting from its physical presence, geography, paleo-biology, ethological analogies, archaeological remains, anthropology or history, architecture is claimed as a diverse as privileged discipline for spatial analysis, trying to discern the process by which the Prado moved from territory to stage. The chronological organization of the study and incorporating a variety of sources, most direct, aims to highlight the transitive condition of representational space and contrast the remote past of the place and its construction with the current moment, inevitably played by the view point from which the thesis develops. The Prado seems to harbor, in its name, the root of a remote and forgotten origin. If, as Ignasi Sola-Morales said, the aim of architecture is to bring out the meanings inherent in the site, this thesis is presented as a recovery of the idea of the link between the territory and memory as a key source in defining a specific space of representation. The scrutiny of the past is an eminently contemporary act, for the view and distance inevitably conditioned by the present, determine the way we look. The contemporary cult of immediacy and the proclamation of overcoming historical processes have relegated the past, to some extent, to remains deposit or a reference to overcome, ignoring its ineluctable condition as origin or previous constraint. From rebuilding the site on which the Prado is located and reconsidering everyday life and the anonymous as a source of many arising current meanings of our space of representation, according to the premises developed by modern historiography mainly developed by the French school of Annales, trying to recover the remote and forgotten is attempted, the thesis studies how el Prado was consolidated to become the most significant place of Madrid, deeply associated with the power in the capital of Spain during the XVII century. The process by which the Prado evolved from territory to stage involves the recovery of the memory of an anonymous agricultural space and the analysis of how, little by little, the influence of the various inhabitants of the region with their own and how their cultural and social peculiarities was deposited through time on the common ground and how that determined, to a greater or lesser degree, a place whose origin retrospectively extends over more than two thousand years ago, when we can consider the first inhabiting from which, without interruption, the Prado has come to be part of what became, later, Madrid. The arrival of new players, linked to power structures and territorial issues which transcended the immediacy of the territory on which the place begun to be a characteristic space, serve to review the different ideological and cultural deposits that have shaped the place, claiming diversity and heterogeneous space of representation before the homogenizing idea which the generic model implies. The constitution of the Prado as a benchmark associated with the archaic paganism developed from the ancient everyday spatial praxis, its relationship with the defensive structures of Al-Andalus and the Umayyad watchtower, the appropriation of the early sanctuaries by the roman church, its relationship with a certain type of spirituality and the most powerful religious orders of the time, the preference of Carlos V towards Madrid and its links with the European culture of the moment and the final metamorphosis of the place during the sixteenth century, end at the moment on which the advent of the economic as a representation of power within the court and the erection of the Palacio del Buen Retiro, as a tangible manifestation of the ultimate exaltation of courtly Prado space representation, happened in the mid XVII century. T. S. Elliot said that the struggle for memory space is the main feature of classicism, and the Prado certainly shares part of that character deeply associated in the mental spatial structure of the locals as a landmark. Perhaps the obliteration of territory and memory proposed in the "generic city" might also have something to do with that.

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La tesis está centrada en el patrimonio industrial, y trata de ahondar en los temas enunciados en el título, Criterios de restauración, intervención y revitalización del patrimonio industrial (capítulo 1). La fábrica de gas de San Paolo en Roma (capítulo 2): En el primer capítulo, se profundiza en los criterios institucionalizados de actuación en el patrimonio, pero también se habla sobre la singularidad, los valores originales, estratificados en cada construcción y su contexto. Ello resume la intención de la doctoranda al entender la necesidad del análisis de cada obra en modo profundo, concreto y abierto a novedosos acercamientos, antes de su transformación. Al hablar de intervención frente a restauración, se aborda la conocida polémica que plantea el modo de acercarse al legado histórico. Parece necesario enunciar cómo se consideran en el trabajo estos términos. Mientras la restauración (como diría Cesare Brandi, constituye el momento metodológico del reconocimiento de la obra de arte en su consistencia física y en su doble polaridad estética e histórica, en orden a su transmisión al futuro) es una acción más restrictiva, que implica atención suma a la recuperación y conservación de los valores significativos y únicos del bien, en comunicación con un (posible) equipo interdisciplinar; por intervención se entiende aquí un desarrollo más personal y libre por parte del proyectista, en el que se produce un proceso dialéctico entre la preexistencia y el posicionamiento crítico adoptado a la hora de dar un obligado nuevo uso a ese bien. Es decir, el contraste está en el diferente reconocimiento de la materialidad física y sus significados. En torno a la restauración/intervención, se analizan las perspectivas de actuación en España e Italia, contrastando factores como la formación del arquitecto o el entorno laboral-cultural, y utilizando el método analítico comparativo de casos. Habría un tercer concepto: el de revitalización del patrimonio industrial, Éste hace referencia a su transformación, a sus usos más comunes y compatibles, a la redimensión artística que ha experimentado la arquitectura industrial gracias al arte contemporáneo y a su relación con la Modernidad. Por último, se enuncia en el título el caso de estudio, la Fábrica, que ocupa el segundo capítulo. Se trata de un enorme conjunto industrial singular semi abandonado en el confín del centro histórico, cuyo protagonista es un gran gasómetro, que la autora ha tenido la oportunidad de descubrir en su estancia en la Ciudad Eterna. Este barrio constituyó el primer y único sector industrial de la Roma moderna a inicios del siglo XX. Por varias causas históricas y voluntad política, la ciudad prácticamente no tuvo más desarrollo industrial que el área mencionada, donde se implantaron servicios y actividades de gran transformación (Matadero, Mercados Generales, Almacenes Fluviales, Central Montemartini o esta fábrica). A partir de 1920, se empezó a construir un tejido productivo que la llevó de la situación de posguerra al milagro económico. Frente al mito de la Roma monumental o de la Roma cotidiana, aparece el aspecto industrial como mito de la contemporaneidad. Sin embargo, esta ciudad es demasiado antigua como para convertirse en moderna, y su proceso industrial en contraste con su larga historia resulta breve. La inmediata relación de la fase industrial romana con el resultado de este desarrollo viene identificada con las instalaciones señaladas, más significativas por su excepcionalidad que por la duración del momento irrepetible que representan. Su presencia física perdura a pesar de su abandono, aisladas tras su muro perimetral y casi desconocidas. Esto las hace apetecibles para la especulación inmobiliaria y resultan un caso de estudio ideal para realizar un Plan de Intervención Global, en el que determinar una serie de intervenciones necesarias, usos compatibles y directrices para la ordenación del conjunto, coherentes con los conceptos manejados en el primer capítulo. ABSTRACT The thesis focuses on industrial heritage, delving into the topics listed in its title, Criteria for the restoration, intervention and revitalisation of industrial heritage (chapter 1). The San Paolo gas factory in Rome (chapter 2): Chapter one elaborates on the official criteria to take action on heritage, but also deals with the singularity and original values unique to each construction and its context. This underlines the PhD candidate’s intentions by understanding the need for an in-depth and specific analysis, open to novel approaches to each site before its transformation. When speaking of intervention, as opposed to restoration, we address the well-known controversy that stems from the different ways of approaching historical heritage. It seems necessary to explain how these terms are interpreted in this piece of work. Whereas restoration (as Cesare Brandi would say, constitutes the methodological moment in which the work of art is appreciated in its material form and in its historical and aesthetic duality, with a view to transmitting it to the future) is a more restrictive action, demanding the utmost attention to the recovery and preservation of the piece of heritage’s defining and exceptional values, (ideally) in communication with a interdisciplinary team. By intervention, we hereby understand a more personal and free procedure carried out by the designer in which a dialectical process takes place between preexistence and the critical stance taken in order to give that good a much needed new use. That is, contrast lies in the different recognition of physical materiality and its meanings. As for the restoration/intervention dilemma, the different courses of action followed in Spain and Italy will be analysed, contrasting the architects’ training, the labourcultural environment and taking an analytical comparative case study method. There is a third concept: the revitalisation of industrial heritage, which refers to its transformation, its most common and compatible uses, the artistic redimensioning that industrial architecture has experienced thanks to contemporary art, and its relationship with Modernity. Lastly, the title refers to the case study, i.e., the analysis of the Factory, which makes up chapter 2. It is an enormous and semiabandoned peerless industrial complex on the edge of the historical city centre whose main landmark is a huge gasometer, which the author had the chance to discover during her stay in the Eternal City. This district made up the first and only industrial sector in the modern Rome of the early 20th century. Due to a number of reasons, both historical and political, barely no further industrial development took place in the city beyond the mentioned area, where processing services and activities were set up (Slaughterhouse, General Markets, Riverside Warehouses, Montemartini Power Plant or the said factory). In the 1920s began the construction of the productive fabric that raised the city from its postwar plight to the economic miracle. As opposed to the myth of monumental Rome and daily-life Rome, this industrial Rome rose as contemporaneity’s myth. However, this city is too ancient to become modern, and its industrial process strikes us as brief when confronted with its long history. The close relationship between Rome’s industrial stage and the consequences of this development is best represented by the aforementioned facilities, more relevant due to their uniqueness than the length of the once-in-a-lifetime moment they represent. Their physical presence lives on despite abandonment and isolation, as they stand vastly unknown behind their perimeter walls. This renders them appealing to property speculators, becoming an ideal case study for the creation of a Global Intervention Plan in which to determine a series of necessary actions, compatible uses and directives, all of them consistent with the concepts dealt with in chapter 1. RIASSUNTO La tesi è focalizzata sul patrimonio industriale e cerca di approfondire le tematiche contenute nel titolo, Criteri di restauro, intervento e rivitalizzazione del patrimonio industriale (capitolo 1). La Fabbrica del gas di San Paolo a Roma (capitolo 2): Nel primo capitolo vengono presi in esame i criteri istituzionalizzati di attuazione nel patrimonio, ma si parla anche della unicità, i valori originali, stratificati in ogni costruzione ed il suo contesto. Questo riassume l’intenzione della dottoranda di capire la necessità dell’analisi di ogni opera in modo profondo, concreto e aperto a nuovi approcci, prima della sua trasformazione. Nel parlare di intervento versus restauro, si affronta la famosa polemica che considera il modo di avicinarsi all’eredità storica. Appare necessario precisare come questi termini sono considerati in questo lavoro. Mentre il restauro (come direbbe Cesare Brandi, costituisce il momento metodologico del riconoscimento dell’opera d’arte nella sua consistenza fisica e nella duplice polarità estetica e storica, in vista della sua trasmissione nel futuro) è un’azione più restrittiva, e quindi implica massima attenzione al recupero e conservazione dei valori significativi ed unici del bene, in comunicazione con una (eventuale) squadra interdisciplinare; per intervento si intende qui un processo più personale e libero del progettista, nel quale si produce uno sviluppo dialettico tra la preesistenza e la posizione critica adottata quando si deve dare un nuovo uso di quel bene. Vale a dire che il contrasto risiede nel diverso riconoscimento della materialità fisica e i loro significati. Intorno al restauro / intervento, si analizzano le prospettive di attuazione in Spagna e Italia, contrastando diversi fattori come la formazione dell’architetto o l’ambiente lavorativo-culturale, ed impiegando il metodo analitico comparativo dei casi. Ci sarebbe un terzo concetto: quello della rivitalizzazione del patrimonio industriale. Questo fa riferimento alla sua trasformazione, ai suoi usi più comuni e compatibili, al ridimensionamento artistico vissuto dall’archeologia industriale grazie all’arte contemporanea ed al suo rapporto con la Modernità. In ultimo, si enuncia nel titolo il caso di studio, ovvero l’analisi della Fabbrica, che occupa il secondo capitolo. Si tratta di un enorme complesso industriale semi-abbandonato al confine con il centro storico, il cui protagonista è un grande gasometro, che l’autrice ha avuto modo di scoprire durante il suo soggiorno nella Città Eterna. Questo quartiere costituì il primo e unico moderno settore industriale della Roma moderna all’inizio del Novecento. Per diverse ragioni storiche e volontà politiche, la città praticamente non ha subito ulteriore sviluppo industriale oltre l’area citata, dove si impiantarono servizi e attività di grande trasformazione (Mattatoio, Mercati Generali, Magazzini Generali, Centrale Montemartini o questa fabbrica). Dal 1920, si inizió a costruire un tessuto prodottivo che portò la città dalla situazione post-bellica al miracolo economico. Di fronte al mito della Roma monumentale o della Roma quotidiana, appare questa Roma industriale come mito della contemporaneità. Tuttavia, questa città è troppo antica per diventare moderna, ed il suo processo industriale in contrasto con la sua lunga storia risulta breve. Il rapporto diretto della fase industriale romana con il risultato di questo sviluppo viene identificato con gli impianti segnalati, più significativi per la loro unicità che per la durata del momento irripetibile che rappresentano. La loro presenza fisica perdura nonostante l’abbandono, isolati dietro il loro muro di cinta e quasi sconosciuti. Questo li rende auspicabile per la speculazione immobiliare e sono un caso ideale per eseguire un Piano di Intervento Globale, che determini una serie di interventi necessari, usi compatibili e linee guida per la pianificazione del tutto, in linea con i concetti utilizzati nel primo capitolo.

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Relatório de estágio apresentado para obtenção do grau de mestre na especialidade profissional de educação pré-escolar

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LINCOLN UNIVERSITY - On March 25, 1965, a bus loaded with Lincoln University students and staff arrived in Montgomery, Ala. to join the Selma march for racial and voting equality. Although the Civil Rights Act of 1964 was in force, African-Americans continued to feel the effects of segregation. The 1960s was a decade of social unrest and change. In the Deep South, specifically Alabama, racial segregation was a cultural norm resistant to change. Governor George Wallace never concealed his personal viewpoints and political stance of the white majority, declaring “Segregation now, segregation tomorrow, segregation forever.” The march was aimed at obtaining African-Americans their constitutionally protected right to vote. However, Alabama’s deep-rooted culture of racial bias began to be challenged by a shift in American attitudes towards equality. Both black and whites wanted to end discrimination by using passive resistance, a movement utilized by Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. That passive resistance was often met with violence, sometimes at the hands of law enforcement and local citizens. The Selma to Montgomery march was a result of a protest for voting equality. The Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (SNCC) and the Southern Christian Leadership Counsel (SCLC) among other students marched along the streets to bring awareness to the voter registration campaign, which was organized to end discrimination in voting based on race. Violent acts of police officers and others were some of the everyday challenges protesters were facing. Forty-one participants from Lincoln University arrived in Montgomery to take part in the 1965 march for equality. Students from Lincoln University’s Journalism 383 class spent part of their 2015 spring semester researching the historical event. Here are their stories: Peter Kellogg “We’ve been watching the television, reading about it in the newspapers,” said Peter Kellogg during a February 2015 telephone interview. “Everyone knew the civil rights movement was going on, and it was important that we give him (Robert Newton) some assistance … and Newton said we needed to get involve and do something,” Kellogg, a lecturer in the 1960s at Lincoln University, discussed how the bus trip originated. “That’s why the bus happened,” Kellogg said. “Because of what he (Newton) did - that’s why Lincoln students went and participated.” “People were excited and the people along the sidewalk were supportive,” Kellogg said. However, the mood flipped from excited to scared and feeling intimidated. “It seems though every office building there was a guy in a blue uniform with binoculars standing in the crowd with troops and police. And if looks could kill me, we could have all been dead.” He says the hatred and intimidation was intense. Kellogg, being white, was an immediate target among many white people. He didn’t realize how dangerous the event in Alabama was until he and the others in the bus heard about the death of Viola Liuzzo. The married mother of five from Detroit was shot and killed by members of the Ku Klux Klan while shuttling activists to the Montgomery airport. “We found out about her death on the ride back,” Kellogg recalled. “Because it was a loss of life, and it shows the violence … we could have been exposed to that danger!” After returning to LU, Kellogg’s outlook on life took a dramatic turn. Kellogg noted King’s belief that a person should be willing to die for important causes. “The idea is that life is about something larger and more important than your own immediate gratification, and career success or personal achievements,” Kellogg said. “The civil rights movement … it made me, it made my life more significant because it was about something important.” The civil rights movement influenced Kellogg to change his career path and to become a black history lecturer. Until this day, he has no regrets and believes that his choices made him as a better individual. The bus ride to Alabama, he says, began with the actions of just one student. Robert Newton Robert Newton was the initiator, recruiter and leader of the Lincoln University movement to join Dr. Martin Luther King’s march in Selma. “In the 60s much of the civil rights activists came out of college,” said Newton during a recent phone interview. Many of the events that involved segregation compelled college students to fight for equality. “We had selected boycotts of merchants, when blacks were not allowed to try on clothes,” Newton said. “You could buy clothes at department