Del fogón a la organización: procesos de acción política de las mujeres indígenas de los pueblos Nasa y Kankuamo. 2007 -2012

Los procesos de acción colectiva de las mujeres de los pueblos Nasa y Kankuamo son parte de fenómenos sociales y políticos, provocados por múltiples factores como la violencia hacia la mujer, la relación con el Estado y las organizaciones nacionales y transnacionales. En medio de estos procesos políticos, económicos y sociales complejos, las mujeres indígenas han replanteado las lógicas de la acción política del movimiento indígena colombiano, a partir del acceso al capital escolar y social que ha redefinido las prácticas, discursos y necesidades de estas para acceder a los espacios políticos. De acuerdo a lo anterior, la investigación abordó la temática desde un estudio comparativo de los procesos de acción colectiva de las mujeres Nasa y Kankuamas en contextos locales, nacionales e internacionales. En este sentido, fue vital abordar las trayectorias de vida de cada una de las actoras de estos procesos organizativos, dando cuenta de las complejidades en las prácticas políticas de las mujeres Nasas y Kankuamas.

El rol de las ONG de España en el internacionalización de la causa de las Damas de Blanco. Estudio de caso: Solidaridad Española con Cuba (2005-2012)

El interés de este estudio de caso es demostrar el rol de la ONG Solidaridad Española con Cuba en la creación de una red transnacional de defensa de las Damas de Blanco, un movimiento social cubano disidente. Esto, tras reconocer que el apoyo por parte de ésta y otras organizaciones e instituciones internacionales es de gran importancia para lograr las reivindicaciones sociales propuestas por las Damas de Blanco, a partir de los hechos ocurridos en la Primavera Negra en el año 2003. Tanto las organizaciones como el movimiento social, aseguran que ha existido una violación sistemática de los Derechos Humanos de los disidentes de este país, y asimismo, una opresión de sus demandas, lo que ha hecho que el apoyo internacional se convierta en la clave de un futuro cambio.

Dificultades en la integración y cooperación de los cuerpos policiales de América Latina en la lucha contra el narcotráfico. Estudio de caso: AMERIPOL

La presente investigación analiza los principales retos que afectan la cooperación e integración de los cuerpos policiales latinoamericanos en la lucha contra el narcotráfico. Para realizar dicho análisis se toma como caso de estudio AMERIPOL, organización creada en el año 2007 y que actualmente constituye el único mecanismo de cooperación policial en el hemisferio americano. Se considera que la cooperación e integración de los cuerpos policiales en la lucha contra el narcotráfico en la región enfrentan dos retos principales: la disparidad de los marcos jurídicos entre los Estados y la descoordinación política. Estos retos suponen la existencia de factores que impiden una política de cooperación conjunta contra las drogas y por tanto, el desarrollo de actitudes aislacionistas que limitan la cooperación en contra de éste flagelo

El inmigrante, una herramienta un invasor: análisis de la construcción intersubjetiva de la imagen del trabajador mexicano en los Estados Unidos de América

Esta monografía estudia la historia de la relación laboral entre Estados Unidos y México, analizando bajo el Constructivismo de Wendt, cómo, desde finales del S.XIX se desarrollan procesos políticos bilaterales, que, siguiendo las tendencias del contexto productivo multilateral, construyen un imaginario intersubjetivo de la fuerza laboral mexicana, inicialmente como una herramienta para el modelo de producción agroindustrial y, posteriormente, como un invasor en periodos de recesión económica. Utilizando al trabajador inmigrante, como mano de obra barata o como chivo expiatorio se ha establecido un imaginario en las dos naciones que, por su connotación negativa, impulsan movimientos civiles de reivindicación. Desde mediados del S.XX estas asociaciones civiles trabajan, transnacionalmente, para cambiar la imagen y reestructurar los factores que los estimularon, históricamente a convertirse en actores del Sistema Internacional.

Labour, LGBT* rights, and Europe. Discourses in Italy and Serbia

At the time of writing, all three elements that are evoked in the title – emancipation and social inclusion of sexual minorities, labour and labour activism, and the idea and substance of “Europe” – are being invested by deep, long-term, and – to varied degrees – radical processes of social transformation. The meaning of words like “equality”, “rights”, “inclusion”, and even “democracy” is as precarious and uncertain as are the lives of those European citizens who are marginalised by intersecting conditions of gender, sexuality, ethnicity, and class – in a constellation of precarities that is both unifying and fragmented (fragmenting). Conflicts are played, in hidden or explicit ways, over material processes of redistribution as well as discursive practices that revolve around these words. Against this backdrop, and roughly ten years after the European Union provided an input for institutional commitment to the protection of LGBT* workers' rights with the Council Directive 2000/78/EC, the dissertation contrasts discourses on workplace equality for LGBT* persons produced by a plurality of actors, seeking to identify values, semantics, and agendas framing and informing organisations’ views and showing how each actor has incorporated LGBT* rights into its own discourse, each time in a way that is functional to the construction and/or confirmation of its organisational identity: transnational union networks, by presenting LGBT* rights as a natural, neutral commitment within the framework of universal human rights protection; left-wing organisations, by collocating activism for LGBT* rights within a wider project of social emancipation that is for all the marginalised, yet is not neutral, but attached to specific values and opposed to specific political adversaries (the right-wing, the nationalists); business networks, by acknowledging diversity as a path to better performance and profits, thus encouraging inclusion and non-discrimination of “deserving” LGBT* workers.

