993 resultados para regional leadership
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This article examines the relationship between political parties and regional presidents in Italy and Spain, adopting a comparative case study approach based on extensive archival analysis and in-depth interviews with regional politicians. The findings confirm a strong pattern of growing presidentialism at regional level, regardless of whether there are formal mechanisms for direct election, and regardless of the partisan composition of regional government. Regional presidents tend to exert their growing power through a personalised control of regional party organisations, rather than governing past parties in a direct appeal to the electorate. Nevertheless, parties can still present a significant constraint on regional presidents, so successful regional presidents tend to maintain a mediating form of leadership and fully exploit the opportunities for party patronage to build up their support and smooth governing tensions. An autonomist drive helps presidents hold together disparate coalitions or loose parties at regional level, but their lack of internal coherence presents major problems when it comes to political succession.
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Durante los dos períodos de gobierno de Luis Inacio Da Silva en Brasil (2003-2010) el interés de este Estado se centró en la ampliación y fortalecimiento de su posición en Sudamérica a través de la lucha contra las amenazas que afectan su seguridad nacional. Puesto que muchas de estos detractores de la seguridad brasileña son compartidos con otras Estados en la región, destacándose entre estos el narcotráfico, tráfico de armas y la deforestación del Amazonas, el gobierno de Brasil dirigió su política exterior en materia de seguridad en Sudamérica a la lucha conjunta de estas amenazas, proponiendo mecanismos de defensa regionales con el fin de aumentar su liderazgo en la región y así poder aumentar su influencia en esta zona.
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La presente monografía busca analizar el papel geopolítico del Amazonas en el proceso de consolidación de Brasil como potencia regional, en el periodo de 1988 al 2011. Desde la democratización de Brasil en 1988, este país empezó a tener un papel destacado en la región debido a su liderazgo en los procesos de integración, estimulado por su intención de ser potencia regional. Ahora bien, esta pretensión no surge exclusivamente como efecto de los nuevos fenómenos de la posguerra fría, de hecho, tiene su origen con los postulados de la escuela geopolítica brasileña de mediados de 1930, donde nace la idea de un Brasil con un destino manifiesto de proyectarse continentalmente, que debe cumplir mediante el desarrollo del Amazonas. Por lo anterior, el Amazonas se consolida como un elemento determinante para Brasil como potencia regional, que por ende, ha definido el direccionamiento de sus políticas nacionales y regionales.
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A new and far-reaching round of sanctions imposed recently on Iran by the EU is starting to hurt the country, its economy and its citizens. Yet Iran’s leadership seems deaf to demands for international weapons inspectors to be allowed unhindered access to its nuclear enrichment facilities. With a regime that is not likely to sway to international and domestic pressure, and in view of the shifting strategic landscape in the Middle East, the question is whether the twin-track approach of sanctions and diplomacy should be kept up, or whether it should make way for an alternative set of policies that could preserve the fragile stability in the wider Middle East and turn a vicious circle into a virtuous one. In this new Commentary, CEPS Senior Research Fellow Steven Blockmans argues that the High Representative of the EU for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy, supported by the European External Action Service, is in a good position to offer a negotiated way out of this seemingly intractable situation.
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This paper focuses on the role of the European Union (EU) in the formation of India’s climate change policy; an increasingly high profile issue area. It is based on an extensive study of relevant literature, EU-India policy documents and the execution of thirteen semi-structured interviews with experts; many of whom have experienced EU-India cooperation on climate change first-hand. A three-point typology will be used to assess the extent of the EU’s leadership role, supporting role or equal partnership role in India, with several sub-roles within these categories. Further, for clarity and chronology purposes, three time periods will be distinguished to assess how India’s climate policy has evolved over time, alongside the EU’s role within that. The findings of the paper confirm that the EU has demonstrated signs of all three roles to some degree, although the EU-India relationship in climate policy is increasingly an equal partnership. It offers explanations for previous shortcomings in EU-India climate policy as well as policy recommendations to help ensure more effective cooperation and implementation of policies.
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Regional accreditors often desire the same metrics and data collected by professional program reviews, but may use different terminologies to describe this information; as a result, some schools must manually translate or even recollect data already stored. This report profiles strategies to proactively consolidate the language and policies of accreditation to avoid duplication of labor and to efficiently route program accreditation data that will be repurposed in regional review. It also suggests ways to select new technologies that can streamline data collection, storage, and presentation.
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The Brazilian public health system requires competent professionals sensitive to the needs of the population. The Foundation for Advancement of International Medical Education and Research (FAIMER) provides a two-year faculty development programme for health professions educators, aiming to build leadership in education to improve health. A partnership with governmental initiatives and FAIMER was established for meeting these needs. This paper describes the initial process evaluation results of the Brazilian FAIMER Institute Fellowship (FAIMER BR). Methods: Data were analysed for the classes 2007-2010 regarding: application processes; innovation project themes; retrospective post-pre self-ratings of knowledge acquisition; and professional development portfolios. Results: Seventeen of 26 Brazilian states were represented among 98 Fellows, predominantly from public medical schools (75.5%) and schools awarded Ministry of Health grants to align education with public health services (89.8%). One-third (n = 32) of Fellows' innovation projects were related to these grants. Significant increases occurred in all topic subscales on self-report of knowledge acquisition (eff ect sizes, 1.21-2.77). In the follow up questionnaire, 63% of Fellows reported that their projects were incorporated into the curriculum or institutional policies. The majority reported that the programme deepened their knowledge (98%), provided new ideas about medical education (90%) and provided skills for conflict management (63%). One-half of the Fellows reported sustained benefits from the programme listserv and other communications, including breadth of expertise, establishment of research collaboration and receiving emotional support. Conclusion: Contributors to initial programme success included alignment of curriculum with governmental initiatives, curriculum design merging educational technology, leadership and management skills and central role of an innovation educational project responding to local needs.
