986 resultados para national belonging
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This thesis explores the meaning-making practices of migrant and non-migrant children in relation to identities, race, belonging and childhood itself in their everyday lives and in the context of ‘normalizing’ discourses and spaces in Ireland. The relational, spatial and institutional contexts of children’s worlds are examined in the arenas of school, home, family, peer groups and consumer culture. The research develops a situated account of children’s complex subject positions, belongings and exclusions, as negotiated within discursive constructs, emerging in the ‘in-between’ spaces explored with other children and with adults. As a peripheral EU area both geographically and economically, Ireland has traditionally been a country of net emigration. This situation changed briefly in the late 1990s to early 2000s, sparking broad debate on Ireland’s perceived ‘new’ ethnic, cultural and linguistic diversity arising from the arrival of migrant people both from within and beyond the EU as workers and as asylum seekers, and drawing attention to issues of race, identity, equality and integration in Irish society. Based in a West of Ireland town where migrant children and children of migrants comprise very small minorities in classroom settings, this research engages with a particular demographic of children who have started primary school since these changes have occurred. It seeks to represent the complexities of the processes which constitute children’s subjectivities, and which also produce and reproduce race and childhood itself in this context. The role of local, national and global spaces, relational networks and discursive currents as they are experienced and negotiated by children are explored, and the significance of embodied, sensory and affective processes are integrated into the analysis. Notions of the functions and rhetorics of play and playfulness (Sutton-Smith 1997) form a central thread that runs throughout the thesis, where play is both a feature of children’s cultural worlds and a site of resistance or ‘thinking otherwise’. The study seeks to examine how children actively participate in (re)producing definitions of both childhood and race arising in local, national and global spaces, demonstrating that while contestations of the boundaries of childhood discourses are contingently successful, race tends to be strongly reiterated, clinging to bodies and places and compromising belonging. In addition, it explores how children access belongings through agentic and imaginative practices with regard to peer and family relationships, particularly highlighting constructions of home, while also illustrating practices of excluding children positioned as unintelligible, including the role of silences in such situations. Finally, drawing on teachers’ understandings and on children’s playful micro-level negotiations of race, the study argues that assumptions of childhood innocence contribute to justifying depoliticised discourses of race in the early primary school years, and also tend to silence children’s own dialogues with this issue. Central throughout the thesis is an emphasis on the productive potentials of children’s marginal positioning in processes of transgressing definitional boundaries, including the generation of post-race conceptualisations that revealed the borders of race as performative and fluid. It suggests that interrupting exclusionary raced identities in Irish primary schools requires engagement with children’s world-making practices and the multiple resources that inform their lives.
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This paper examines relationships between religion and two forms of homonegativity
across 43 European countries using a bivariate response binary logistic multilevel model. The model analyzes effects of religious believing, belonging and practice on two response variables: a) a moral rejection of homosexuality as a practice and b) intolerance toward homosexuals as a group. The findings indicate that both forms of homonegativity are prevalent in Europe. Traditional doctrinal religious believing (belief in a personal God) is positively related to a moral rejection of homosexuality but to a much lesser extent associated with intolerance toward homosexuals as a group. Members of religious denominations are more likely than non-members to reject homosexuality as morally wrong and to reject homosexuals as neighbors. The analysis found significant differences between denominations that are likely context-dependent. Attendance at religious services is positively related to homonegativity in a majority of countries. The findings vary considerably across countries: Religion is more strongly related to homonegativity in Western than in Eastern Europe. In the post-soviet countries homonegativity appears to be largely a secular phenomenon. National contexts of high religiosity, high perceived government corruption, high income inequality and shortcomings in the implementation of gay rights in the countries’ legislations are statistically related to higher levels of both moralistic homonegativity and intolerance toward homosexuals as a group.