stores, but no blacks could work at the department stores as sales people. If you bought clothes there you couldn’t try them on, you had to buy them first and take them home and try them on.” Newton said the students risked their lives to be a part of history and influence change. He not only recognized the historic event of his fellow Lincolnites, but also recognized other college students and historical black colleges and universities who played a vital role in history. “You had the S.N.C.C organization, in terms of voting rights and other things, including a lot of participation and working off the bureau,” Newton said. Other schools and places such as UNT, Greenville and Howard University and other historically black schools had groups that came out as leaders. Newton believes that much has changed from 50 years ago. “I think we’ve certainly come a long way from what I’ve seen from the standpoint of growing up outside of Birmingham, Alabama,” Newton said. He believes that college campuses today are more organized in their approach to social causes. “The campus appears to be some more integrated amongst students in terms of organizations and friendships.” Barbara Flint Dr. Barbara Flint grew up in the southern part of Arkansas and came to Lincoln University in 1961. She describes her experience at Lincoln as “being at Lincoln when the world was changing.“ She was an active member of Lincoln’s History Club, which focused on current events and issues and influenced her decision to join the Selma march. “The first idea was to raise some money and then we started talking about ‘why can’t we go?’ I very much wanted to be a living witness in history.” Reflecting on the march and journey to Montgomery, Flint describes it as being filled with tension. “We were very conscious of the fact that once we got on the road past Tennessee we didn’t know what was going to happen,” said Flint during a February 2015 phone interview. “Many of the students had not been beyond Missouri, so they didn’t have that sense of what happens in the South. Having lived there you knew the balance as well as what is likely to happen and what is not likely to happen. As my father use to say, ‘you have to know how to stay on that line of balance.’” Upon arriving in Alabama she remembers the feeling of excitement and relief from everyone on the bus. “We were tired and very happy to be there and we were trying to figure out where we were going to join and get into the march,” Flint said. “There were so many people coming in and then we were also trying to stay together; that was one of the things that really stuck out for me, not just for us but the people who were coming in. You didn’t want to lose sight of the people you came with.” Flint says she was keenly aware of her surroundings. For her, it was more than just marching forward. “I can still hear those helicopters now,” Flint recalled. “Every time the helicopters would come over the sound would make people jump and look up - I think that demonstrated the extent of the tenseness that was there at the time because the helicopters kept coming over every few minutes.” She said that the marchers sang “we are not afraid,” but that fear remained with every step. “Just having been there and being a witness and marching you realize that I’m one of those drops that’s going to make up this flood and with this flood things will move,” said Flint. As a student at Lincoln in 1965, Flint says the Selma experience undoubtedly changed her life. “You can’t expect to do exactly what you came to Lincoln to do,” Flint says. “That march - along with all the other marchers and the action that was taking place - directly changed the paths that I and many other people at Lincoln would take.” She says current students and new generations need to reflect on their personal role in society. “Decide what needs to be done and ask yourself ‘how can I best contribute to it?’” Flint said. She notes technology and social media can be used to reach audiences in ways unavailable to her generation in 1965. “So you don’t always have to wait for someone else to step out there and say ‘let’s march,’ you can express your vision and your views and you have the means to do so (so) others can follow you. Jaci Newsom Jaci Newsom came to Lincoln in 1965 from Atlanta. She came to Lincoln to major in sociology and being in Jefferson City was largely different from what she had grown up with. “To be able to come into a restaurant, sit down and be served a nice meal was eye-opening to me,” said Newsom during a recent interview. She eventually became accustomed to the relaxed attitude of Missouri and was shocked by the situation she encountered on an out-of-town trip. “I took a bus trip from Atlanta to Pensacola and I encountered the worse racism that I have ever seen. I was at bus stop, I went in to be served and they would not serve me. There was a policeman sitting there at the table and he told me that privately owned places could select not to serve you.” Newsom describes her experience of marching in Montgomery as being one with a purpose. “We felt as though we achieved something - we felt a sense of unity,” Newsom said. “We were very excited (because) we were going to hear from Martin Luther King. To actually be in the presence of him and the other civil rights workers there was just such enthusiasm and excitement yet there was also some apprehension of what we might encounter.” Many of the marchers showed their inspiration and determination while pressing forward towards the grounds of the Alabama Capitol building. Newsom recalled that the marchers were singing the lyrics “ain’t gonna let nobody turn me around” and “we shall overcome.” “ I started seeing people just like me,” Newsom said. “I don’t recall any of the scowling, the hitting, the things I would see on TV later. I just saw a sea of humanity marching towards the Capitol. I don’t remember what Martin Luther King said but it was always the same message: keep the faith; we’re going to get where we’re going and let us remember what our purpose is.” Newsom offers advice on what individuals can do to make their society a more productive and peaceful place. “We have come a long way and we have ways to change things that we did not have before,” Newsom said. “You need to work in positive ways to change.” Referencing the recent unrest in Ferguson, Mo., she believes that people become destructive as a way to show and vent anger. Her generation, she says, was raised to react in lawful ways – and believe in hope. “We have faith to do things in a way that was lawful and it makes me sad what people do when they feel without hope, and there is hope,” Newsom says. “Non-violence does work - we need to include everyone to make this world a better place.” Newsom graduated from Lincoln in 1969 and describes her experience at Lincoln as, “I grew up and did more growing at Lincoln than I think I did for the rest of my life.”

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Negli ultimi anni i modelli VAR sono diventati il principale strumento econometrico per verificare se può esistere una relazione tra le variabili e per valutare gli effetti delle politiche economiche. Questa tesi studia tre diversi approcci di identificazione a partire dai modelli VAR in forma ridotta (tra cui periodo di campionamento, set di variabili endogene, termini deterministici). Usiamo nel caso di modelli VAR il test di Causalità di Granger per verificare la capacità di una variabile di prevedere un altra, nel caso di cointegrazione usiamo modelli VECM per stimare congiuntamente i coefficienti di lungo periodo ed i coefficienti di breve periodo e nel caso di piccoli set di dati e problemi di overfitting usiamo modelli VAR bayesiani con funzioni di risposta di impulso e decomposizione della varianza, per analizzare l'effetto degli shock sulle variabili macroeconomiche. A tale scopo, gli studi empirici sono effettuati utilizzando serie storiche di dati specifici e formulando diverse ipotesi. Sono stati utilizzati tre modelli VAR: in primis per studiare le decisioni di politica monetaria e discriminare tra le varie teorie post-keynesiane sulla politica monetaria ed in particolare sulla cosiddetta "regola di solvibilità" (Brancaccio e Fontana 2013, 2015) e regola del GDP nominale in Area Euro (paper 1); secondo per estendere l'evidenza dell'ipotesi di endogeneità della moneta valutando gli effetti della cartolarizzazione delle banche sul meccanismo di trasmissione della politica monetaria negli Stati Uniti (paper 2); terzo per valutare gli effetti dell'invecchiamento sulla spesa sanitaria in Italia in termini di implicazioni di politiche economiche (paper 3). La tesi è introdotta dal capitolo 1 in cui si delinea il contesto, la motivazione e lo scopo di questa ricerca, mentre la struttura e la sintesi, così come i principali risultati, sono descritti nei rimanenti capitoli. Nel capitolo 2 sono esaminati, utilizzando un modello VAR in differenze prime con dati trimestrali della zona Euro, se le decisioni in materia di politica monetaria possono essere interpretate in termini di una "regola di politica monetaria", con specifico riferimento alla cosiddetta "nominal GDP targeting rule" (McCallum 1988 Hall e Mankiw 1994; Woodford 2012). I risultati evidenziano una relazione causale che va dallo scostamento tra i tassi di crescita del PIL nominale e PIL obiettivo alle variazioni dei tassi di interesse di mercato a tre mesi. La stessa analisi non sembra confermare l'esistenza di una relazione causale significativa inversa dalla variazione del tasso di interesse di mercato allo scostamento tra i tassi di crescita del PIL nominale e PIL obiettivo. Risultati simili sono stati ottenuti sostituendo il tasso di interesse di mercato con il tasso di interesse di rifinanziamento della BCE. Questa conferma di una sola delle due direzioni di causalità non supporta un'interpretazione della politica monetaria basata sulla nominal GDP targeting rule e dà adito a dubbi in termini più generali per l'applicabilità della regola di Taylor e tutte le regole convenzionali della politica monetaria per il caso in questione. I risultati appaiono invece essere più in linea con altri approcci possibili, come quelli basati su alcune analisi post-keynesiane e marxiste della teoria monetaria e più in particolare la cosiddetta "regola di solvibilità" (Brancaccio e Fontana 2013, 2015). Queste linee di ricerca contestano la tesi semplicistica che l'ambito della politica monetaria consiste nella stabilizzazione dell'inflazione, del PIL reale o del reddito nominale intorno ad un livello "naturale equilibrio". Piuttosto, essi suggeriscono che le banche centrali in realtà seguono uno scopo più complesso, che è il regolamento del sistema finanziario, con particolare riferimento ai rapporti tra creditori e debitori e la relativa solvibilità delle unità economiche. Il capitolo 3 analizza l’offerta di prestiti considerando l’endogeneità della moneta derivante dall'attività di cartolarizzazione delle banche nel corso del periodo 1999-2012. Anche se gran parte della letteratura indaga sulla endogenità dell'offerta di moneta, questo approccio è stato adottato raramente per indagare la endogeneità della moneta nel breve e lungo termine con uno studio degli Stati Uniti durante le due crisi principali: scoppio della bolla dot-com (1998-1999) e la crisi dei mutui sub-prime (2008-2009). In particolare, si considerano gli effetti dell'innovazione finanziaria sul canale dei prestiti utilizzando la serie dei prestiti aggiustata per la cartolarizzazione al fine di verificare se il sistema bancario americano è stimolato a ricercare fonti più economiche di finanziamento come la cartolarizzazione, in caso di politica monetaria restrittiva (Altunbas et al., 2009). L'analisi si basa sull'aggregato monetario M1 ed M2. Utilizzando modelli VECM, esaminiamo una relazione di lungo periodo tra le variabili in livello e valutiamo gli effetti dell’offerta di moneta analizzando quanto la politica monetaria influisce sulle deviazioni di breve periodo dalla relazione di lungo periodo. I risultati mostrano che la cartolarizzazione influenza l'impatto dei prestiti su M1 ed M2. Ciò implica che l'offerta di moneta è endogena confermando l'approccio strutturalista ed evidenziando che gli agenti economici sono motivati ad aumentare la cartolarizzazione per una preventiva copertura contro shock di politica monetaria. Il capitolo 4 indaga il rapporto tra spesa pro capite sanitaria, PIL pro capite, indice di vecchiaia ed aspettativa di vita in Italia nel periodo 1990-2013, utilizzando i modelli VAR bayesiani e dati annuali estratti dalla banca dati OCSE ed Eurostat. Le funzioni di risposta d'impulso e la scomposizione della varianza evidenziano una relazione positiva: dal PIL pro capite alla spesa pro capite sanitaria, dalla speranza di vita alla spesa sanitaria, e dall'indice di invecchiamento alla spesa pro capite sanitaria. L'impatto dell'invecchiamento sulla spesa sanitaria è più significativo rispetto alle altre variabili. Nel complesso, i nostri risultati suggeriscono che le disabilità strettamente connesse all'invecchiamento possono essere il driver principale della spesa sanitaria nel breve-medio periodo. Una buona gestione della sanità contribuisce a migliorare il benessere del paziente, senza aumentare la spesa sanitaria totale. Tuttavia, le politiche che migliorano lo stato di salute delle persone anziane potrebbe essere necessarie per una più bassa domanda pro capite dei servizi sanitari e sociali.

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A Reforma Psiquiátrica, atual política de saúde mental, redireciona os recursos da assistência psiquiátrica para o modelo de base comunitária, substituindo o modelo asilar. A abordagem proposta pela Reforma Psiquiátrica procura conjugar o esforço teórico e prático para a construção da Rede de Atenção Psicossocial. O presente trabalho objetivou desvelar concepções e práticas de trabalhadores da saúde mental, construídas na práxis de suas trajetórias profissionais e contextos de vida, em relação à incorporação do modelo de atenção psicossocial ou manutenção de princípios asilares, caracterizadores da tradicional prática profissional em saúde mental. Objetivou também identificar pontos de tensão, que caracterizam interesses de diferentes naturezas, como obstáculos e desafios à implementação da Reforma Psiquiátrica. A pesquisa, de natureza qualitativa, contou com 10 entrevistas de profissionais atuando na área, baseada na técnica de depoimento oral e em roteiro do tipo temático, sendo 3 enfermeiros, 3 psicólogos, 3 psiquiatras e 1 terapeuta ocupacional. Os relatos dos profissionais foram organizados em categorias gerais e específicas tendo em vista a interpretação das narrativas à luz da literatura especializada. Através dos discursos dos profissionais do campo da saúde mental é possível observar que um tensionamento ideológico marca fortemente o espaço da saúde. Alguns profissionais relataram a busca por construir práticas em equipe interdisciplinar, pautadas pelo modelo psicossocial; porém, referem à resistência de outros profissionais da equipe. Praticamente todos os profissionais apresentam discursos de humanização no campo da saúde mental, mas alguns não enunciam visões críticas aos modelos asilares. Alguns trabalhadores revelam a crença na possibilidade de coexistência integrada entre o Modo Asilar e Modo Psicossocial. Para estes trabalhadores de CAPS, é desejável a permanência dos hospitais psiquiátricos e é possível a humanização dos mesmos. Essa questão indica, ao que parece, que as práticas em saúde mental ainda operam sobre premissas epistemológicas diferenciando sujeitos que podem ou não circular no meio social. A existência dos hospitais psiquiátricos, considerados como instituições totais, é problematizada e questionada pela Luta Antimanicomial, indica a permanência da lógica asilar que respalda a continuidade dos hospitais, exclusivamente psiquiátricos, entre os serviços de atendimento, com o apoio de parte dos profissionais da rede de saúde mental. Concordantes com a possibilidade de coexistência do modelo asilar e modelo psicossocial, estes profissionais permitem-nos demonstrar que mesmo uma visão clínica pretensamente humanizadora, que defenda em seu discurso um tratamento digno, pode operar no modelo teórico-metodológico positivista e não está necessariamente vinculada a uma postura política de sujeitos de direitos e de cidadania. Os profissionais que apresentaram em suas narrativas a não concordância com a permanência dos hospitais psiquiátricos, defendem que as transformações sejam clínicas e políticas nos saberes e nas práticas em Saúde Mental. Estes trabalhadores já fizeram ou fazem parte de movimentos sociais, apontados como lugares de reflexão crítica sobre ideias instituídas contribuindo, ao que parece, para o processo de desnaturalização de concepções construídas culturalmente e orientadoras de práticas profissionais. Diante de tais constatações podemos indagar e refletir se a desinstitucionalização, concreta e simbólica, encontra-se no horizonte de uma política pública de atenção em Saúde Mental que realmente tenha como projeto a sua real implementação e se a permanência dos hospitais psiquiátricos e das comunidades terapêuticas estaria descaracterizando as propostas iniciais da construção da Atenção Psicossocial, considerando os interesses privados e a manutenção da lógica asilar, contrários aos princípios do SUS.

