Everyday revolution: the making of the Soviet Urban commune

This chapter charts the rise the urban commune as a cultural construct in early Soviet Russia and, in so doing, explores the implication of assessing the spaces in-between the apparatus of state -- very much a new venture in Soviet history.

Pasolini and Third World hunger: an approach to Cinema Novo through 'La ricotta'

Among the links between Pier Paolo Pasolini and Brazilian Cinema Novo, one of the most inspiring is the political approach to hunger and consumption. In this text, I analyse this topic to look at how some of the aesthetic ideas in Pasolini’s La ricotta (1963) can also be found in some of the most important films of Cinema Novo. In 'La ricotta' (1963), the irresistible need to eat of a subproletarian interacts and clashes with his responsibilities as an actor in a movie version of the Passion of Christ, so that the film creates a complex network of relations between film shooting, social differences, art, hunger, consumption, time and light, which turns the film set into a space for displaying political relations, differences, exploitation and revolution. The correspondences between these concepts and some aggression techniques of Cinema Novo are numerous and confirm the capacity of Pasolini’s film to project ideas on cinema and politics beyond its particular production context.

Social and cultural dynamics ...

Includes bibliographies.

The history of Enniskillen with reference to some manors in co. Fermanagh, and other local subjects,

Part of the plates are printed on both sides.

Grumbling, voting, demonstrating, and rioting: ''Rationality'' and decision-making in intergroup conflict

An individual faced with intergroup conflict chooses A from a vast array of possible actions, ranging from grumbling among ingroup friends to voting and demonstrating to rioting and revolution. The present paper conceptualises these intergroup choices as rationally shaped by perceptions of the benefits and costs associated with the action (expectancy-value processes). However, in presenting a model of agentic normative influence, it is argued that in intergroup contexts group-level costs and benefits play a critical role in individuals' decision-making. In the context of English-French conflict in Quebec, in Canada, four studies provide evidence that group-level costs and benef influence individuals' decision-making in intergro conflict; that the individual level of analysis need mediate the group level of analysis; that group-level co and benefits mediate the relationship between soc identity and intentions to engage in collective action; a that perceptions of outgroup and ingroup norms for inte group behaviours are relatively invariant and predictal related to perceptions of the group- and individual-le, benefits and costs associated with individualistic vers collective actions. By modelling the relationship betwe group norms and group-level costs and benefits, soc psychologists may begin to address the processes th underlie identity-behaviour relationships in collecti action and intergroup conflict.

Tierra y revolución : La campaña salteña en las primeras décadas del siglo XIX

La formación de la Junta de Gobierno en Buenos Aires en 1810 dio inicio a un proceso político que adquirió derroteros diversos en el interior del extenso territorio perteneciente al Virreinato del Río de la Plata. Al igual que en las provincias del Alto Perú, la jurisdicción de Salta fue escenario de una guerra de recursos de la cual participó la población rural integrando las milicias provinciales o "Escuadrones Gauchos". Interesa entonces observar en qué medida el conflicto bélico agudizó y puso en evidencia las tensiones existentes por los derechos de propiedad y usufructo de la tierra ya manifestadas a fines del siglo XVIII, particularmente en el valle de Lerma, y su incidencia en las disputas en torno a la tierra que tuvieron lugar luego de concluida la guerra en la provincia de Salta.

Tierra y revolución : La campaña salteña en las primeras décadas del siglo XIX

La formación de la Junta de Gobierno en Buenos Aires en 1810 dio inicio a un proceso político que adquirió derroteros diversos en el interior del extenso territorio perteneciente al Virreinato del Río de la Plata. Al igual que en las provincias del Alto Perú, la jurisdicción de Salta fue escenario de una guerra de recursos de la cual participó la población rural integrando las milicias provinciales o "Escuadrones Gauchos". Interesa entonces observar en qué medida el conflicto bélico agudizó y puso en evidencia las tensiones existentes por los derechos de propiedad y usufructo de la tierra ya manifestadas a fines del siglo XVIII, particularmente en el valle de Lerma, y su incidencia en las disputas en torno a la tierra que tuvieron lugar luego de concluida la guerra en la provincia de Salta.

