Using a panel structure to discuss the Feldstein-Horioka puzzle in developing countries

The purpose of this paper is to test the implications of current account solvency for the savinginvestment correlation in developing countries. Since solvency is a long-run phenomenon, and given that the power of the standard unit root and cointegration tests is low, we exploit the panel structure of the sample of 29 developing countries. We find evidence that saving and investment are cointegrated and that the current account is stationary. Therefore, the Feldstein-Horioka correlations are not a puzzle in the sense they reflect the intertemporal budget constraint. The same results are obtained for different subsamples (Africa, Asia, and Latin America) and for different periods of time (1960-74 and 1975-96). We, then, suggest that an error correction model should distinguish between the long-run correlation, which reflects the solvency condition, and the short-run correlation, which could measure capital mobility.

Política fiscal, crédito subsidiado e seus efeitos sobre a política monetária

Neste trabalho apresentamos um modelo DSGE de pequena escala com economia fechada para estudar os efeitos de um aumento do crédito subsidiado e de uma política fiscal expansionista sobre as decisões de política monetária. O modelo, construído com base na literatura nacional e internacional, é constituído por uma economia fechada, com formação de hábito dos consumidores, firmas atuando em um mercado de competição monopolística (NEISS; NELSON, 2003) e rigidez de preços a la Calvo (CHRISTIANO; EICHENBAUM; EVANS, 2005). O governo é inserido no modelo através da autoridade monetária, que segue a Regra de Taylor definida por Vasconcelos e Divino (2012), e através da autoridade fiscal, que segue uma meta de superávit primário como em Castro et al. (2011). Por fim, o volume de investimento financiado por crédito subsidiado e a taxa deste crédito são definidos exogenamente pela autoridade fiscal, afetando sua restrição orçamentária. Os resultados obtidos sugerem que a política fiscal expansionista é mais importante que o aumento do subsídio ao crédito para o aumento da taxa de juros real neutra. Estes efeitos, porém, explicam pouco da variância das variáveis macroeconômicas quando comparados aos choques de demanda e de produtividade. Além disso, o modelo mostra evidências de um caráter inflacionário recente da política monetária no Brasil.

Consumption-wealth ratio and expected stock returns: evidence from panel data

This paper investigates the role of consumption-wealth ratio on predicting future stock returns through a panel approach. We follow the theoretical framework proposed by Lettau and Ludvigson (2001), in which a model derived from a nonlinear consumer’s budget constraint is used to settle the link between consumption-wealth ratio and stock returns. Using G7’s quarterly aggregate and financial data ranging from the first quarter of 1981 to the first quarter of 2014, we set an unbalanced panel that we use for both estimating the parameters of the cointegrating residual from the shared trend among consumption, asset wealth and labor income, cay, and performing in and out-of-sample forecasting regressions. Due to the panel structure, we propose different methodologies of estimating cay and making forecasts from the one applied by Lettau and Ludvigson (2001). The results indicate that cay is in fact a strong and robust predictor of future stock return at intermediate and long horizons, but presents a poor performance on predicting one or two-quarter-ahead stock returns.

Dinâmica política e política de gestão: partidos de esquerda e a adoção das parcerias com organizações sociais no Brasil 2007 a 2015

O objetivo desta Tese é compreender a atuação de partidos à esquerda do espectro político face à agenda de reformas da gestão pública. Especificamente, este estudo busca entender as motivações e interesses de governos liderados por partidos de esquerda ao expandirem e consolidarem parcerias com Organizações Sociais (OS) para provisão de serviços públicos – política voltada para a gestão pública, criticada por aqueles partidos e que contraria o interesse de parte de sua base social: o funcionalismo público. A pesquisa contribui para o debate ao intricar ao tema da gestão pública o debate político. Para alguns autores, esta é uma das principais lacunas dos estudos da área. Para atingir este objetivo foi realizado um estudo de casos múltiplos nos estados da Bahia e Pernambuco durante os governos do Partido dos Trabalhadores (PT) e Partido Socialista Brasileiro (PSB). Dentre as experiências estaduais recentes, os casos selecionados se destacam pela rápida expansão das parcerias com OS. Os resultados da pesquisa apontam que a expansão da parceria com as Organizações Sociais nos dois governos foi motivada pelas restrições orçamentárias, pela ineficiência dos equipamentos públicos e pelas características intrínsecas ao modelo, principalmente aquelas com poder de torná-lo mais ágil. A situação de grave crise setorial – saúde, nos dois casos estudados – foi fator chave para a expansão do modelo. A pesquisa também identificou que as resistências políticas foram minimizadas através da ampliação das alianças políticas e da distribuição de cargos e, para diminuir as resistências da base social dos partidos, os governos se aproximaram dos sindicatos e das categorias de classe mais afetadas por essa política de gestão.

O Trabalho e o labirinto da responsabilidade socioempresarial:a experiência da cidadania empresarial do Banco do Brasil

In the current systemic crisis, economic policy is directed to correct the consequences of the functioning of this metabolism, but within the limits of the capital. From this perspective, decision makers propose trade policies, agricultural and industrial to ensure conditions for economic growth. However, as a dead end, there is failure of the State in giving efficacy to the operation of all segments of the economy, especially given the budget constraint. Public managers are forced to seek external resources, resuming the cycle of political allegiance to the interests of international financial and banking representatives, installed in so-called multilateral. The complex ideological capital comes into play in trying to convince society that the paths taken by governments are inevitable, and that capitalism can be "humanized", even with the realization of the growing inequalities caused by historical irrationalism of the production process of capital . In this sense, emerging concepts that attempt to demonstrate the compatibility of the system to real human needs. This ideological offensive is intended to legitimize the capital. The so-called third sector has a special highlight with the concept of corporate social responsibility. It creates a political environment in which the inevitable mix-up with new illusions offered by and often funding the metabolism of capital in order to perpetuate this system. In this context, political elites, and considerable portions of the academy, embark on "waves of capitalist optimism," while the sociometabolismo capital expands its historical limits, driving forces postponing their collapse, but that cause human suffering and ecological stress. Wars are disseminated to strengthen the deadly war industry and the automobile industry; and devastating the environment of which depends the capital system. In this scenario disassemble, propositions emerge around a "new social pact" in order to minimize the adverse effects of the dynamics of reproduction of capital. The business class is called to exercise its role through the discourse that appeals to social responsibility programs, in order to intervene directly in the "social question". The core of this research is precisely this point. Although there is considerable scholarship on the phenomenon of Social Responsibility and Corporate Citizenship, there is also an evident lack of this approach focused on the banking sector in Brazil. The importance of rentier capital increased ownership of shares in the wealth produced by all of Brazilian society, justifies a sociological research project on Social Responsibility in the domestic financial sector. In this sense, it was decided to perform a dynamic approach to the "Corporate Citizenship" in the banking industry, specifically in the Bank of Brazil. As this is a key institution, is important analyze of the impacts of this strategy fetish of capitalist reproduction, in order to evaluate the social legitimization of rentier capital in Brazil. In this scenario of the abundance of the discourse on social responsibility there exist a progressive impoverishment of professional work in this segment in Brazil. There is a dramatic mismatch between rhetoric and practice because of the trend of deepening vulnerability of the working conditions of the Brazilian bank worker, from the 1990's. In the specific case of the Bank of Brazil, the first initiative of the institution was to conform to the principles of the UNO and the Ethos Institute, aiming to align their domestic policies to this new strategy of domination of capital. The purpose is to place the Bank in the ideological sphere of corporate social responsibility, just as with its partners in the private financial intercapitalist competition. Indeed, in the internal ambit of the Bank of Brazil, there is a policy to adjust its functional segments to the doctrine of Social Corporate Responsibility. The concepts of this doctrine is presented as something inexorable. There are no alternatives. The Bank of Brazil operates in a highly competitive market, the segment featuring the dominance of financial capital accumulation today. For this reason it can not fail to incorporate the technological advances organizational. For employees there is no alternative but to adapt to this new set of ideas proposed by the metabolism of capital

Asymmetric Information, Tax Evasion and Alternative Instruments of Government Revenue

Using a pure-exchange overlapping generations model, characterized with tax evasion and information asymmetry between the government (the social planner) and the financial intermediaries, we try and seek for the optimal tax and seigniorage plans, derived from the welfare maximizing objective of the social planner. We show that irrespective of whether the economy is characterized by tax evasion, or asymmetric information, a benevolent social planner, maximizing welfare and simultaneously financing the budget constraint, should optimally rely on explicit rather than implicit taxation.

The Economic Case for Fiscal Federalism in Scotland

In this paper we consider the case for assigning tax revenues to Scotland, by which we mean that taxes levied on Scottish tax bases should be returned to the Scottish budget. The budget, however, would continue to be supplemented by transfers from the Westminster budget. This arrangement differs from the current situation whereby public spending is largely financed by a bloc grant from Westminster. Our suggestion falls short of full fiscal federalism for Scotland . meaning that Scotland had control over choice of tax base and of tax rates, and fiscal transfers from Westminster would be minimal. We use propositions drawn from the theory of fiscal federalism to argue for a smaller vertical imbalance between taxes retained in Scotland and public spending in Scotland. A closer matching of spending with taxes would better signal to beneficiaries the true costs of public spending in terms of taxes raised. It would also create more complete incentives for politicians to provide public goods and services in quantities and at qualities that voters are actually willing to pay for. Under the current bloc grant system, the marginal tax cost of spending does not enter into political agents. calculations as spending is out of a fixed total budget. Moreover, the Scottish electorate is hindered in signaling its desire for local public goods and services since the size of the total budget is determined by a rigid formula set by Westminster. At the present time we reject proposals for full fiscal federalism because in sharply reducing vertical imbalance in the Scottish budget, it is likely to worsen horizontal balance between Scotland and the other UK regions. Horizontal balance occurs where similarly situated regions enjoy the same per capita level of public goods and services at the same per capita tax cost. The complete removal of the bloc grant under full fiscal federalism would remove the mechanism that currently promotes horizontal equity in the UK. Variability in own-source tax revenues creates other problems with full fiscal federalism. Taxes derived from North Sea oil would constitute a large proportion of Scottish taxes, but these are known to be volatile in the face of variable oil prices and the pound-dollar exchange rate. At the present time variability in oil tax revenue is absorbed by Westminster. Scotland is insulated through the bloc grant. This risk sharing mechanism would be lost with full fiscal federalism. It is true that Scotland could turn to financial markets to tide itself over oil tax revenue downturns, but as a much smaller and less diversified financial entity than the UK as a whole it would probably have to borrow on less favorable terms than can Westminster. Scotland would have to bear this extra cost itself. Also, with full fiscal federalism it is difficult to see how the Scottish budget could be used as a macroeconomic stabilizer. At present, tax revenue downturns in Scotland - together with the steady bloc grant - are absorbed through an increase in vertical imbalance. This acts as an automatic stabilizer for the Scottish economy. No such mechanism would exist under full fiscal federalism. The borrowing alternative would still exist but on the less favorable terms - as with borrowing to finance oil tax shortfalls.

Myanmar's two decades of partial transition to a market economy : a negative legacy for the new government

Despite more than two decades of transition from a centrally planned to a market-oriented economy, Myanmar’s economic transition is still only partly complete. The government’s initial strategy for dealing with the swelling deficits of the state economic enterprises (SEEs) was to put them under direct control in order to scrutinize their expenditures. This policy change postponed restructuring and exacerbated the soft budget constraint problem of the SEEs. While the installation of a new government in March 2011 has increased prospects for economic development, sustainable growth still requires full-scale structural reform of the SEEs and institutional infrastructure building. Myanmar can learn from the gradual approaches to economic transition in China and Vietnam, where partial reforms weakened further impetus for reforms.

Defining an Institutional Framework for the Labour Market. Factor Markets Working Paper No. 24, February 2012

This paper describes a conceptual framework for the empirical analysis of farmers’ labour allocation decisions. The paper presents a brief overview of previous farm household labour allocation studies. Following this, the agricultural household model, developed by Singh, Squire and Strauss (1986), which has been frequently applied to the study of labour allocation, is described in more depth. The agricultural household model, the theoretical model to be used in this analysis, is based on the premise that farmers behave to maximise utility, which is a function of consumption and leisure. It follows that consumption is bound by a budget constraint and leisure by a time constraint. The theoretical model can then be used to explain how farmers decide to allocate their time between leisure, farm work and off-farm work within the constraints of a finite time endowment and a budget constraint. Work, both farm and off-farm, provides a return to labour which in turn relaxes the budget constraint allowing the farm household to consume more. The theoretical model can also be used to explore the impact on government policies on labour allocation. It follows that subsidies that decrease commodity prices, such as reductions in intervention prices, mean that farmers have to work more (either on or off the farm) to maintain income and consumption levels. On the other hand, income support subsidies that are not linked to output or labour, such as decoupled subsidies, are a source of non-labour income and as such allow farmers to work less while maintaining consumption levels, known as the wealth effect.

Market reform and fiscal laxity in Communist and post-Communist Hungary: A path-dependent approach

Purpose – The purpose of this paper is to present a conceptual framework in order to analyse and understand the twin developments of successful microeconomic reform on the one hand and failed macroeconomic stabilisation attempts on the other hand in Hungary. The case study also attempts to explore the reasons why Hungarian policymakers were willing to initiate reforms in the micro sphere, but were reluctant to initiate major changes in public finances both before and after the regime change of 1989/1990. Design/methodology/approach – The paper applies a path-dependent approach by carefully analysing Hungary's Communist and post-Communist economic development. The study restricts itself to a positive analysis but normative statements can also be drawn accordingly. Findings – The study demonstrates that the recent deteriorating economic performance of Hungary is not a recent phenomenon. By providing a path-dependent explanation, it argues that both Communist and post-Communist governments used the general budget as a buffer to compensate the losers of economic reforms, especially microeconomic restructuring. The gradualist success of the country – which dates back to at least 1968 – in the field of liberalisation, marketisation and privatisation was accompanied by a constant overspending in the general government. Practical implications – Hungary has been one of the worst-hit countries of the 2008/2009 financial crisis, not just in Central and Eastern Europe but in the whole world. The capacity and opportunity for strengthening international investors' confidence is, however, not without doubts. The current deterioration is deeply rooted in failed past macroeconomic management. The dissolution of fiscal laxity and state paternalism in a broader context requires, therefore, an all-encompassing reform of the general government, which may trigger serious challenges to the political regime as well. Originality/value – The study aims to show that a relatively high ratio of redistribution, a high and persistent public deficit and an accelerated indebtedness are not recent phenomena in Hungary. In fact, these trends characterised the country well before the transformation of 1989/1990, and have continued in the post-socialist years, too. To explain such a phenomenon, the study argues that in the last couple of decades the hardening of the budget constraint of firms have come at the cost of maintaining the soft budget constraint of the state.

A hiány újratermelése (The reproduction of shortage)

Sporadic lack of consumer articles, the housing shortage, disturbances of material supply, and shortages of investment goods and of labour may be traced back to a common main cause. Shortage is constantly reproduced by specific features of the economic mechanism. The first part of the article consists of micro-analysis, mainly of the productive enterprise. Efforts to increase production may run up against ceilings of three kinds: constraints on physical resources, constraints on demand, and the budget constraint on enterprises. It is an important feature of a system which of these constraints takes effect. Resource-constrained systems can be distinguished from demand-constrained ones here. In the former, production is limited by production bottlenecks, in the latter by buyer demand. The socialist economy in its "classical" form belongs to the former type. It is related to whether the budget constraint on the enterprise is "hard" or "soft". If hard, enterprise spending is limited by its financial scope, if soft (its losses offset almost automatically) its demand becomes almost insatiable. The second part performs a macro-analysis, showing the mechanism of "suction" with the aid of a hydraulic analogy. The enterprise sector "pumps away" reserves and surpluses of the system, mainly due to the "investment hunger" that appears in the wake of expansionist efforts. Finally the article discusses briefly the interrelations between shortage and inflation.

