658 resultados para Moving Identity


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La idea que per entendre alguna cosa hem d'entendre el procés pel qual s'ha produït va ser assumida des de l'origen de l'estudi "La construcció de la identitat nacional com a procés de desenvolupament des de la infància a l'adolescència a Catalunya". Per tal d'estudiar el procés de desenvolupament relacionat amb la construcció de la identitat nacional, no és suficient considerar-lo en el seu context social, sinó que és necessari considerar la seva construcció social. Tres objectius principals van orientar el nostre estudi . Primer, indagar si els processos de categorització, identificació, coneixement, imatge, avaluació i afecte són també elements implicats en la construcció de la identitat nacional des de la infància a l'adolescència. Segon investigar el procés de desenvolupament d'aquests elements des dels 6 anys fins als 15 anys per contribuir amb dades a I'explicació sobre com es desenvolupa del coneixement social. Tres són les explicacions principals; la primera que es basa en processos cognitius d'inclusió-decentració; la segona, si aquest desenvolupament es dóna en cercles concèntrics des de I'interior (contextos quotidians) fins a l'exterior (amb intercanvis més amples i una educació formal envers la vida social); i la tercera, si el desenvolupament del coneixement social d'allò més immediat i directe es reorganitzat i adquireix nous significats per la integració dels elements més generals i abstractes. Tercer, donat el fet que el 50% de les famílies tenen el català com a llengua materna, hem estudiat la influència de la llengua o llengües utilitzades en el context familiar en el procés de construcció de la identitat nacional. Es va dissenyar una entrevista individual seguint una estructura amb les parts següents: identificació subjectiva i identificació nacional; coneixement dels països; estereotips, avaluació i sentiments, i entorn social. La mostra del present estudi va estar formada per 495 nens i adolescents de 6, 9, 12 i 15 anys d'edat. Es va utilitzar per cada grup un número similar de nens i nenes. La mostra es va dividir en tres grups segons la o les llengües utilitzades pel nen o nena en el seu context familiar. Tres van ser les categones lingüístiques utilitzades: castellà, nens que només utilitzin el castellà a casa; català, nens que només usen el català en el context familiar; i bilingües, nens que utilitzin tots dos idiomes a casa. Aquestes categories lingüístiques s'han utilitzat com a indicador dels contextos familiars. Dues conclusions principals es poden extreure d'aquest estudi. Primer, I'ús de categories nacionals no és una conseqüència del procés cognitiu d'inclusió-decentració ni en cercles concentrics (concret/abstracte). La idea d'un procés del món en paral·lel, d'un coneixement que integra simultàniament creences i sentiments de l'ambient concret o proper i de l'abstracte o llunyà pot explicar millor els nostres resultats. Els nens aprenen i pensen sobre la vida quotidara, les característiques de l'ambient, la informació circulant en el seu entom social i la importància o els diferents nivells de coneixement depenent del context. Els nens integren la informació que està circulant en el seu ambient i construeixen un món que necessàriament no ha de coincidir amb el món deis adults, però que els ajuda a comunicar-se i a entendre les situacions en les quals estan immersos. Els nens més joves són capaços d'utilitzar categories nacionals de manera similar als adolescents. Segon, la identitat nacional a Catalunya es construeix al voltant del nucli de la llengua parlada a casa. A través de tot I'estudi es pot veure un resultat consistent i reiterat. Els infants d'un entom familiar en què s'usa només el castellà s'identifiquen com a pertanyents a tots dos grups nacionals, Espanyol i Català. Els infants d'un entom familiar que utilitzen només el català s'identifiquen com a pertanyents només al grup Català. Aquestes identificacions guien com aquests nens avaluen i senten envers el propi grup nacional i els altres. A més, sembla que el context sòcio-polític és un vehicle important en la transmissió de les estructures de semblances i que I'estructura d'afecte es transmet principalment a través de I'entom familiar.

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The main theme of the ICTOP'94 Lisbon meeting is museum personnel training for the universal museum. At the very beginning it is important to identify what the notion universal museum can cover. It is necessary to underline the ambiguity of the term. On the one hand, the word 'universal' can be taken to refer to the variety of collected museum materials or museum collections, on the other hand it could refer to the efforts of the museum to be active outside the museum walls in order to achieve the integration of the heritage of a certain territory into a museological system. 'Universal' could also refer to the "new dimensions of reality: the fantastic reality of the virtual images, only existing in the human brain" (Scheiner 1994:7), which is very close to M. McLuhan's view of the world as a 'global village'. Thus, what is universal could be taken as being common and available to all the people of the world. 'Universal' can imply also the radical broadening of the concept of object: "mountain, silex, frog, waterfonts, stars, the moon ... everything is an object, with due fluctuations" (Hainard in Scheiner 1994: 7), which will cause the total involvement of the human being into his/her physical and spiritual environment. In the process of universalization, links between cultural and natural heritage and their links with human beings become more solid, helping to create a strong mutual interdependence.

