967 resultados para Common agricultural policy
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En este quinto número del documento “Perspectivas de la agricultura y del desarrollo rural en las Américas”, la Comisión Económica para América Latina y el Caribe (CEPAL), la Oficina Regional para América Latina y el Caribe de la Organización de las Naciones Unidas para la Alimentación y la Agricultura (FAO) y el Instituto Interamericano de Cooperación para la Agricultura (IICA) analizan las tendencias y perspectivas de la agricultura y su contexto (macroeconómico y sectorial), y dedican una sección para examinar en detalle las características, retos y potencialidades de la agricultura familiar en América Latina y el Caribe. El informe concluye que, a pesar de las serias limitaciones productivas, comerciales y socioeconómicas que experimenta la agricultura familiar en la región, esta entraña un gran potencial para aumentar la oferta de alimentos, así como para reducir el desempleo y sacar de la pobreza y de la desnutrición a la población más vulnerable de las zonas rurales de la región.
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This report analyses the agriculture, health and tourism sectors in Saint Lucia to assess the potential economic impacts of climate change on the sectors. The fundamental aim of this report is to assist with the development of strategies to deal with the potential impact of climate change in Saint Lucia. It also has the potential to provide essential input for identifying and preparing policies and strategies to help advance the Caribbean subregion closer to solving problems associated with climate change and attaining individual and regional sustainable development goals. Some of the key anticipated impacts of climate change for the Caribbean include elevated air and sea-surface temperatures, sea-level rise, possible changes in extreme events and a reduction in freshwater resources. The economic impact of climate change on the three sectors was estimated for the A2 and B2 IPCC scenarios until 2050. An evaluation of various adaptation strategies for each sector was also undertaken using standard evaluation techniques. The key subsectors in agriculture are expected to have mixed impacts under the A2 and B2 scenarios. Banana, fisheries and root crop outputs are expected to fall with climate change, but tree crop and vegetable production are expected to rise. In aggregate, in every decade up to 2050, these sub-sectors combined are expected to experience a gain under climate change with the highest gains under A2. By 2050, the cumulative gain under A2 is calculated as approximately US$389.35 million and approximately US$310.58 million under B2, which represents 17.93% and 14.30% of the 2008 GDP respectively. This result was unexpected and may well be attributed to the unavailability of annual data that would have informed a more robust assessment. Additionally, costs to the agriculture sector due to tropical cyclones were estimated to be $6.9 million and $6.2 million under the A2 and B2 scenarios, respectively. There are a number of possible adaptation strategies that can be employed by the agriculture sector. The most attractive adaptation options, based on the benefit-cost ratio are: (1) Designing and implementation of holistic water management plans (2) Establishment of systems of food storage and (3) Establishment of early warning systems. Government policy should focus on the development of these adaption options where they are not currently being pursued and strengthen those that have already been initiated, such as the mainstreaming of climate change issues in agricultural policy. The analysis of the health sector placed focus on gastroenteritis, schistosomiasis, ciguatera poisoning, meningococal meningitis, cardiovascular diseases, respiratory diseases and malnutrition. The results obtained for the A2 and B2 scenarios demonstrate the potential for climate change to add a substantial burden to the health system in the future, a factor that will further compound the country’s vulnerability to other anticipated impacts of climate change. Specifically, it was determined that the overall Value of Statistical Lives impacts were higher under the A2 scenario than the B2 scenario. A number of adaptation cost assumptions were employed to determine the damage cost estimates using benefit-cost analysis. The benefit-cost analysis suggests that expenditure on monitoring and information provision would be a highly efficient step in managing climate change and subsequent increases in disease incidence. Various locations in the world have developed forecasting systems for dengue fever and other vector-borne diseases that could be mirrored and implemented. Combining such macro-level policies with inexpensive micro-level behavioural changes may have the potential for pre-empting the re-establishment of dengue fever and other vector-borne epidemic cycles in Saint Lucia. Although temperature has the probability of