753 resultados para agenda-setting
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Dissertação apresentada à Escola Superior de Comunicação Social como parte dos requisitos para obtenção de grau de mestre em Audiovisual e Multimédia.
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Dissertação apresentada para cumprimento dos requisitos necessários à obtenção do grau de Mestre em Ciência Política e Relações Internacionais – Especialização em Ciência Política
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Constructivist approaches to journalism, which have dominated the field for most of the second half of the 20th century, underline how selection and ranking processes produce representations and interpretations of social reality. Theoretical perspectives such as agenda-setting or framing have been pointing to the ways production of news messages are shaped and issues are defined. Research inspired by these contributions does however seem to keep in an area of relative shade not so much what is said and published but what is not selected: the unsaid, the withheld, the untold of journalism. The reality that remains in silence, for not being noticed or for being silenced, is the reverse of the coin of what is made visible. In this paper, it is suggested that this situation opens up the debate to a relatively unknown continent, which could contribute to the larger discussion on the current crisis in journalism. It is our contention that ‘the untold’ might be at the confluence of different levels: the journalistic agenda-setting by news sources; the deterioration of working conditions of journalists, compromising the investigation; and the social capital asymmetries from important segments of the population, hampering the public word (speech?) and the right to communicate. In order to build a comprehensive picture of the potentialities and contradictions of journalism from the unsaid side, we would put forward the outline of a typology of journalism's silences, with particular emphasis on some aspects of "discursive discrimination" (Boréus, 2006), on the one hand, and on citizen silence in the process of journalistic production, on the other hand.
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El present treball| estudia l'efecte dels discursos mediàtics en les reformes promogudes en la Llei de Responsabilitat Penal del Menor. Entre 2003 i 2003, 4 esdeveniments delictius, comesos per menors, van causar fort impacte segons l'opinió pública espanyola. A partir de la teoria de l'agenda-setting, observem una transferència de rellevància de l'agenda dels mitjans cap a l'agenda pública que, posteriorment, es va fer present a l'agenda política. Entenem que els professionals de la política van legislar sota la immediatesa d'aquests esdeveniments i el seu eco mediàtic, no contemplant principis constitucionals, en una clara accepció de populisme punitiu.
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This paper is the first step in a long term project investigating policy stability and change in Spain from an agenda setting perspective and comparing the Spanish policy agenda to that of other advanced democracies. Here we begin to compare the allocation of issue attention in Spain and the USA by comparing the substance of annual President and Prime Minister speeches from 1982 to 2005. Existing research argues that the public agenda has become more crowded, competitive and volatile in recent years. We find that in both countries there has been a transformation of the political agenda towards an increasing diversity of issues. However, most of the volatility in executive attention seems to be explained by salient events rather than by issue crowding. We conclude by discussing some limitations of executive speeches as a measure of governmental issue attention and directions for future research.
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Previous studies have demonstrated that the extent to which media coverage influences the issue priorities of policy makers is contingent on the type of issue, media, and political agenda. This article contends that the relationship between media and political agendas varies across the phases of the decision-making process. Based on a comprehensive dataset on issue attention in media coverage and various policy-making channels covering the years 1996-2003, the article analyses the level of media coverage and, more importantly, the distribution and correspondence of issue attention between media and political agendas across the four successive phases of the decision-making process (initiation, preparatory, parliamentary, and referendum phases) in Switzerland. Despite inversely distributed levels of attention for successive decision-making phases, both media and political agendas are concentrated on fewer issues in the initiation and referendum phases, and they are more strongly correlated in the most decisive stages of the process, that is, the preparatory and referendum phases.
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¿De quina manera els periodistes utilitzen els mitjans socials com fonts en la seva feina? Aquesta investigació busca establir com el periodisme rep influència dels temes discutits en els mitjans socials, especialment les xarxes socials. Proposem repensar la clàssica teoria del agenda-setting a partir de les noves possibilitats comunicatives de l'actualitat i demostrar com els ciutadans, per mitjà de les seves manifestacions a les xarxes, també poden determinar els temes dels mitjans. Al nostre anàlisi, considerem els dos costats de la moneda sobre el tema: el que està explícit a les notícies i l'opinió del periodista. Per això, vam desenvolupar una investigació basada en diaris en línia de quatre països europeus i varem enquestar a periodistes sobre com utilitzen les xarxes en la seva professió
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El present projecte busca estudiar la relació entre la imatge de la comunitat xinesa projectada a la premsa escrita i la seva construcció en l’imaginari col·lectiu, d’acord amb els postulats més vigents de les teories dels efectes dels mitjans de comunicació (attribute agenda setting, cultiu i framing) que emfasitzen el poder dels mitjans en la construcció social d’una realitat. Amb aquest objectiu, el projecte s’acota a la premsa escrita de major difusió a Catalunya i a la comunitat xinesa de Santa Coloma de Gramenet –el municipi català amb més percentatge de població xinesa sobre el total de població immigrant. El projecte consta de dues fases: una primera d’anàlisi dels textos periodístics –de la qual s’inclou un estudi pilot a petita escala– i una segona de recepció del discurs, mitjançant grups de discussió.
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Based on the case of reforms aimed at integrating the provision of income protection and employment services for jobless people in Europe, this thesis seeks to understand the reasons which may prompt governments to engage in large-scale organisational reforms. Over the last 20 years, several European countries have indeed radically redesigned the organisational structure of their welfare state by merging or bundling existing front-line offices in charge of benefit payment and employment services together into 'one-stop' agencies. Whereas in academic and political debates, these reforms are generally presented as a necessary and rational response to the problems and inconsistencies induced by fragmentation in a context of the reorientation of welfare states towards labour market activation, this thesis shows that the agenda setting of these reforms is in fact the result of multidimensional political dynamics. More specifically, the main argument of this thesis is that these reforms are best understood not so such from the problems induced by organisational compartmentalism, whose political recognition is often controversial, but from the various goals that governments may simultaneously achieve by means of their adoption. This argument is tested by comparing agenda-setting processes of large-scale reforms of coordination in the United Kingdom (Jobcentre Plus), Germany (Hartz IV reform) and Denmark (2005 Jobcentre reform), and contrasting them with the Swiss case where the government has so far rejected any coordination initiative involving organisational redesign. This comparison brings to light the importance, for the rise of organisational reforms, of the possibility to couple them with the following three goals: first, goals related to the strengthening of activation policies; second, institutional goals seeking to redefine the balance of responsibilities between the central state and non-state actors, and finally electoral goals for governments eager to maintain political credibility. The decisive role of electoral goals in the three countries suggests that these reforms are less bound by partisan politics than by the particular pressures facing governments arrived in office after long periods in opposition.
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En nuestra sociedad la imagen que los ciudadanos tenemos de la política está fuertemente condicionada por cómo esta aparece en los medios de comunicación y, en particular, en los noticiarios televisivos. Este artículo, fruto de un proyecto de investigación I+D+I financiado por el Ministerio de Educación, Política Social y Deporte, analiza las noticias de temática política de ocho canales de televisión en España con el objetivo de comprobar cuál es la presencia de la política en los noticiarios, qué imagen se construye de la política en ellos. Además, propone una nueva metodología para establecer la calidad de las informaciones políticas en los noticiarios televisivos en España a través de la definición de los endo- y exo- equilibrios de los contenidos políticos de los noticiarios. Las principales conclusiones del artículo son que los noticiarios que construyen una imagen más equilibrada de la política son los de Televisión Española y Cuatro, mientras que los que construyen una imagen más desequilibrada son los de la Sexta y Canal 9. El porcentaje de noticias dedicadas a la política no depende ni de la titularidad (pública-privada), ni del ámbito de cobertura (estatal-autonómica) del canal. En cambio, sí podemos encontrar una relación en la suma de las noticias de política (political issues) y las de gobernanza (policy issues).
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El presente proyecto de investigación es el trabajo final del Màster en Estudis Avançats en Comunicació Social de la UPF (Universitat Pompeu Fabra) y pretende ser el punto de partida de la futura tesis doctoral. El objetivo de este proyecto es determinar cómo modificó el 15-M la agenda de la prensa española. Esta investigación se aborda desde el modelo de la Network Agenda Setting y conceptos de la social movement media culture. Elperiodo considerado va desde el 9 de febrero al 19 de junio de 2011. Las técnicas para esta investigación son el análisis de contenido de los tuits de la prensa española, por un lado, y el análisis de contenido de los tuits del 15-M, por el otro, así comoencuestas y entrevistas cualitativas a los perfiles del 15-M y periodistas de la prensa española implicados en esta investigación.