The International Human Rights Policies of New Democracies: Brazil and Chile in Comparative Perspective

Since the beginning of the 1990s, the majority of Latin American states have attempted to incorporate in some way or another human rights concern into their respective foreign policies, highlighting a history of human rights abuses and the return of democratic political rule as a trigger for galvanizing a commitment to assist in preventing such violations in other countries. Yet, while human rights have come to play a non-trivial role in the contemporary foreign policy of many Latin American states, there is great diversity in the ways and the extent to which they go about incorporating human rights concerns into their foreign policies. Explaining the diversity of human rights foreign policies of new Latin American democracies is at the heat of this project. The main research questions are the following: Why do new democracies incorporate human rights into their foreign policies? And what explains the different international human rights policies of new democracies? To answer these questions, this research compares the human rights foreign policies of Chile and Brazil for over two decades starting from their respective transitions to democracy. The study argues that states commitment to international human rights is the result of the intersection of domestic and international influences. At the international level, the search for international legitimacy and the desire for recognition and credibility affected the adoption of international human rights in both cases but with different degrees of impact. International values and pressures by themselves, while necessary, are an insufficient condition for human rights initiatives perceived to have not insubstantial political, economic or strategic costs. New democracies will be more or less likely to actively include human rights in their international policies depending on the following four domestic conditions: political leadership legitimizing the inclusion of human rights into a state's policies, civil society groups connected to international human rights advocacy networks with a capacity to influencing the foreign policy decisions of their government, and the Foreign Ministry's attitudes towards international human rights and the degree of influence it exercises over the outcome of the foreign policy process.

Linking tourism, retirement migration and social capital

A general trend in the study of international retirement migration has been the increased attention paid to the social contacts and network connections of the migrants in both the destination and the origin areas. These studies have examined the extent to which migrants build social relationships with their neighbours and the host society while also maintaining social links with their countries of origin, addressing the central role that leisure travel plays in sustaining increasingly dispersed social networks and maintaining the social capital of these networks and of the individuals involved in them. Using a case study approach to examine British retirement migration to Spain, we explore the relevance of transnational social networks in the context of international retirement migration, particularly the intensity of bidirectional visiting friends and relatives (VFR) tourism flows and the migrants’ social contacts with friends and/or family back in their home country. Building on the concept of social capital and Putnam's distinction between bonding and bridging social capital, we propose a framework for the analysis of the migrants’ international social networks. The results of a study conducted based on a sample of 365 British retirees living in the coast of Alicante (Spain) show both the strength of the retirees’ international bonding social capital and the role of ‘VFR's travel and communication technologies in sustaining the migrants’ transnational social practices and, ultimately, their international bonding social capital. It also provides evidence for the reinforcing links between tourism-related mobility and amenity-seeking migration in later life.

The Weakness of Post-Communist Civil Society Reassessed. CES Papers - Open Forum #11, 2012

During the last two decades, scholars from a variety of disciplines have argued that civil society is structurally deficient in post-communist countries. Yet why have the seemingly strong, active and mobilized civic movements of the transition period become so weak after democracy was established? And why have there been diverging political trajectories across the post-communist space if civil society structures were universally weak? This paper uses a wide range of data from various available sources to show that civil societies in Central and Eastern European countries are not as feeble as is commonly assumed. Some post-communist countries possess vigorous public spheres, and active civil society organizations strongly connected to transnational civic networks able to shape domestic policies. Following the calls by Anheier (2004) and Bernhard and Karakoç (2007) we adopt a multidimensional approach to the measurement of civil society. In a series of cross-section timeseries models, we show that our broader measures of civic and social institutions are able to predict the diverging transition paths among post-communist regimes, and in particular the growing gap between democratic East Central Europe and the increasingly authoritarian post-Soviet space.

Innovation and internationalization of Latin American services

Innovation and internationalization in services are key drivers of structural transformation, productivity growth and overall economic performance in Latin America. The services sector accounts for two thirds of the region’s GDP and provides over 60% of its employment. These shares are higher than in other developing regions, but still lower than in countries with higher levels of per capita income. The spread of information and communication technologies in Latin America over the past three decades has vastly enhanced both the tradability of services and the sector’s propensity to innovate. Long considered unrelated processes, both internationalization and innovation are today widely recognized as key and complementary sources of firm-level competitiveness and human capital enhancement. The advent of many novel types of business and consumer services is furthermore a key factor in the rising insertion of Latin American firms in regional and global value chains and transnational production networks, which are now the predominant form of organization of international production and trade. This volume explores three different levels of interaction between internationalization and innovation in the services sector in Latin America. Part I analyses the role of services in manufacturing and other sectors’ global value chains from a theoretical perspective, drawing on the experiences of Brazil and Mexico. Part II reviews innovation and internationalization policies and their effects on the performance of the services sector. Part III presents a series of case studies on innovation and internationalization linkages in Brazil, Chile, Costa Rica and Mexico. The book concludes that, in order for Latin American countries and firms to upgrade into services value chains, public and private initiatives must generate a host of regional public goods —enhanced investment climates, supply of skills, greater access to finance, improved protection of intellectual property, better value appropriation, enhanced efforts at standardization and quality certification— to strengthen the links between innovation and internationalization.