generating significant excess mortality for cardiovascular and respiratory diseases, the power of temperature to increase mortality largely depends on the education of the population about the harmful effects of increasing temperatures and on the existing incidence of these two diseases. For these diseases it is also suggested that a mix of macro-level efforts and micro-level behavioural changes can be employed to relieve at least part of the threat that climate change poses to human health. The same principle applies for water and food-borne diseases, with the improvement of sanitation infrastructure complementing the strengthening of individual hygiene habits. The results regarding the tourism sector imply that the tourism climatic index was likely to experience a significant downward shift in Saint Lucia under the A2 as well as the B2 scenario, indicative of deterioration in the suitability of the island for tourism. It is estimated that this shift in tourism features could cost Saint Lucia about 5 times the 2009 GDP over a 40-year horizon. In addition to changes in climatic suitability for tourism, climate change is also likely to have important supply-side effects on species, ecosystems and landscapes. Two broad areas are: (1) coral reefs, due to their intimate link to tourism, and, (2) land loss, as most hotels tend to lie along the coastline. The damage related to coral reefs was estimated at US$3.4 billion (3.6 times GDP in 2009) under the A2 scenario and US$1.7 billion (1.6 times GDP in 2009) under the B2 scenario. The damage due to land loss arising from sea level rise was estimated at US$3.5 billion (3.7 times GDP) under the A2 scenario and US$3.2 billion (3.4 times GDP) under the B2 scenario. Given the potential for significant damage to the industry a large number of potential adaptation measures were considered. Out of these a short-list of 9 potential options were selected by applying 10 evaluation criteria. Using benefit-cost analyses 3 options with positive ratios were put forward: (1) increased recommended design speeds for new tourism-related structures; (2) enhanced reef monitoring systems to provide early warning alerts of bleaching events, and, (3) deployment of artificial reefs or other fish-aggregating devices. While these options had positive benefit-cost ratios, other options were also recommended based on their non-tangible benefits. These include the employment of an irrigation network that allows for the recycling of waste water, development of national evacuation and rescue plans, providing retraining for displaced tourism workers and the revision of policies related to financing national tourism offices to accommodate the new climate realities.
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El documento tiene como objetivo informar sobre el proceso de cambio estructural en el medio rural en países de América Latina y el Caribe durante la primera década del presente siglo. El documento revisa algunos de los principales cambios estructurales que se han dado en el mundo rural durante las últimas décadas, con énfasis en temas demográficos y de mercado de trabajo, así como de brechas estructurales que persisten. Además, se presenta una aproximación descriptiva del efecto del proceso de cambio estructural en el medio rural sobre la agricultura familiar, a partir de una concepción del cambio estructural restringida al primer elemento.
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O presente estudo se constitui em uma reflexão sobre a formação de agricultores familiares ribeirinhos e a sustentabilidade, a partir de um processo implementado pela Prefeitura de Tomé-Açu/PA na Comunidade de Marupaúba, nas gestões municipais compreendidas entre os anos de 2000 a 2008. Tem como objetivo analisar como a educação planejada e executada via políticas públicas e de governo para os agricultores familiares, alteram sua forma de produzir traduzindo-se em sustentabilidade econômica e social para essas famílias. Para tal, foi revisado, de forma pontual, a história da agricultura no Brasil; a constituição da Política Agrícola, desde a colonização até os dias de hoje e como parte dela, a assistência técnica utilizada pelo Estado como estratégia de formação para os agricultores e ainda, o processo implementado pela Prefeitura na Comunidade e qual sua contribuição para a sustentabilidade das famílias atendidas. Utilizaram-se métodos de pesquisa bibliográfica, documental e de campo. Na pesquisa de campo, realizaram-se entrevistas semi-estruturadas com 20 % dos membros da Associação de Moradores. Analisaram-se os dados qualitativos e quantitativos, visando compreender que conhecimentos, habilidades e atitudes foram adquiridas ao longo do processo. Enquanto resultado, chegou-se ao entendimento de que a sustentabilidade do ponto de vista do capital não foi alcançada. Como os cabanos, os agricultores familiares da Comunidade de Marupaúba, resistem ao poder do grande capital e mantém sua cultura com práticas milenares de produção.