Approximation Algorithms for Network Design and Orienteering

This thesis presents approximation algorithms for some NP-Hard combinatorial optimization problems on graphs and networks; in particular, we study problems related to Network Design. Under the widely-believed complexity-theoretic assumption that P is not equal to NP, there are no efficient (i.e., polynomial-time) algorithms that solve these problems exactly. Hence, if one desires efficient algorithms for such problems, it is necessary to consider approximate solutions: An approximation algorithm for an NP-Hard problem is a polynomial time algorithm which, for any instance of the problem, finds a solution whose value is guaranteed to be within a multiplicative factor of the value of an optimal solution to that instance. We attempt to design algorithms for which this factor, referred to as the approximation ratio of the algorithm, is as small as possible. The field of Network Design comprises a large class of problems that deal with constructing networks of low cost and/or high capacity, routing data through existing networks, and many related issues. In this thesis, we focus chiefly on designing fault-tolerant networks. Two vertices u,v in a network are said to be k-edge-connected if deleting any set of k − 1 edges leaves u and v connected; similarly, they are k-vertex connected if deleting any set of k − 1 other vertices or edges leaves u and v connected. We focus on building networks that are highly connected, meaning that even if a small number of edges and nodes fail, the remaining nodes will still be able to communicate. A brief description of some of our results is given below. We study the problem of building 2-vertex-connected networks that are large and have low cost. Given an n-node graph with costs on its edges and any integer k, we give an O(log n log k) approximation for the problem of finding a minimum-cost 2-vertex-connected subgraph containing at least k nodes. We also give an algorithm of similar approximation ratio for maximizing the number of nodes in a 2-vertex-connected subgraph subject to a budget constraint on the total cost of its edges. Our algorithms are based on a pruning process that, given a 2-vertex-connected graph, finds a 2-vertex-connected subgraph of any desired size and of density comparable to the input graph, where the density of a graph is the ratio of its cost to the number of vertices it contains. This pruning algorithm is simple and efficient, and is likely to find additional applications. Recent breakthroughs on vertex-connectivity have made use of algorithms for element-connectivity problems. We develop an algorithm that, given a graph with some vertices marked as terminals, significantly simplifies the graph while preserving the pairwise element-connectivity of all terminals; in fact, the resulting graph is bipartite. We believe that our simplification/reduction algorithm will be a useful tool in many settings. We illustrate its applicability by giving algorithms to find many trees that each span a given terminal set, while being disjoint on edges and non-terminal vertices; such problems have applications in VLSI design and other areas. We also use this reduction algorithm to analyze simple algorithms for single-sink network design problems with high vertex-connectivity requirements; we give an O(k log n)-approximation for the problem of k-connecting a given set of terminals to a common sink. We study similar problems in which different types of links, of varying capacities and costs, can be used to connect nodes; assuming there are economies of scale, we give algorithms to construct low-cost networks with sufficient capacity or bandwidth to simultaneously support flow from each terminal to the common sink along many vertex-disjoint paths. We further investigate capacitated network design, where edges may have arbitrary costs and capacities. Given a connectivity requirement R_uv for each pair of vertices u,v, the goal is to find a low-cost network which, for each uv, can support a flow of R_uv units of traffic between u and v. We study several special cases of this problem, giving both algorithmic and hardness results. In addition to Network Design, we consider certain Traveling Salesperson-like problems, where the goal is to find short walks that visit many distinct vertices. We give a (2 + epsilon)-approximation for Orienteering in undirected graphs, achieving the best known approximation ratio, and the first approximation algorithm for Orienteering in directed graphs. We also give improved algorithms for Orienteering with time windows, in which vertices must be visited between specified release times and deadlines, and other related problems. These problems are motivated by applications in the fields of vehicle routing, delivery and transportation of goods, and robot path planning.

The economics of credit markets: theory and evidence.

Doutoramento em Economia.

Bureaucratic Corruption As a Constraint on Voter Choice

It Has Often Been Assumed That a Country's Tax Level, Tax Structure Progressivity and After-Tax Income Distribution Are Chosen by Voters Subject Only to Their Budget Constraints. This Paper Argues That At Certain Income Levels Voters' Decisions May Be Constrained by Bureaucratic Corruption. the Theoretical Arguments Are Developed in Asymmetry Limits the Capacity of the Fiscal System to Generate Revenues by Means of Direct Taxes. This Hypothesis Is Tested Witha Sample of International Data by Means of a Simultaneous Equation Model. the Distortions Resulting From Corruption Ar Captured Through Their Effects on a Latent Variable Defined As the Overall Fiscal Structure. Evidence Is Found of Causality Running From This Latent Variable to the Level of Taxes and the Degree of After Tax Inequality.