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The current article aims to update the discussion on the South American context making use of the theory of Regional Security Regional Complexes (RSC). It begins with a theoretical discussion, based on Buzan and Wæver's work. It then presents the hypothesis that, differently from what is assumed in the literature, the South American RSC is not a standard one, but a centred one, in which the centre is not a global power. An empirical analysis follows, showing that Brazil possesses the necessary resources, and has presented some cogent political initiatives, such as the creation of the Union of South American Nations (Unasur) and its Defense Council (SDC), but in other moments has been reluctant take a leadership role in South America. The analysis concludes that, regarding its configuration, the South American RSC corroborates the authors' hypothesis and that Brazil should consolidate its role at the centre of such a complex.
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Since 1999, countries have voluntarily chosen to reform their higher education systems to join the European Higher Education Area. This paper compares Bologna Process implementation across four regions within the European Union. While there are 47 countries participating in the Bologna Process, this paper uses statistical analysis to consider 25 of the 28 EU Member States. The time period of analysis is 2000-2011, prior to Croatia’s accession to the EU on 1 July 2013. Across Europe there are inter-regional differences in how the Bologna Process has been implemented and in the political economy contexts that influence higher education reform for policy convergence. There are three explanatory variables in the political economy context: 1. competitive economic pressures and globalization 2. domestic politics at the national level 3. leadership from the supranational European Union that socially constructs regional norms Tertiary education attainment is the dependent variable of interest in this research. The objective of 40%, for 30-34 year olds, is Europe 2020 benchmark target. There are additional higher education reform criteria encompassed in the Bologna Process. These criteria concern Credit and Degree Structure, Quality Assurance, and Recognition of academic degrees among countries in the EHEA. This tertiary education attainment variable, which is of interest in this paper, does not capture the entire implementation process. Nevertheless, it is a measure of one important indicator of success in providing higher education access to populations within the context of democratic governance. This research finds that statistically GDP Per Capita is the most significant variable in relationship to tertiary education attainment across four regional areas in the European Union.
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"The material in this document was contributed by State Employment Security Agency, Unemployment Insurance Service, and Office of Regional Management Staff..."
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"Fall 1985."
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The South American Defense Council (CSD), created in March 2009 as a military coordinating body of the Union of South American Nations (UNASUR) demonstrates a growing trend among Latin American countries to approach matters of regional security independent of the United States. The CSD also indicates a maturation of democratic civil military relations in a region once dominated by authoritarian military regimes. The CSD aims to facilitate the exchange of information about regional defense policies, promote collaboration for disaster relief, and promote civil-military engagement. In less than a year it is hardly a tested entity, but the presence of 12 South American states coming together around security policy marks an important moment in the evolution of civil-military relations in the region. Brazil has taken on an important leadership role in the CSD, acting as a leader in recent regional peacekeeping efforts. As a geopolitical move, Brazil also sees a benefit in promoting good relationships with all countries of South america, given its common border with nine of them. Although the United States is not a member of the CSD, the organization's agenda of infromation exchange of defense policies, military cooperation, and capacity building, including disaster assistance and preparedness provide opportunities for greater collaboration. The CSD is not part of the Inter-American System created after the Second World War. It is unclear how its work will coincide with the OAS Committee on Hemispheric Security or its Secretariat for Multidimensional Security. The U.S. should view the CSD as a mechanism to promote joint initiatives that encourage democratic governance in the region.
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Changes in the circumstances of the Australian pineapple industry left growers with a leadership vacuum, limited technical support and no funds for conducting research and marketing. Inspirational leadership training together with regular district farm meetings were used to assist the Australian pineapple industry to successfully adapt to these challenges. All growers were assigned to one of a number of regional grower study groups and regular on-farm meetings commenced to facilitate communication between growers, transfer of technology, awareness of industry affairs and an opportunity to become involved in industry business. A leader was appointed within each study group and these leaders attended a leadership course consisting of three, three-day modules. These original course graduates formed the nucleus of a new grower representative group which subsequently instigated levies to fund research and marketing. Two more courses have since been conducted to provide the depth of leadership to satisfy the growers' desire to rotate industry leadership on a regular basis.
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Purpose: This study aimed to evaluate the assistance quality through the perception of the users and municipal health managers (mayors, health secretaries and screening team). Methods: A transversal and descriptive study was carried out. Results: The sample was comprised by 359 users and 48 managers. Medical assistance was considered excellent by 79.6% of the users, 93.7% of the managers, 87.5% of the health secretaries and 100% of the screening team. Reception received a great evaluation by 73.8% of the users and 93.8% of the selectors. Conclusion: The assistance model used at the Ophthalmologic Clinic of Divinolândia obtained a high level of satisfaction pleasing both users and managers.