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Fundação de Amparo à Pesquisa do Estado de São Paulo (FAPESP)
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Main objective of the dissertation is to illustrate how social and educational aspects (in close interaction with other multifunctional aspects in organic agriculture) which are developed on different multifunctional organic farms in Italy and Netherlands, as well as established agricultural policy frameworks in these countries, can be compared with the situation in Croatian organics and can contribute to further developent of organic issues in the Repubic of Croatia. So, through different chapters, the dissertation describes the performance of organic agriculture sectors in Italy, Netherlands and Croatia within the national agricultural policy frameworks, it analyzes the role of national institutions and policy in Croatia in connection with Croatia's status of candidate country for enterance into EU and harmonization of legislation with the CAP, as well as analyzes what is the role of national authorities, universities, research centres, but also of private initiatives, NGOs and cooperatives in organic agriculture in Netherlands, Italy and Croatia. Its main part describes how social and educational aspects are interacting with other multifunctional aspects in organic agriculture and analyzes the benefits and contribution of multifunctional activites performed on organic farms to education, healthy nourishment, environment protection and health care. It also assess the strengths and weaknesses of organic agriculture in all researched countries. The dissertation concludes with development opportunities for multifunctional organic agriculture in Croatia, as well as giving perspectives and recommendations for different approaches on the basis of experiences learned from successful EU models accompanied with some personal ideas and proposals.
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The conclusion of the Doha Round negotiations is likely to influence Swiss agricultural policy substantially. The same goes for a free trade agreement in agriculture and food with the European Communities. Even though neither of them will bring about duty-free and quota-free market access, or restrict domestic support measures to green box compatible support, both would represent a big step in that direction. There is no empirical evidence on the effect of such a counterfactual scenario for Swiss agriculture. We therefore use a normative mathematical programming model to illustrate possible effects for agricultural production and the corresponding agricultural income. Moreover, we discuss the results with respect to the provision of public goods under the assumption of continuing green box-compatible direct payments. The aim of our article is to bring more transparency into the discussion on the effects of freer and less distorted trade on the income generation by a multifunctional agriculture. The article will be organized as follows. In the first Section we specify the background of our study. In the second section, we focus on the problem statement and our research questions. In Section 3, we describe in detail a counterfactual scenario of “duty-free, quota-free and price support-free” agriculture from an economic as well as a legal perspective. Our methodology and the results are presented in Section 4 and 5 respectively. In Section 6, we discuss our results with respect to economic and legal aspects of multifunctional agriculture.
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The Right to Food, as enshrined in international law, has found its way into national constitutions and practices. What matters from a national and international legal point of view is how this policy objective is implemented. In Switzerland, a number of policies and their instruments are relevant here, namely agricultural, supply/stockpile, trade and development policies. This paper (in German) asks whether the policy instruments are coherent and how implementation conflicts and negative spill-over effects could be minimised. It finds that the four policy objectives enshrined in the Federal Constitution are not in themselves incoherent. However, certain Swiss agricultural policy instruments, even where they are compatible with relevant rules of the World Trade Organization (WTO), do have an avoidable negative impact on the Right to Food of developing country producers, because Swiss Food Security is overwhelmingly and increasingly defined by agricultural (self-reliance) policies (“Food Sovereignty”). This implies higher domestic food prices, commercial displacement and food dumping. The conclusions suggest a number of optimisations as a contribution to the presently on-going reform process for 1983 National Economic Supply Act 1983 (NESA), such as virtual stockpiles and taxpayer-financed stockpile costs.