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Contemporary therapeutic circles utilize the concept of anxiety to describe a variety of disorders. Emotional reductionism is a detriment to the therapeutic community and the persons seeking its help. This dissertation proposes that attention to the emotion of fear clarifies our categorization of particular disorders and challenges emotional reductionism. I propose that the emotion of fear, through its theological relationship to hope, is useful in therapeutic practice for persons who experience trauma and PTSD. I explore the differences between fear and anxiety by deconstructing anxiety. Through this process, I develop four categories which help the emotion of fear stand independent of anxiety in therapy. Temporality, behaviors, antidote and objects are categories which distinguish fear from anxiety. Together, they provide the impetus to explore the emotion of fear. Understanding the emotion of fear requires an examination of its neurophysiological embodiment. This includes the brain structures responsible for fear production, its defensive behaviors and the evolutionary retention of fear. Dual inheritance evolutionary theory posits that we evolved physically and culturally, helping us understand the inescapability of fear and the unique threats humans fear. The threats humans react to develop through subjective interpretations of experience. Sometimes threats, through their presence in our memories and imaginations, inhibit a person's ability to live out a preferred identity and experience hope. Understanding fear as embodied and subjective is important. Process theology provides a religious framework through which fear can be interpreted. In this framework, fear is developed as an adaptive human response. Moreover, fear is useful to the divine-human relationship, revealing an undercurrent of hope. In the context of the divine-human relationship fear is understood as an initial aim which protects a person from a threat, but also preserves them for novel future relationships. Utilizing a "double-listening" stance, a therapist hears the traumatic narrative and counternarratives of resistance and resilience. These counternarratives express an orientation towards hopeful futures wherein persons thrive through living out a preferred identity. A therapeutic practice incorporating the emotion of fear will utilize the themes of survival, coping and thriving to enable persons to place their traumatic narrative within their meaning systems.

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This study tests two hypotheses. First, China cooperates with the United States only when it is able to obtain material rewards. Second, without material incentives from the United States, China straddles between the United States on one hand and Iran and North Korea on the other. My findings show that neither Structural Realism, which holds anti-hegemonism alliance, nor Constructivism, which holds positive assimilation of the nuclear nonproliferation norm explains Chinese international behavior comprehensively. My balance of interest model explains Chinese foreign policy on the noncompliant states better. The cases cover the Sino-North Korean and Sino-Iranian diplomatic histories from 1990 to 2013 vis-à-vis the United States. The study is both a within-case comparison—that is, changes of China’s stance across time—and a cross-case comparison in China’s position regarding Iran and North Korea. My comparisons contribute to theoretical and empirical analyses in international relations literature. Theoretically, the research creates different options for the third party between the two antagonistic actors. China will have seven different types of reaction: balancing, bandwagoning, mediating, and abetting that foster strategic clarity versus hiding, delaying, and straddling which are symptomatic of strategic ambiguity. I argue that there is a gradation between pure balancing and pure supporting. Empirically, the test results show that Chinese leaders have tried to find a balance between its material interests and international reputation by engaging in straddling and delaying inconsistently. There are two major findings. First, China’s foreign policy has been reactive. Whereas prior to 2006, balancing against the U.S. had been a dominant strategy, since 2006, China has shown strategic ambiguity. Second, Chinese leaders believe that the preservation of stability in the region outweighs denuclearization of the noncompliant states, because it is in China’s interest to maintain a manageable tension between the U.S. and the noncompliant states. The balance of interest model suggests that the best way to understand China’s preferences is to consider them as products of rough calculation of risks and rewards on both the U.S. and the noncompliant states.

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Purpose – This study seeks to analyse the links between strategies, structures and processes in the case of the largest Spanish town halls, using the Miles and Snow's models about organisational strategies, and asking the following questions: “What is the situation of municipal services' outsourcing in the largest Spanish town halls?”; “Do Spanish town halls follow the strategies suggested in Miles and Snow's model?”; and “Is there a relationship between the strategic position adopted by town halls and their stance on outsourcing?”. Design/methodology/approach – In order to achieve these aims a questionnaire was administered to the human resource managers in the town halls of the largest Spanish cities. Findings – The paper finds that outsourcing is a complement, which seeks to improve the services delivered, and local institutions do not resort to it due to a lack of internal resources but as a way to complement their own capabilities. Originality/value – The paper has identified three distinct strategic profiles in the town halls interviewed which coincide with the profiles that Miles and Snow call prospective, defensive and reactive strategies. It reveals that town halls which outsource to a greater extent are the ones which identify more with the prospective or reactive strategy, whereas those which outsource less are closer to the defensive strategy.