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Whilst the title of this essay suggests more than one “new museology”, it was rather a licence poétique to emphasize the two major theoretical movements that have evolved in the second half of the 20th Century[1]. As a result of the place(s)/contexts where they originated, and for clarity purposes, they have been labelled in this essay as the “Latin new museology” and the “Anglo-Saxon new museology”; however they both identify themselves by just the name of “New Museology”. Even though they both shared similar ideas on participation and inclusion, the language barriers were probably the cause for many ideas not to be fully shared by both groups. The “Latin New museology” was the outcome of a specific context that started in the 1960s (de Varine 1996); being a product of the “Second Museum Revolution”(1970s)[2], it provided new perceptions of heritage, such as “common heritage”. In 1972 ICOM organized the Santiago Round Table, which advocated for museums to engage with the communities they serve, assigning them a role of “problem solvers” within the community (Primo 1999:66). These ideas lead to the concept of the Integral Museum. The Quebec Declaration in 1984 declared that a museum’s aim should be community development and not only “the preservation of past civilisations’ material artefacts”, followed by the Oaxtepec Declaration that claimed for the relationship between territory-heritage-community to be indissoluble (Primo 1999: 69). Finally, in 1992, the Caracas Declaration argued for the museum to “take the responsibility as a social manager reflecting the community’s interests”(Primo 1999: 71). [1] There have been at least three different applications of the term ( Peter van Mensch cited in Mason: 23) [2] According to Santos Primo, this Second Museum Revolution was the result of the Santiago Round Table in Chile, 1972, and furthered by the 1st New Museology International Workshop (Quebec, 1984), Oaxtepec Meeting (Mexico, 1984) and the Caracas Meeting (Venezuela, 1992) (Santos Primo : 63-64)

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This descriptive study surveys deaf identity of alumni of Option schools in the United States. The issue of deaf identity is addressed and the importance of deaf role models in Option schools is presented.

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In their assessment of the proposed European Endowment for Democracy (EED), Hrant Kostanyan and Magdalena Nasieniak conclude that an instrument along the lines currently envisaged could and should take on the challenge to make the EU a truly committed, pro-active and effective leader of democracy assistance. A flexible and fast-track path of assessing needs and granting funds could become the most visible results of the EU’s assistance in this area, delivering almost immediate tangible results. They argue that the EED therefore needs to become an instrument free of nationally-driven decisions, European ‘turf wars’ and cumbersome bureaucracy.

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We consider the imposition of Dirichlet boundary conditions in the finite element modelling of moving boundary problems in one and two dimensions for which the total mass is prescribed. A modification of the standard linear finite element test space allows the boundary conditions to be imposed strongly whilst simultaneously conserving a discrete mass. The validity of the technique is assessed for a specific moving mesh finite element method, although the approach is more general. Numerical comparisons are carried out for mass-conserving solutions of the porous medium equation with Dirichlet boundary conditions and for a moving boundary problem with a source term and time-varying mass.

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Four perfluorocarbon tracer dispersion experiments were carried out in central London, United Kingdom in 2004. These experiments were supplementary to the dispersion of air pollution and penetration into the local environment (DAPPLE) campaign and consisted of ground level releases, roof level releases and mobile releases; the latter are believed to be the first such experiments to be undertaken. A detailed description of the experiments including release, sampling, analysis and wind observations is given. The characteristics of dispersion from the fixed and mobile sources are discussed and contrasted, in particular, the decay in concentration levels away from the source location and the additional variability that results from the non-uniformity of vehicle speed. Copyright © 2009 Royal Meteorological Society

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Research pertaining to children's geographies has mainly focused on children's physical experiences of space, with their 'imagined geographies' receiving far less attention. The few studies of children's imagined geographies that exist tend to focus on children's national identities and their understanding of distant places. However, children's lives are not necessarily static and they often move between places. Research has not so far considered children's images of these transitional spaces or how such images are constructed. Through an examination of over 800 thematic drawings and stories, regarding 'moving house, produced by children aged 10-17 years in urban and rural communities of Lesotho and Malawi, this paper explores southern African children's representations of migration. The research considers how ideas of migration are culturally-constructed based on notions of family, home and kinship, particularly in relation to the fluid family structure characteristic of most southern African societies. The results suggest that most children imagine migration as a household rather than an individual process.. rarely including micro -migrations between extended family households in their drawings. Further, children's images of migration are place-rooted in everyday life experiences. Their representations concentrate on the reasons for migration, both negative and positive, which are specifically related to their local social and environmental situations and whether house moves take place locally or over longer distances. The paper concludes by exploring the implications of these conceptualisations of moving house for children's contemporary migration experiences, particularly in light of changing family structures due to the effects of the HIV/AIDS pandernic. (c) 2005 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved