981 resultados para malaysian anti-corruption policies
Resumo:
Eleven species of Amazon parrots (genus Amazona) are known to occur in Brazil, and nest poaching and illegal traffic pose serious conservation threats to these species. When the illegal owners realize these animals are incompatible with their expectations and lifestyle, or when the police arrests traders and owners, these trafficked animals are often considered unfit for release and sent to local zoos and captive breeders. A retrospective survey of animal and necropsy records from 1986 to 2007 was used to evaluate the impacts of animal traffic on the population composition and mortality patterns of Amazon parrots at the Quinzinho de Barros Municipal Zoological Park, Sorocaba, Brazil. Data were obtained for 374 Amazon parrots of ten Brazilian species, and there was evidence that the studied population could be split into two major groups: a majority belonging to the Amazona aestiva species and a minority belonging to the remaining species. In comparison, the animals of the first group were more frequently admitted from traffic-related origins (98 vs. 75%), had a shorter lifespan (median 301 days vs. 848 days) and a higher mortality within the first year postadmission (54 vs. 37%), were less likely to receive expensive treatments, and were more frequently housed off-exhibit. On an average, parrots were found to have a short postadmission lifespan (median 356 days), with 92.5% of the birds dying within their first five years in captivity. The paper discusses the difficult dilemmas these incoming traffic-related animals pose to zoo management and official anti-traffic policies. Zoo Biol 29:600-614, 2010. (C) 2010 Wiley-Liss, Inc.
Resumo:
O debate atual sobre drogas tem sido organizado em torno de discursos científicos que tendem a configurar a questão ora como problema de segurança pública (relacionado ao tráfico e à repressão), ora como problema de saúde pública (relacionado à repressão da demanda por um lado e à redução de danos por outro). O presente texto traz uma reflexão que busca configurar como a política de enfrentamento às drogas no Brasil enseja em suas proposições uma luta entre as lógicas de segurança pública e de saúde pública expressas no embate entre as duas políticas instituídas pelo governo brasileiro no enfrentamento à questão – a política nacional antidrogas regulamentada em 2003 pela Secretaria Nacional Antidrogas (estrutura criada no governo Fernando Henrique Cardoso – FHC - por meio da medida provisória nº 1669, de 1998, e modificada no governo Lula para "Política Pública Sobre Drogas") e a Política de Atenção Integral ao Usuário de Álcool e Drogas do Ministério da Saúde (também formulada no governo FHC)
Resumo:
Em termos de dinheiros públicos, devemos ter em consideração a necessidade de ter que existir uma boa governança. É importante a participação. Também a transparência. E se os direitos e deveres sociais fundamentais estão interligados, não é menos verdade que é preciso a apresentação de boas contas à população. E aqui temos que falar também em plena responsabilidade pública. Num sentido lato, podemos falar num princípio geral de anticorrupção. O mau uso dos dinheiros públicos pode conduzir à responsabilidade de índole criminal. O crime de branqueamento/lavagem, um crime secundário, pode ter por origem ilícitos e/ou crimes que se relacionam com a utilização indevida de dinheiros públicos. A responsabilidade financeira e criminal pode aliás constituir um incremento na boa gestão dos dinheiros públicos. Deste modo – não tendo o direito penal finalidades de promoção ou de “combate”, mas ainda assim retributivos, preventivos gerais e especiais positivos e restaurativos -, podemos estar a caminhar para uma melhor concretização dos direitos, e dos deveres, que são garantidos do ponto de vista constitucional-constitucional. Afinal, todas as áreas do direito, são peças do mesmo jogo de xadrez. O Tribunal Constitucional em Portugal, o Supremo Tribunal Federal no Brasil, o Supremo Tribunal de Justiça em Portugal, o Superior Tribunal de Justiça no Brasil, os Tribunais de Contas em ambos os países. § In terms of public money, we should take into account the need to have to be good governance. It is important to participate. Also transparency. And if fundamental rights and social duties are interrelated, it is also true that we need to present good accounts to the population. And here we must also speak in full public accountability. In a broad sense, we can speak of a general principle of anti-corruption. The misuse of public funds can lead to criminal nature of responsibility. The crime of money laundering, a secondary crime, may have as illicit origin and / or crimes that relate to the misuse of public funds. The financial and criminal liability may in fact be an increase in the sound management of public funds. Thus - not having the criminal law purposes of promotion or "combat", but still remunerative, general and special preventive and restorative positive - we may be heading for a better realization of the rights, and duties, which are guaranteed the constitutional-constitutional point of view. After all, all areas of the law are parts of the same game of chess. The Constitutional Court in Portugal, the Supreme Court in Brazil, the Supreme Court in Portugal, the Superior Court of Justice in Brazil, the Audit Courts in both countries.
Resumo:
Recordar é viver. O famoso caso de corrupção internacional ligado à compra e venda de submarinos pelo Estado português – e que ainda não está resolvido na sua totalidade, nomeadamente por cá – constitui um facto repugnante da história contemporânea da anti-corrupção, e da ética, também lusa que envergonha em profundidade Portugal a nível nacional, mas sobretudo internacional. E envergonha, quer o poder legislativo, quer o poder judicial, quer o poder executivo. Em Portugal, mas também na Alemanha, pois nem toda a informação criminal chegou às autoridades portuguesas como foi noticiado pelos próprios procuradores. § Remember is living. The famous case of international corruption linked to the purchase and sale of submarines by the Portuguese State - and that is still not resolved in its entirety, especially around here - is a disgusting fact of contemporary history of anti-corruption and ethics, also Portuguese who shames Portugal in depth at national level, but above all international. And shame either the legislature or the judiciary or the executive. In Portugal, but also in Germany, as not all criminal information came from the Portuguese authorities was as reported by their own attorneys.
Resumo:
Masters Thesis – Academic Year 2007/2008 - European Master’s Degree in Human Rights and Democratization (E.MA) - European Inter-university Centre for Human Rights and Democratization (EIUC) -Faculdade de Direito, Universidade Nova de Lisboa (UNL)
Resumo:
This paper has developed a model of a single forest owner operating with perfect foresight in a dynamic open-city environment that allows for switching between alternative competing land uses (forest and urban use) at some point in the future. The model also incorporates external values of an even-aged standing forest in addition to the value of timber when it is harvested. Timber is exploited based on a multiple rotation model a la Faustmann with clear-cut harvesting. In contrast to previous models, our alternative land use to forest land is endogenous. Within this framework, we study the problem of the private owner as well as that of the social planner, when choosing the time to harvest, the time to convert land and the intensity of development. We also examine the extent to which the two-way linkage between urban development and forest management practices (timber production and provision of forest amenities) contributes to economic efficiency and improvements in non-market forest benefits. Finally, we consider policy options available to a regulator seeking to achieve improvements in efficiency including anti-sprawl policies (impact fees and density controls) and forest policies such a yield tax. Numerical simulations illustrate our analytical results.
Resumo:
The means of obtaining evidence, the amount of evidence obtained, the number of defendants related to each criminal case and the gravity of the crimes for which the magistrates of the Department are holders of penal action, define its real importance to the Rule of Law. I have deeply studied the subject of the institution of hierarchical intervention required by the assistant and the application of an opening statement by the defendant, starting from a hypothetical case, provided when the query of an investigation with the subject of the crime of active corruption, where this institution was called as a reaction to the archiving dispatch delivered by the Public Ministry. I have study about the implementation of the institution of provisional suspension of the process, specifically in the scope of fiscal criminality, analyzing the effective satisfaction of the purposes of the sentences in two slopes: general prevention and special prevention. I went for my first time to a Central Court of Criminal Instruction, where I attended the measures of inquiry and instructive debate of a process that culminated with the prosecution and pronunciation of the defendants. In addition to this criminal experience, I have deepened and consolidated the academic knowledge with the study of various criminal cases from various fields in the scope of criminality investigated by the Department. I could therefore check the basis of procedural delays, regarding to our legal system, especially in this type of crime, raising issues that I analyzed and discussed, always in a critical and academic way. I had the opportunity to attend and witness a seminar in the Lisbon Directorate of Finance as well of entering the Centre for Judicial Studies to attend a conference on the International Anti-Corruption Day. Focus on the investigatory importance of the international judicial cooperation, through the various organs, with special interest to EUROJUST. I comprehended the organization and functioning of these communitarian organs and means of communication of procedural acts, in particular, the rogatory letters and european arrest warrants. This involvement is motivated by the moratorium factor of the investigations where rogatory letters are necessary for the acquisition of evidence or information relevant to the good continuation of the process. For this reason the judicial cooperation through the relevant communitarian organs, translates a streamlined response between the competent judicial authorities of the Member States, through the National Member that integrates EUROJUST. This report aims to highlight some of the difficulties and procedural issues that Public Prosecutors of DCIAP and criminal police bodies that assist them, face in combating violent and organized crime, of national and transnational nature, of particular complexity, according to the specifics of criminal types.
Resumo:
The article proposes an alternative approach to policies for preventing doping in cycling, based on in-depth analysis of the functioning of nine of the 40 world professional teams and the careers of the 2,351 riders who were or have been professionals since 2005. The first part shows that the instruments of prevention have been based on a questionable understanding of doping as an individual moral fault, and have not produced the expected results. The second part proposes to analyse the ways in which teams and riders produce their achievments, so as to put forward an alternative to the anti-doping policies used hitherto, which have little impact on riders. The study shows that it is more pertinent to examine the forms of employment and the business models, because these have important effects on cycling professionals' conditions of work. It makes it possible to identify three dimensions of the risk of doping on which organisations can act in their antidoping policies: team organisation, riders' preparation and workload, and the precarity of employment.
Resumo:
This report compares policy learning processes in 11 European countries. Based on the country reports that were produced by the national teams of the INSPIRES project, this paper develops an argument that connects problem pressure and politicization to learning in different labor market innovations. In short, we argue that learning efforts are most likely to impact on policy change if there is a certain problem pressure that clearly necessitates political action. On the other hand, if problem pressure is very low, or so high that governments need to react immediately, chances are low that learning impacts on policy change. The second part of our argument contends that learning impacts on policy change especially if a problem is not very politicized, i.e. there are no main conflicts concerning a reform, because then, solutions are wound up in the search for a compromise. Our results confirm our first hypothesis regarding the connection between problem pressure and policy learning. Governments learn indeed up to a certain degree of problem pressure. However, once political action becomes really urgent, i.e. in anti-crisis policies, there is no time and room for learning. On the other hand, learning occurred independently from the politicization of problem. In fact, in countries that have a consensual political system, learning occurred before the decision on a reform, whereas in majoritarian systems, learning happened after the adoption of a policy during the process of implementation.
Resumo:
Cette thèse porte sur le rôle des organismes communautaires entre 1994 et 2002 dans l’élaboration de politiques pour lutter contre la pauvreté au Québec et en Irlande et ce, dans un contexte de gouvernance. Au cours de années 1980 et 1990, des gouvernements, dont ceux du Québec et de l’Irlande, ont fait appel à des organismes communautaires pour que ceux-ci participent à la gestion des services sociaux ainsi qu’à la formulation des politiques sociales. Cette participation s’est inscrite dans le cadre de nouveaux arrangements politiques, soit des nouvelles formes de gouvernance alors que les gouvernements éprouvaient des difficultés à remédier à l’accroissement des inégalités sociales. Cependant, il demeure difficile de discerner en quoi l’établissement de ces nouvelles formes de gouvernance a façonné le rôle des organismes communautaires dans l’élaboration des politiques pour lutter contre la pauvreté. De plus, les partenariats sociaux en Irlande relèvent d’un processus davantage institué que la concertation au Québec, ce qui a entraîné des différences au plan des mobilisations sociales. L’objectif de cette thèse est donc celui de mieux cerner le lien entre les nouvelles formes de gouvernance et la mobilisation sociale des organismes communautaires