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In our research we have attempted to find out and compare force and time characteristics of gait in women. We measured and compare women in two age groups - 18-30 (group 1) a 46-60 (group 2). The average height of both groups was same, 167 cm, while the average weight and average body mass index were different (group 1 - weight 62 kg, BMI 22,3, group 2 - weight 68 kg, BMI 24,6). For measuring, pressure shoe insoles were used (Pedar Mobile, Novel Munich, 99 sensors, 100 Hz). Each person had three attempts: two trial attempts, the third one was measured. For observation, we selected three stances of each leg, always between the third and eighth stride. We measured force characteristics F1, F2, F3 and time characteristics t, t1, t2, t3. Significant differences between both groups were found in t3 on the left leg (time between peak force in active part of stance and peak force in passive part of stance). With applied force (F1, F2, F3) during stance, after recalculating per a kilogram of weight, no statistically significant differences were found.

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La disciplina de enfermería necesita identificarse con una filosofía que le permita otorgar un sentido interpretativo a los fenómenos sociales o individuales; y la investigación cualitativa ofrece la metodología necesaria para llevar a cabo la interpretación de los significados bajo un análisis crítico y reflexivo. El objetivo del presente trabajo fue reflexionar sobre diferentes tradiciones filosóficas en torno a la fenomenología, al explorar los pensamientos de Edmund Husserl, Martin Heidegger y Alfred Schütz. Se realizó un ensayo teórico cuyo insumo literario se obtuvo de repositorios y fuentes de datos electrónicas, se incluyeron artículos publicados de los años 2010 al 2014, se utilizaron combinaciones de ocho palabras clave y se excluyeron aquellos artículos que no mencionaron el enfoque teórico de los filósofos de interés. Se concluye que las tres perspectivas filosóficas plantean una estrategia metodológica factible de ser utilizada dentro de la investigación cualitativa en enfermería, ya sea bajo la escuela descriptiva de Husserl, la postura interpretativa de Heidegger o la visión social de Schütz.

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Written in defense of the students’ actions, this publication sought to clear the students in the eyes of the public. They argued against the stern disciplinary stance of the Corporation, warning that "it is possible to kill the spirt by too rigorous an adherence to the letter of the law." According to the students, the cause of the upheaval was the "black, nauseous and intolerable" food served in Commons. Although they admitted that there were some students who "delight in mischief, anarchy, and confusion," they argued against the whole student body being charged for the crimes. Instead, they held that their offense, "retiring peaceably from the hall," should be punished, as usual, only by the "small fine of fifty or one hundred cents."

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The ‘Emergent Brazil’ growth model is reaching its limits. Its main engines have been slowing significantly since the beginning of the global financial and economic crisis. Even its much-praised predictable macroeconomic policy has been eroded by political interference. Inflationary pressures are growing and GDP performance is anaemic. As ominous, Brazil cannot compensate for its domestic deficiencies with an export drive. Commodity exports are suffering with the world economic slow-down and the manufacturing industries’ competitiveness is in sharp decline. Brazil has put all its trade negotiation eggs into the South American and WTO baskets, and now its export market share is threatened by the Doha Round paralysis, the Latin American Alianza del Pacífico, and the US-led initiatives for a Trans-Pacific Partnership and a trade and investment agreement with the EU. Paradoxically, this alarming situation opens a window of opportunity. There is a mounting national consensus on the need to tackle head-on the country’s and its industries’ lack of competitiveness. That means finding a solution to the much-decried ‘Brazil Cost’ and stimulating private-sector investment. It also entails an aggressive trade-negotiating stance in order to secure better access to foreign markets and to foster more competition in the domestic one. The most promising near-term goal would be the conclusion of the EU–Mercosur trade talks. A scenario to overcome the paralysis of these negotiations could trail two parallel paths: bilateral EU–Brazil agreements on ‘anything but trade’ combined with a sequencing of the EU–Mercosur talks where each member of the South American bloc could adopt faster or slower liberalisation commitments and schedules.

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The July 2013 European Council recommendations to the euro area recognise a number of fiscal and macrostructural challenges, but do not fully exploit the options made possible by the European economic governance framework. There are particular problems with the Council's suggestions for the euro area as whole, which are not (or not adequately) reflected by the country-specific recommendations. A major drawback is that the Council recommendations do not give sufficient importance to symmetric intra-euro area adjustments. Reference to the euro area's ‘aggregate fiscal stance’ is empty rhetoric. Insufficient attention is paid to demand management. The most comprehensive recommendations are made on structural reforms. The July/August 2013 Article IV IMF recommendations on macroeconomic policies could also have been more ambitious, but they correspond better to the economic situation of the euro area than the Council’s recommendations. The President of the Eurogroup should continue discussions on the completion of the economic governance framework, including completion of the banking union and the setting-up of a euro-area institution responsible for managing the euro area’s aggregate fiscal stance.

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In the final days before the German federal elections, some observers are asking whether a change in government would portend a shift in the country’s consistently strong support of the euro. Even if a more eurosceptic government is elected to office, this commentary finds it highly unlikely that the German public would radically change its stance.