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According to Deleuze and Guattari (1987) ‘de-territorialization’ is followed by a moment of re-territorialization. This moment, however, has to be regarded as a continuing educational process that becomes a different spatial site of social practices. It is argued in this chapter that regional, local as well as global identification override national and mono-ethno cultural identities, while shaping particular notions of gendered belonging and creating specific diasporic practices. Based on a sample of interviews with professional and academic South Asian British citizens in London, in Leicester, and in a number of Northern English cities gendered and generational patterns in terms of local diasporic identities are explored. Apart from multiple cultural belonging, foremost, territorial bonds and notions of group loyalty collapse at a point where temporary migration and settlement alternate in individual biographies.
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La idea que per entendre alguna cosa hem d'entendre el procés pel qual s'ha produït va ser assumida des de l'origen de l'estudi "La construcció de la identitat nacional com a procés de desenvolupament des de la infància a l'adolescència a Catalunya". Per tal d'estudiar el procés de desenvolupament relacionat amb la construcció de la identitat nacional, no és suficient considerar-lo en el seu context social, sinó que és necessari considerar la seva construcció social. Tres objectius principals van orientar el nostre estudi . Primer, indagar si els processos de categorització, identificació, coneixement, imatge, avaluació i afecte són també elements implicats en la construcció de la identitat nacional des de la infància a l'adolescència. Segon investigar el procés de desenvolupament d'aquests elements des dels 6 anys fins als 15 anys per contribuir amb dades a I'explicació sobre com es desenvolupa del coneixement social. Tres són les explicacions principals; la primera que es basa en processos cognitius d'inclusió-decentració; la segona, si aquest desenvolupament es dóna en cercles concèntrics des de I'interior (contextos quotidians) fins a l'exterior (amb intercanvis més amples i una educació formal envers la vida social); i la tercera, si el desenvolupament del coneixement social d'allò més immediat i directe es reorganitzat i adquireix nous significats per la integració dels elements més generals i abstractes. Tercer, donat el fet que el 50% de les famílies tenen el català com a llengua materna, hem estudiat la influència de la llengua o llengües utilitzades en el context familiar en el procés de construcció de la identitat nacional. Es va dissenyar una entrevista individual seguint una estructura amb les parts següents: identificació subjectiva i identificació nacional; coneixement dels països; estereotips, avaluació i sentiments, i entorn social. La mostra del present estudi va estar formada per 495 nens i adolescents de 6, 9, 12 i 15 anys d'edat. Es va utilitzar per cada grup un número similar de nens i nenes. La mostra es va dividir en tres grups segons la o les llengües utilitzades pel nen o nena en el seu context familiar. Tres van ser les categones lingüístiques utilitzades: castellà, nens que només utilitzin el castellà a casa; català, nens que només usen el català en el context familiar; i bilingües, nens que utilitzin tots dos idiomes a casa. Aquestes categories lingüístiques s'han utilitzat com a indicador dels contextos familiars. Dues conclusions principals es poden extreure d'aquest estudi. Primer, I'ús de categories nacionals no és una conseqüència del procés cognitiu d'inclusió-decentració ni en cercles concentrics (concret/abstracte). La idea d'un procés del món en paral·lel, d'un coneixement que integra simultàniament creences i sentiments de l'ambient concret o proper i de l'abstracte o llunyà pot explicar millor els nostres resultats. Els nens aprenen i pensen sobre la vida quotidara, les característiques de l'ambient, la informació circulant en el seu entom social i la importància o els diferents nivells de coneixement depenent del context. Els nens integren la informació que està circulant en el seu ambient i construeixen un món que necessàriament no ha de coincidir amb el món deis adults, però que els ajuda a comunicar-se i a entendre les situacions en les quals estan immersos. Els nens més joves són capaços d'utilitzar categories nacionals de manera similar als adolescents. Segon, la identitat nacional a Catalunya es construeix al voltant del nucli de la llengua parlada a casa. A través de tot I'estudi es pot veure un resultat consistent i reiterat. Els infants d'un entom familiar en què s'usa només el castellà s'identifiquen com a pertanyents a tots dos grups nacionals, Espanyol i Català. Els infants d'un entom familiar que utilitzen només el català s'identifiquen com a pertanyents només al grup Català. Aquestes identificacions guien com aquests nens avaluen i senten envers el propi grup nacional i els altres. A més, sembla que el context sòcio-polític és un vehicle important en la transmissió de les estructures de semblances i que I'estructura d'afecte es transmet principalment a través de I'entom familiar.
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Traditionally Italian universities have trained researchers and professionals in conservation: archaeologists, art historians and architects. It is only with the reform of the universities, from 1999, that the teaching of museology and museography have also been expanded.Italian museums are for the most part public museums, depending on local bodies or the national ministry; they lack autonomy and do not possess specific professional figures. The task of conservation has predominated over the other roles of museums, but with the reform of the conservation law in 2004 the definition of „museum‟ has been introduced in Italy as well, and regulations regarding the development of heritage have been issued; in addition the Regions have also taken on a more active role for museums belonging to local bodies and for the development of their territory.Museum professions are not officially recognised, but the museum community, through the various associations and ICOM Italia, has put together a document to act as a general reference, the National Charter of Museum Professions, which has been followed by the Manual of Museum Professions in Europe. Now there is a need to plan the content and outlines ofvocational training courses for museum professionals, together withthe universities, the regions and the museums themselves, alongwith the associations and ICOM – ICTOP, utilising the mostinnovative Master‟s courses which offer an interdisciplinaryapproach, a methodology which combines theory and practice, andan element of hands-on experimentation in museums, or withmuseums.
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This paper seeks to examine the particular operations of gender and cultural politics that both shaped and restrained possible 'networked' interactions between Jamaican women and their British 'motherlands' during the first forty years of the twentieth century. Paying particular attention to the poetry of Albinia Catherine MacKay (a Scots Creole) and the political journalism of Una Marson (a black Jamaica), I shall seek to examine why both writers speak in and of voices out of place. MacKay's poems work against the critical pull of transnational modernism to reveal aesthetic and cultural isolation through a model of strained belonging in relation to both her Jamaica home and an ancestral Scotland. A small number of poems from her 1912 collection that are dedicated to the historical struggle between the English and Scots for the rule of Scotland and cultural self-determination, some of which are written in a Scottish idiom, may help us to read the complex cultural negotiations that silently inform the seemingly in commensurability of location and locution revealed in these works. In contrast, Marson's journalism, although less known even than her creative writings, is both politically and intellectually radical in its arguments concerning the mutual articulation of race and gender empowerment. However, Marson remains aware of her inability to articulate these convictions with force in a British context and thereby of the way in which speaking out of place also silences her.
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Includes bibliography
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The paper is a comparative inquiry into the roles of Ilia Chavchavadze (1837-1907) and Taras Shevchenko (1818-1861) as national poets and anti-colonial (anti-Tsarist) intellectuals within the context of their respective national traditions (Georgia and Ukraine). During the period of their activity (19th and the beginning of 20th century) both Ukraine and Georgia were under Tsarist imperial rule, albeit the two poets lived in different periods of Russian empire history. Through their major works, each called on their communities to ‘awaken’ and ‘revolt’ against oppression, rejected social apathy caused by Tsarist subjugation and raised awareness about the historical past of their nations. The non-acceptance of present and belief in an independent future was one of the dominant themes in the poetry and prose of both. Their contemporary importance is illustrated in political discourse both after Orange Revolution in Ukraine (2004), and Rose Revolution in Georgia (2003) where both poets are referred “as founding fathers of national ideology”, the history textbooks alluding to them as “symbols of anti-colonial resistance”. To this day, however, there has been surprisingly little academic writing in the West endeavoring to compare the works and activities of the two poets and their impact on national mobilization in Tsarist Ukraine and Georgia, even though their countries are often mentioned in a same breath by commentators on contemporary culture and politics. The paper attempts to fill this gap and tries to understand the relationship between literature and social mobilization in 19th century Russian Empire. By reflecting on Taras Shevchenko’s and Ilia Chavchavadze’s poetry, prose and social activism, I will try to explain how in different periods of Russian imperial history, the two poets helped to develop a modern form of political belonging among their compatriots and stimulated an anti-colonial mobilization with different political outcomes. To theorize on the role of poets and novelists in anti-colonial national movement, I will reflect on the writings of Benedict Anderson (1991), John Hutchinson (1994; 1999), Rory Finnin (2005; 2011) and problematize Miroslav Hroch’s (1996) three phase model of the development of national movements. Overall, the paper would aim to show the importance of, what John Hutchinson called, ‘cultural nationalists’ in understanding contemporary nationalist discourse in Georgian and Ukrainian societies.