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The WTO Agreement on Agriculture (AoA) is the predominant multilateral legal framework governing agricultural trade. The objective of the AoA is to liberalise trade in agriculture through reductions in tariffs, domestic support and export subsidies. The AoA has not, however, ‘levelled the playing field’ and has not resulted in the equitable distribution of food, particularly for the poorer developing countries. On the other hand, support for small farmers does not ensure food security for the poor. While food security has no simple solutions such as “free trade is good for you”, reform proposals for trade rules which only address agricultural policy instruments fail to account for consumer and other interests: neither tariff reductions and subsidy disciplines, nor safeguards and other measures of producer protection can automatically increase food security. Rather, what is needed is the full and proper implementation of a number of commitments which the international community has already entered into in various human rights treaties, but which even the envisaged results of the now failed Doha Round negotiations could not ensure without revisiting relevant multilateral trade and investment rules.
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Feeding our growing world population and preserving our natural resource base is a major agricultural challenge set to get harder. Despite agricultural productivity gains in many areas, roughly a billion people continue to suffer from chronic hunger.1 Meanwhile, we will likely add about 2.5 billion people to the planet by 2050.2 Yet providing enough nutrition for current and future generations is entirely possible, if we make the best use of Earth’s finite natural resources, especially arable land. Notably, one agricultural sector – livestock – places excessive demands on our resource base. But this is mainly due to globalized, industrial meat production methods. Tragically, the most sustainable livestock producers – herders and other mobile, smaller-scale livestock keepers – have been marginalized by mainstream agricultural policy for decades. It is high time for a course correction.
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Viele Länder verankern die Versorgungs- oder Ernährungssicherheit als staatspolitisches Ziel in ihrem Grundgesetz. Neuerdings wird auch das Recht auf Nahrung und auf die Erfüllung weiterer Grundbedürfnisse aufgeführt. Das Schweizer Parlament hat darüber hinaus sogar den Grundsatz der Ernährungssouveränität im Landwirtschaftsgesetz verankert. Die zur Förderung dieser Ziele genannten Aufgaben und Eingriffsrechte des Staates sind jeweils unterschiedlich und unterschiedlich präzise formuliert. Dabei gibt es für jedes Land eigentlich nur zwei Möglichkeiten zur Ernährung: Inlandproduktion und Einfuhr. Eine zusätzliche Option ist die Bildung von Nahrungsmittelreserven zur Überbrückung von Versorgungsengpässen. Die Schweiz benützt und fördert alle drei Möglichkeiten zu ihrer Ernährungssicherheit, im Wesentlichen mit vier Politiken: Versorgungs-, Aussenwirtschafts-, Agrar- und Entwicklungspolitik. Bei Störungen sollen die durch Grenzabgaben finanzierten Pflichtlager während rund sechs Monaten die Inlandnachfrage sichern. Die Optimierung und die Abstimmung unter den verschiedenen Sektorpolitiken, welche unter Berücksichtigung der internationalen Rahmenbedingungen eine grösstmögliche Ernährungssicherheit herbeiführen, gehört zu den Kernaufgaben jedes Staates. Die Umsetzung der genannten Sektorpolitiken ist jedoch in der Praxis nicht immer kohärent, geschweige denn konfliktfrei. Dieser Artikel beschreibt zunächst die internationalen rechtlichen und ökonomischen Parameter für die Schweizer Versorgungspolitik und ihre Beziehung zur Wirtschaftsfreiheit im Allgemeinen, und speziell auf ihre Zweckmässigkeit hinsichtlich der Ernährungssicherheit. Die Analyse der Wechselwirkungen und der Konflikte bei der Umsetzung zeigt, dass die Schweizer Ernährungssicherheitspolitik (food security) in Wirklichkeit eine Politik zur einheimischen Produzentensicherheit ist (farm security). Den Abschluss bilden einige Vorschläge zur Minderung der sektorpolitischen Inkohärenzen und der festgestellten negativen Auswirkungen der Agrarpolitik auf die Schweizer und globale Ernährungssicherheit.
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El objetivo de este artículo es mostrar cuáles fueron las características de la política agrícola stricto sensu que favoreció el agronegocio y el desarrollo agropecuario en Brasil en los últimos 30 años. Para entender este proceso, se realiza una breve descripción de los instrumentos de política agrícola adoptados por el Gobierno en ese lapso, en función de la necesidad de adaptarse a las exigencias de la OMC y a las restricciones de la coyuntura. En la primera fase, de 1964 hasta 1985, se consiguió aumentar significativamente la producción agrícola garantizando el abastecimiento interno, que era el gran obstáculo verificado en el período pre-1964. La modernización agrícola fue conseguida con un gran costo social, pero cabe resaltar que esta cuestión no era una preocupación central de los gobiernos militares. En la segunda fase (1985-2001), cuando comienza la redemocratización, la política agrícola también se integra y es consistente con los objetivos macroeconómicos. Se buscaba en esa época disminuir el déficit fiscal y pagar la deuda externa, lo que fue conseguido con los grandes excedentes generados por el agronegocio a pesar de la disminución drástica de los subsidios agrícolas que fue necesario implementar. En el tercer período (2002-presente) se busca conciliar la promoción del agronegocio con la reducción de la pobreza, que era una agenda pendiente de la democratización y que había sido postergada en función de la necesidad de resolver los problemas fiscales e inflacionarios de la década del 80. Una vez resuelto el problema de la inflación, el Estado recupera su capacidad de planificación y comienza a atacar los problemas sociales.
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Las cambiantes condiciones internas y externas que comenzaron a afectar el desarrollo del modelo agroexportador, durante las décadas iniciales del siglo XX, pusieron la "cuestión agraria" en el centro de discusión sobre el modelo de país deseable. Si la concentración de la propiedad de la tierra comenzaba a ser visualizada como causa de los mayores males que inquietaban a la sociedad, la colonización agraria era planteada como el camino para superar las contradicciones que afectaban el crecimiento del sector. Hemos buscado en este trabajo dar cuenta de algunas de las expresiones a favor de la implementación de ese tipo de políticas agrarias, poniendo particular atención en el caso bonaerense
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En este artículo presentamos los resultados de la investigación en curso sobre las estrategias institucionales desplegadas por el sector lácteo cooperativo y su injerencia en el diseño de las políticas sectoriales. Consideramos una variado repertorio de fuentes: legislación, diagnósticos, informes éditos e inéditos producidos por el Estado y por diversos actores del cooperativismo lácteo. En el tratamiento de esta temática problematizamos la cuestión de la lógica corporativa entre actores estatales y cooperativos. Consideramos además, los proceso de agregación de intereses en el espacio público que se dieron a partir de los debates y las experiencias de acción, organización y alianzas entre las entidades cooperativas lácteas
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Entre 1948 y 1958 el Noticiario Bonaerense acompañó a las autoridades provinciales en sus giras políticas por las localidades agropecuarias del interior de la provincia de Buenos Aires. Allí es posible relevar las transformaciones temáticas y retóricas de los discursos sobre la política agropecuaria, tanto de las gobernaciones peronistas del Cnel Domingo Mercante (1946-52) y del mayor Carlos Aloé (1952-55) como las de la intervención nacional de la llamada Revolución Libertadora del Cnel Emilio A. Bonnecarrére (1955-58). En esos años que rodean 1955, de quiebre y enfrentamiento político y social de ribetes iconoclastas, se realizó un importante debate económico en colaboración con el gobierno de la Libertadora (Raúl Prebisch y Federico Pinedo), con fuertes impugnaciones hacia Perón y el peronismo en general y en particular hacia su política agraria. El Noticiario Bonaerense registró las discontinuidades políticas e iconográficas en las imágenes del acto político agropecuario, lo que resultó de valor para la reinterpretación del debate mencionado. A través del manejo estatal del espacio simbólico proyectaron y mantuvieron el mito de la utopía agraria, ensayando diferentes maneras de entender y de mostrar las relaciones entre el estado y la sociedad jerarquizando otros escenarios y distintos actores.