Tierra y revolución : La campaña salteña en las primeras décadas del siglo XIX

La formación de la Junta de Gobierno en Buenos Aires en 1810 dio inicio a un proceso político que adquirió derroteros diversos en el interior del extenso territorio perteneciente al Virreinato del Río de la Plata. Al igual que en las provincias del Alto Perú, la jurisdicción de Salta fue escenario de una guerra de recursos de la cual participó la población rural integrando las milicias provinciales o "Escuadrones Gauchos". Interesa entonces observar en qué medida el conflicto bélico agudizó y puso en evidencia las tensiones existentes por los derechos de propiedad y usufructo de la tierra ya manifestadas a fines del siglo XVIII, particularmente en el valle de Lerma, y su incidencia en las disputas en torno a la tierra que tuvieron lugar luego de concluida la guerra en la provincia de Salta.

Incomplete information games of conflict and collective action

My thesis consists of three essays that investigate strategic interactions between individuals engaging in risky collective action in uncertain environments. The first essay analyzes a broad class of incomplete information coordination games with a wide range of applications in economics and politics. The second essay draws from the general model developed in the first essay to study decisions by individuals of whether to engage in protest/revolution/coup/strike. The final essay explicitly integrates state response to the analysis. The first essay, Coordination Games with Strategic Delegation of Pivotality, exhaustively analyzes a class of binary action, two-player coordination games in which players receive stochastic payoffs only if both players take a ``stochastic-coordination action''. Players receive conditionally-independent noisy private signals about the normally distributed stochastic payoffs. With this structure, each player can exploit the information contained in the other player's action only when he takes the “pivotalizing action”. This feature has two consequences: (1) When the fear of miscoordination is not too large, in order to utilize the other player's information, each player takes the “pivotalizing action” more often than he would based solely on his private information, and (2) best responses feature both strategic complementarities and strategic substitutes, implying that the game is not supermodular nor a typical global game. This class of games has applications in a wide range of economic and political phenomena, including war and peace, protest/revolution/coup/ strike, interest groups lobbying, international trade, and adoption of a new technology. My second essay, Collective Action with Uncertain Payoffs, studies the decision problem of citizens who must decide whether to submit to the status quo or mount a revolution. If they coordinate, they can overthrow the status quo. Otherwise, the status quo is preserved and participants in a failed revolution are punished. Citizens face two types of uncertainty. (a) non-strategic: they are uncertain about the relative payoffs of the status quo and revolution, (b) strategic: they are uncertain about each other's assessments of the relative payoff. I draw on the existing literature and historical evidence to argue that the uncertainty in the payoffs of status quo and revolution is intrinsic in politics. Several counter-intuitive findings emerge: (1) Better communication between citizens can lower the likelihood of revolution. In fact, when the punishment for failed protest is not too harsh and citizens' private knowledge is accurate, then further communication reduces incentives to revolt. (2) Increasing strategic uncertainty can increase the likelihood of revolution attempts, and even the likelihood of successful revolution. In particular, revolt may be more likely when citizens privately obtain information than when they receive information from a common media source. (3) Two dilemmas arise concerning the intensity and frequency of punishment (repression), and the frequency of protest. Punishment Dilemma 1: harsher punishments may increase the probability that punishment is materialized. That is, as the state increases the punishment for dissent, it might also have to punish more dissidents. It is only when the punishment is sufficiently harsh, that harsher punishment reduces the frequency of its application. Punishment Dilemma 1 leads to Punishment Dilemma 2: the frequencies of repression and protest can be positively or negatively correlated depending on the intensity of repression. My third essay, The Repression Puzzle, investigates the relationship between the intensity of grievances and the likelihood of repression. First, I make the observation that the occurrence of state repression is a puzzle. If repression is to succeed, dissidents should not rebel. If it is to fail, the state should concede in order to save the costs of unsuccessful repression. I then propose an explanation for the “repression puzzle” that hinges on information asymmetries between the state and dissidents about the costs of repression to the state, and hence the likelihood of its application by the state. I present a formal model that combines the insights of grievance-based and political process theories to investigate the consequences of this information asymmetry for the dissidents' contentious actions and for the relationship between the magnitude of grievances (formulated here as the extent of inequality) and the likelihood of repression. The main contribution of the paper is to show that this relationship is non-monotone. That is, as the magnitude of grievances increases, the likelihood of repression might decrease. I investigate the relationship between inequality and the likelihood of repression in all country-years from 1981 to 1999. To mitigate specification problem, I estimate the probability of repression using a generalized additive model with thin-plate splines (GAM-TPS). This technique allows for flexible relationship between inequality, the proxy for the costs of repression and revolutions (income per capita), and the likelihood of repression. The empirical evidence support my prediction that the relationship between the magnitude of grievances and the likelihood of repression is non-monotone.

Oodgeroo : bloodline to country

In 2009, the researcher acted as director and dramaturg for the development of Sam Watson’s play, Oodgeroo: Bloodline to Country, culminating in a season at La Boite Theatre. This project represents the first time notions of Aboriginal politics were seriously questioned. It aimed to illuminate a key divide in the way Australian indigenous people, and the wider Australian community, deal with issues of grief and outrage – the way of resistance and revolution, or the way of reconciliation and education. The work sought to combine specific cultural artefacts belonging to the Noonuccal people and the family of Oodgeroo of the Noonuccal (Kath Walker) with traditional and contemporary ideas and performance forms.

A revolução como projeto autonomista

Essa pesquisa tem como objetivo principal ajudar na compreensão da constante mutação das formas de dominação e de resistência. Para tanto decidimos realizar uma investigação em torno de três noções: projeto, autonomia e revolução. Percebemos que essas noções se modificaram ao mesmo tempo em que se transformaram as práticas e os sujeitos coletivos que as reivindicam. Ou seja, se olhar para essas coletividades aponta para a reformulação de algumas noções, é necessária essa reformulação para uma melhor compreensão dos sujeitos em luta. Nosso enfoque teórico-metodológico levou em conta três características: são conceitos em disputa, históricos e que envolvem projeções. Com isso em mente, percebemos a importância da interpretação do significado atribuído pelos próprios sujeitos e de pensar a história também como o âmbito do possível. As reformulações que decidimos compreender foram realizadas por coletividades próximas ao autonomismo, concepção política que coloca como central a construção de relações autônomas. Para melhor compreensão dessas formulações nos detivemos profundamente sobre o projeto dos zapatistas nos últimos anos. Como conclusão, chegamos a uma concepção de revolução que se afasta das formulações mais clássicas. Nesse outro significado é central o cotidiano, o processual e a capacidade de todos os indivíduos agirem autonomamente.

La construcción de sentido del inicio de un cambio estratégico en las organizaciones: el caso de la Universidad del Rosario

A través de un caso de estudio se explora cómo la construcción de sentido de un grupo de directivos, bajo una misma inspiración, generó el inicio de un cambio estratégico en una prestigiosa y reconocida universidad colombiana, la Universidad del Rosario. Una institución que en un momento determinado notó que estaba siendo percibida dentro del sector de la educación superior como pequeña, estática en el avance de algunas disciplinas del conocimiento y conservadora; en otras palabras, que estaba perdiendo el reconocimiento que usualmente la había acompañado. A través del estudio de este caso se utilizó la técnica de análisis de discurso para comprender la construcción de sentido del inicio de un cambio estratégico en las organizaciones. Esta técnica permitió analizar la información cualitativa derivada de las entrevistas que se realizaron en profundidad a la cúpula de directivos de la institución y a algunos destacados representantes del sector de la Educación Superior en Colombia. Los resultados sugieren que se hicieron presentes, efectivamente, algunas condiciones específicas que marcaron el inicio de un cambio estratégico en la institución y un viraje en su identidad e imagen. Hechos que se sustentaron en los miembros de un equipo que procuró interpretar y comprender los cambios existentes en el entorno global y local, y asimilar, igualmente, algunos destacados retos que se planteaban por aquella época, al interior de la propia Universidad