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Tämän tutkimuksen tarkoituksena oli selvittää ja analysoida yhden suomalaisen päämedian puolustusvoimista välittämää julkista kuvaa ja sen nykytilaa. Julkisen kuvan selvittämisen lähtökohtana ja empiirisenä aineistona käytettiin Helsingin Sanomien verkkoarkistosta kerättyä dokumenttiaineistoa. Tutkimusta lähestyttiin julkisuuskuvaan ja viestintään liittyvien käsitteiden sekä median vallan ja taustalla vaikuttavan agenda setting -teorian kautta. Tutkimuksessa oletettiin, että medialla on edelleen valtaa vaikuttaa siihen, mistä aiheista yhteiskunnassa keskustellaan ja mitkä aiheet ylittävät uutiskynnyksen. Tutkimuksessa pyrittiin vastaamaan kysymyksiin: Kuinka paljon puolustusvoimat on saanut julkisuutta Helsingin Sanomissa 2010-luvulla? Mikä on julkisuudessa käsitellyiden aiheiden sävy Helsingin Sanomien verkkouutisissa? Mitä aiheita on käsitelty julkisuudessa negatiiviseen ja positiiviseen sävyyn tutkimusaineiston perusteella? Millainen julkisuuskuva puolustusvoimista muodostuu tutkimusaineiston perusteella? Tutkimuksen lähestymistapa oli kuvaileva määrällinen tutkimus, jossa mediatekstejä kuvailemalla pyrittiin saamaan kokonaiskäsitys laajasta aineistosta. Tutkimusmenetelmänä oli kvantitatiivinen sisällön erittely (-analyysi) ja mukana oli 510 Helsingin Sanomien verk-kosivuilla julkaistua mediatekstiä, jotka käsittivät aikavälin 1.1.2013-31.12.2014. Tässä tutkimuksessa rakennettiin erillinen luokittelurunko aineiston analyysia varten, missä luokittelurunkoa käytettiin puolustusvoimiin liittyvien mediatekstien analysointiin. Aineisto koodattiin dikotomisesti koottuun havaintomatriisiin ja tutkimuksessa saadut tulokset esitettiin frekvensseinä, taulukoina ja sanallisesti kuvailemalla. Puolustusvoimiin liittyvä kirjoittelu oli varsin aktiivista, lähes päivittäistä ja hyvin kansalaiset tavoittavaa. Lisäksi puolustusvoimien toiminta herätti kiinnostusta keskusteluissa sekä sosiaalisessa mediassa. Puolustusvoimia käsittelevien juttujen yleissävy oli suurimmaksi osaksi neutraalia, mutta negatiivissävytteisiä juttuja oli positiivisia enemmän. Myönteiset jutut eivät nousseet itsenäisenä teemoina päivän agendalle, mutta ne saattoivat esiintyä käsitellyn muun aiheen yhteydessä. Puolustusvoimien kannalta negatiivisena julkisuutena nähtiin muun muassa seuraavat teemat: viestivälinekaupat, kuulusteluharjoitus, palveluksessa tapahtuneet vaaratilanteet, onnettomuudet ja loukkaantumiset, määrärahojen ”väärinkäyttö” sekä vuokratuki. Puolustusvoimat oli Helsingin Sanomien välittämässä julkisuudessa aktiivisessa roolissa joko organisaation edustajana tai yksittäisenä henkilönä. Jutut kohdentuivat puolustusvoimien lakisääteisiin tehtäviin, puolustuspolitiikkaan sekä tärkeisiin sidosryhmiin; asevelvollisiin ja henkilökuntaan. 2010-luvulla puolustusvoimista välittyy Helsingin Sanomista tutkimusaineiston perusteella neutraali kuva vahvan aseman saavuttaneesta ja vastuullisesta yhteisöstä, jolla on legitimiteetti toimia ja harjoitella, vaikka se aiheuttaakin keskustelua.
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ABSTRACTAfter more than twenty years of low housing construction output, the housing policy recovered its momentum in the country with the ascent of the Partido dos Trabalhadores (Workers' Party, PT) to the seat of the federal government. This article demonstrates - through the analysis of documents, interviews and research conducted with businessmen - that the impetus of such a state policy is a part of the PT electoral strategy, which is based on economic growth and the expansion of social programs. The research analyses the dovetailing of interests between the Lula (the Brazilian President from 2003 to 2010) administration and the civil construction business - the latter concerned with expanding its business, and the former with increasing the supply of jobs and the level of economic activity. This process culminated in the launching of the largest social housing program to be implemented in the country. Minha Casa, Minha Vida (My House, My Life), is a project in whose planning building companies played a key role, performing feasibility studies and carrying out social housing projects.
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This thesis argues that the motivations underpinning the mainstream news media have fundamentally changed in the 21 sl century. As such, the news is no longer best understood as a tool for propaganda or agenda setting; instead it seems that the news is only motivated by the flow of global network capitalism. The author contrasts the work of Noam Chomsky and Edward S. Herman with that of Gilles Deleuze. Chomsky and Herman's 'Propaganda Model' has been influential within the fields of media studies and popular culture. The 'propaganda model' states that the concentration of ownership of the media has allowed the media elite to exert a disproportionate amount of influence over the mass media. Deleuze, on the other hand, regards the mass media as being yet another cog within the global capitalist mechanism, and is therefore separate from ideology or propaganda. The author proposes that 'propaganda' is no longer a sufficient word to describe the function of the news as terms like 'propaganda' imply some form of national sovereignty or governmental influence. To highlight how the news has 'changed from an instrument of propaganda to an instrument of accumulation, the author compares and contrasts the· coverage of the Abu Ghraib Prison Scandal with that of the Haditha Civilian Massacre. Although similar in nature, the author proposes that the Abu Ghraib Prison Scandal received a disproportionate amount of coverage within the mainstream press because of its exciting and sensational nature.