dans l’élaboration de politiques pour lutter contre la pauvreté. L’hypothèse mise en avant est que l’efficacité de l’action collective dépend de la manière dont les organismes communautaires s’y prennent pour pallier l’incertitude qui caractérise les modes de gouvernance. Sur le plan théorique, cette thèse mise sur les interactions entre acteurs et, plus particulièrement, sur la formation de réseaux de politiques publiques. Cela implique plus précisément de cerner comment les acteurs coordonnent des activités entre eux et se rallient autour d’un même thème, comme celui de la lutte contre la pauvreté. Lorsque la coordination des activités est forte et que le ralliement autour d’un même thème est important, on parle de coalition de cause. La nécessité de former une coalition se produit dans le contexte d’un champ institutionnel incertain, comme c’est le cas pour les mécanismes de concertation au Québec. Mais le caractère incertain du champ institutionnel entraîne aussi des divergences à l’intérieur de la coalition instaurée à cette occasion, ayant pour effet d’affaiblir la mobilisation sociale. Ainsi, l’interprétation que font les organismes communautaires des nouvelles formes de gouvernance façonne la manière dont ces organismes vont définir la lutte contre la pauvreté et élaborer leurs stratégies. Sur le plan méthodologique, le choix des cas de l’Irlande et du Québec repose dans les différences qui existent en termes de gouvernance et ce, alors qu’ils partagent de fortes similarités. Tant l’Irlande que le Québec sont caractérisés par des économies de marché ouvertes, des régimes d’État-providence de type libéral ainsi que l’emprise, par le passé, de l’Église catholique dans les services sociaux. Cependant, ces deux cas diffèrent en ce qui concerne le rôle de l’État, le système électoral, le statut juridico-politique, le caractère de leur économie et la place occupée par le milieu communautaire par rapport à l’État. Ces différences permettent de rendre compte du moins en ce qui concerne le Québec et l’Irlande, de la manière dont l’action collective découle de la relation entre les stratégies des acteurs et le contexte dans lequel ils se situent. Cette thèse montre comment, dans un processus davantage institué, comme c’est le cas des partenariats sociaux en Irlande, la mobilisation sociale s’avère plus efficace que lorsqu’elle se situe dans le cadre d’un processus moins institué, comme ce qu’on peut observer avec la concertation au Québec. Bien que, dans les deux cas, l’influence du milieu communautaire en matière des politiques sociales demeure mitigée, la mobilisation sociale des organismes communautaires irlandais s’est avérée plus efficace que celle de leurs homologues québécois eu égard de la formulation de politiques pour lutter contre la pauvreté. Au Québec, bien que les organismes communautaires sont parvenus à former une coalition, soit le Collectif pour une loi sur l’élimination de la pauvreté, leur mobilisation s’est trouvée affaiblie en raison de la prédominance de divergences entre acteurs communautaires. De telles divergences étaient aggravées en raison du caractère incertain du champ institutionnel lié à la concertation. En Irlande, bien que les organismes communautaires ont dû faire face à des contraintes qui rendaient difficiles la formation d’une coalition, ceux-ci ont pu néanmoins se mobiliser autrement, notamment en raison de liens formés avec des fonctionnaires dans le cadre des ententes partenariales.
Resumo:
La investigación diagnostica tiene como objetivo elaborar una propuesta de solución alternativa a las deficiencias en los procesos de fiscalización en materia de otorgamiento de licencias de explotación minera en Colombia como respuesta a las limitaciones y los desafíos identificados en el Estatuto Anticorrupción, con relación al código de minas, ley 685 de 2001.
Resumo:
The implementation of anti-drug policies that focus on illicit crops in the Andean countries faces many significant obstacles, one of which is the cultural clash it generates between the main stakeholders. On the one hand one finds the governments and agencies that attempt to implement crop substitution and eradication policies and on the other the peasant and natives communities that have traditionally grown and used coca or those peasants who have found in coca an instrument of power and political leverage that they never had before. The confrontation about coca eradication, alternative development and other anti-drug policies in coca growing areas transcends drug related issues and is part of a wider and deeper confrontation that reflects the long-term unsolved conflicts of the Andean societies. All Andean countries have stratified and fragmented societies in which peasants and Indians have been excluded from power. In Bolivia, Ecuador and Peru most peasants belong to native communities many of which have remained segregated from “white” society. The mixing of the races (mestizaje) in Colombia occurred early during the Conquest and Colony. Those of Indian descent became subservient to the Spanish and Creoles. The society that evolved was (and still is) highly hierarchical, authoritarian, and has subjacent racist values. The resulting political system has been exclusionary of large portions of the population. Among Indian communities coca has been used for millennia and its use has become an identity symbol of their resistance against what may be looked at as foreign invasion. “The Andean Indian chews coca because that way he affirms his identity as son and owner of the land that yesterday the Spaniard took away and today the landowner keeps away from him. To chew coca is to be Indian...and to quietly and obstinately challenge the contemporary lords that descend from the old encomenderos and the older conquistadors” (Vidart, 1991: 61, author’s translation). In Andean literature on illegal drugs as well as in seminars, colloquia and other meetings where drug policies are debated, complaints are frequently expressed about the treatment of coca in the same category as cocaine, heroin, morphine amphetamines and other “hard” drugs. The complainants assert that “coca is not cocaine” and that it is unfair to classify coca, a nature given plant which has been used for millennia in the Andes without significant negative effects on users, in the same category as man made psychotropic drugs. They also argue that coca has manifold social and religious meanings in indigenous cultures, that coca is sacred and that the requirement of the1961 Single Convention demanding that Bolivia and Peru completely eradicate coca within 25 years is limiting Indigenous communities in their freedom to practice their religions. In most debates about drug interdiction, the views of those who oppose that approach are not accepted as legitimate. Indeed, “prohibitionists” demonize drugs and those who oppose drug policies in Latin America frequently demonize the United States as the imperialist power that imposes them. This dual polarization is a main obstacle to establish a meaningful policy debate aimed at broadening the policy consensus necessary for successful policy implementation. This essay surveys the status of coca in the United Nations Conventions, explains why it is confusing, and how a few changes would eliminate some of the sources of conflict and help organize and control licit coca markets in the Andes. The current disorganized and weakly controlled legal coca market in Peru has been analyzed to demonstrate its deficiencies and to illustrate possible improvements in international drug control policies.
Resumo:
RESUMEN En esta monografía el interés es comprender la dimensión de la captura del estado, su complejidad y cómo ha penetrado en la cultura política institucional de nuestro país; así mismo, el análisis permite entender el grado de influencia de los grupos de poder para lograr leyes y regulaciones a favor suyo en detrimento del interés general. Este trabajo aborda dicho fenómeno en los procesos de formulación e implementación de la política pública de Agro Ingreso Seguro – AIS– y explica consecuencias y efectos de la captura del Estado en su gobernabilidad y eficacia social. Para ello se desarrolló una investigación de tipo documental que permitió identificar el grado de legitimación de los propósitos de la política pública poniendo en perspectiva la intervención de agentes capturadores en el proceso de implementación de la política Agro Ingreso Seguro.
Resumo:
Heritage tourism depends on a physical resource based primarily on listed buildings and scheduled monuments. Visiting or staying in a historic building provides a rich tourism experience, but historic environments date from eras when access for disabled people was not a consideration. Current UK Government policy now promotes social inclusion via an array of equal opportunities, widening participation and anti-discrimination policies. Historic environments enjoy considerable legislative protection from adverse change, but now need to balance conservation with public access for all. This paper discusses the basis of research being undertaken by The College of Estate Management funded by the Mercers Company of London and the Harold Samuel Trust. It assesses how the 1995 Disability Discrimination Act has changed the legal obligations of owners/operators in managing access to listed buildings in tourism use. It also examines the key stakeholders and power structures in the management of historic buildings and distinguishes other important players in the management process.
Resumo:
In this note the growth anti welfare effects of fiscal anti monetary policies are investigated in three economies where public investment is part of the productive process It is shown that growth is maximized at positive levels of income tax and inflation but that there is no direct relationship between government size, productivity and growth or between inflation and growth. However, unless there are no transfers or public goods in the economy, maximization of growth does not imply welfare maximization and the optimal tax rate and government size are greater than those that maximize growth. Money is not superneutral anti the optimal rate of money creation is below the maximizing rate of growth.