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This study analyzes the patterns of agglomeration of some modern manufacturing sectors in India, and in particular the Indian automobile sector. It also examines and contrasts the factors that have led to different patterns of cluster development in two leading auto clusters in India-Chennai and the National Capital Region (NCR). Moreover, the study analyzes whether firms in clusters perform better than those that are excluded and whether the relative importance of variables that determine the behavior of firms differs among clusters. Our analyses, which employ a combination of quantitative and qualitative methods, show that Indian industrial clusters are largely concentrated in the three clustered regions: NCR, Mumbai-Pune, and Chennai-Bangalore, across different manufacturing sectors. Our study of the auto clusters in Chennai and the NCR find considerable differences in the patterns of cluster formation, due partly to the historical and policy conditions under which firms, particularly, the lead firms must operate. Moreover, our econometric analyses confirmed that being part of a cluster positively influences the performance of the auto component firms and those belonging to a cluster perform better.
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This paper looks at the Council of Europe Framework Convention for the Protection of National Minorities (FCNM) through the lense of European Union law. It does so by posing four major questions: does the fact that 24 of 28 Member States of the EU ratified the FCNM have any legal implications for the European Union itself? Secondly, turning to the national level, does it make a difference for the implementation of the FCNM whether or not a state that has ratified the FCNM is also a member to the European Union? Thirdly, returning to the European Union itself, can and should the EU accede to the FCNM? Or are there, finally, any means beside ratification that would allow the European Union to implement the objectives and obligations as enshrined in the FCNM? These four questions are analysed in detail before the paper concludes on the potential role of the European Union in managing diversity and protecting (persons belonging to) minorities.
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What does post-national identity mean for the control of migration? Katherine Tonkiss engages with the post-national theory of 'constitutional patriotism' and argues in favour of both post-national identity and relaxed migration controls. She explores the implications of such liberalised migration for the dynamics of identity and belonging in local communities, drawing on qualitative research on Eastern European migration to the UK. Illustrated with rich case study material, this book offers a novel contribution to the post-nationalism literature.
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Diabetes self-management, an essential component of diabetes care, includes weight control practices and requires guidance from providers. Minorities are likely to have less access to quality health care than White non-Hispanics (WNH) (American College of Physicians-American Society of Internal Medicine, 2000). Medical advice received and understood may differ by race/ethnicity as a consequence of the patient-provider communication process; and, may affect diabetes self-management. ^ This study examined the relationships among participants’ report of: (1) medical advice given; (2) diabetes self-management, and; (3) health outcomes for Mexican-Americans (MA) and Black non-Hispanics (BNH) as compared to WNH (reference group) using data available through the National Health and Nutrition Examination Survey (NHANES) for the years 2007–2008. This study was a secondary, single point analysis. Approximately 30 datasets were merged; and, the quality and integrity was assured by analysis of frequency, range and quartiles. The subjects were extracted based on the following inclusion criteria: belonging to either the MA, BNH or WNH categories; 21 years or older; responded yes to being diagnosed with diabetes. A final sample size of 654 adults [MA (131); BNH (223); WNH (300)] was used for the analyses. The findings revealed significant statistical differences in medical advice reported given. BNH [OR = 1.83 (1.16, 2.88), p = 0.013] were more likely than WNH to report being told to reduce fat or calories. Similarly, BNH [OR = 2.84 (1.45, 5.59), p = 0.005] were more likely than WNH to report that they were told to increase their physical activity. Mexican-Americans were less likely to self-monitor their blood glucose than WNH [OR = 2.70 (1.66, 4.38), p<0.001]. There were differences among ethnicities for reporting receiving recent diabetes education. Black, non-Hispanics were twice as likely to report receiving diabetes education than WNH [OR = 2.29 (1.36, 3.85), p = 0.004]. Medical advice reported given and ethnicity/race, together, predicted several health outcomes. Having recent diabetes education increased the likelihood of performing several diabetes self-management behaviors, independent of race. ^ These findings indicate a need for patient-provider communication and care to be assessed for effectiveness and, the importance of ongoing diabetes education for persons with diabetes.^
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The Florida Everglades is a highly diverse socionatural landscape that historically spanned much of the south Florida peninsula. Today, the Florida Everglades is an iconic but highly contested conservation landscape. It is the site of one of the world's largest publicly funded ecological restoration programs, estimated to cost over $8 billion (U.S. GAO 2007), and it is home to over two million acres of federally protected lands, including the Big Cypress National Preserve and Everglades National Park. However, local people's values, practices and histories overlap and often conflict with the global and eco-centric values linked to Everglades environmental conservation efforts, sparking environmental conflict. My dissertation research examined the cultural politics of nature associated with two Everglades conservation and ecological restoration projects: 1) the creation and stewardship of the Big Cypress National Preserve, and 2) the Tamiami Trail project at the northern boundary of Everglades National Park. Using multiple research methods including ethnographic fieldwork, archival research, participant observation, surveys and semi-structured interviews, I documented how these two projects have shaped environmental claims-making strategies to Everglades nature on the part of environmental NGOs, the National Park Service and local white outdoorsmen. In particular, I examined the emergence of an oppositional white identity called the Gladesmen Culture. My findings include the following: 1) just as different forms of nature are historically produced, contingent and power-laden, so too are different claims to Everglades nature; 2) identity politics are an integral dimension of Everglades environmental conflicts; and 3) the Big Cypress region's history and contemporary conflicts are shaped by the broader political economy of development in south Florida. My dissertation concluded that identity politics, class and property relations have played a key, although not always obvious, role in shaping Everglades history and environmental claims-making, and that they continue to influence contemporary Everglades environmental conflicts.
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This paper explores the ways in which the construction of militarized masculinities in Cold War Canadian media reflected the hegemonic masculinities and broader social trends of the period. This paper focuses specifically on the recruiting materials produced for and by the Canadian Army between 1956 and 1959, the time of the Suez Canal Crisis and the beginnings of “Canadian peacekeeping.” Through the mobilization of modern and anti-modern masculine identities attached to hegemonic and idealized Cold War Canadian masculinities, the Army created the image of the “Modern Warrior” to portray itself as an occupation and culture for “real Canadian men.” This identity simultaneously corresponded with Canada’s new “peacekeeping” identity. By presenting certain images of Canadian manhood as the “ideal” Canadian identity and by associating this “ideal” masculinity with military service, the Army’s recruitment advertisements conflated Cold War rhetoric of service, defence, national citizenship, cultural belonging, and “ideal” ethnicity with a Canadian identity available only to a specific (and often exclusive) segment of society. Because military service has long been considered the crux of citizenship, these advertisements (re)entrenched patterns of middle-class, heterosexual, Anglo- Saxon masculine power and dominance in a time of social uncertainty and cultural anxiety through the reaffirmation of this group’s “privilege” to serve the nation.