GOSPEL SINGING IN THE VALLEY: AN INVESTIGATION INTO THE HYMNODY AND CHORAL SINGING OF THE LISU ON THE CHINA-BURMA/MYANMAR BORDER

This dissertation is an ethnomusicological study of contemporary musical practices of the Christian Lisu in Nujiang Prefecture in northwest Yunnan on the China-Myanmar border. Among all the changes that the Nujiang Lisu have experienced since the twentieth century, the spread of Protestant Christianity throughout Nujiang’s mountainous villages has existed for the longest time and had one of the greatest effects. Combining historical investigation and ethnographic description, this study uses the lens of music to examine the impact of this social change on the Lisu living in this impoverished frontier region. The Lisu characteristics have never been vital in the music written by the Christian Lisu in Nujiang. Compared with the practices described in other ethnomusicological writings on Christian music around the world that I have read, this absence of incorporation of indigenous musical elements is unusual. There are probably many other cases similar to that of the Lisu, but few ethnomusicologists have paid attention to them. I aim to elucidate this particular scenario of Lisu Christian music in relation to three social and cultural forces: the missionary legacy of conventions; the government’s identification of the Lisu as a minority nationality and its national policies toward them since the 1950s; and the transnational religious exchange between the Christian Lisu in China and Myanmar since the late 1980s. My examination focuses on two genres which the Lisu use to express their Christian beliefs today: ddoqmuq mutgguat, derived from American northern urban gospel songs, the basis of the Lisu choral singing; and mutgguat ssat, influenced by the Christian pop of the Burmese Lisu, with instrumental accompaniment and daibbit dance and preferred by the young people. Besides studying these two genres in the religious context, I also juxtapose them with other musical traditions in the overall Nujiang music soundscape and look at their role in local social interactions such as those between sacred and secular, and majority and minority. This dissertation demonstrates that the collective performances of shared repertoires have not only created a sense of affinity for the Nujiang Christian Lisu but also have reinforced the formation of Lisu transnational religious networks.

Production of solidarities in YouTube: a visual study of Uyghur nationalism

The uprising in Tibet, which gained the attention of the global media during the preparation for the Beijing Olympics in 2008, and the ethnic riots in Xinjiang in 2009 showed Western audiences the extent of the ethnic conflict between China’s Han ethnic majority and its ethnic minority groups, the Uyghurs being one of them. In the late twentieth century, Uyghur diaspora communities formed their own cultural and political associations in Central Asia, Russia, Turkey, Europe, and North America, while Uyghur political activists have been increasingly using the Internet for spreading political messages promoting Uyghur national ideas. Among their efforts, different Uyghur organizations and individuals have created YouTube channels in order to generate interest in the Uyghur question, to internationalize Xinjiang issues, and to seek support from a variety of audiences. The aim of this research is to examine the structure of political communication about the Han–Uyghur conflict on YouTube, taking into consideration the contents of the videos and available information about authors and audiences. This study combines quantitative and qualitative methods of data analysis and offers insights into how the Internet is used by dispersed political actors within a framework of a single nationalist movement. It also provides a unique window into ethnic relations in Xinjiang and elucidates on how ethnic minority and transnational activist networks search for discourses that could serve as the basis for ethnic mobilization.

Neo-liberalism and new configurations of global space: possibilities, tensions and problematics for gender justice

While the global neo-liberal agenda has increased the impoverishment and marginalisation of many women, it has also created possibilities for pursuing gender justice. Deepened and broadened understandings and measures of equity brought about by the processes of globalisation and insights from feminism have disturbed neo-liberal regimes and produced action around the pursuit of gender equity goals. Moreover, new configurations of ‘the global’ have strengthened transnational feminist networks and coalitions and generated multiple and varied spaces for feminist engagement. Against this backdrop, this article draws attention to the ways in which these shifts have brought to light previously unrecognised complexities and tensions that continue to hinder the pursuit of global gender justice. Focusing on the feminist work of NGOs and CSOs and, specifically, issues of social capital and cultural context, the article examines the problematics and possibilities regarding these organisations' promotion of gender change at local, national and transnational levels. Such examination foregrounds the significance of a coherent feminist politics and activism that responds to the social conditions and cultural nuances that impact on gender relations in particular contexts and is supported by broader facilitative structures and social networks.

Prickly pear land : transnational networks in settler Australia

The story of prickly pear in Australia is usually told as a tale of triumphant scientific intervention into an environmental disaster. Instead, this unarticle considers it as a transnational network in order to better understand the myriad of elements that made this event so important. Through this methodology emerges the complex nature of prickly pear land that included people, places, ideas, rhetoric and objects that traveled from all over the world into settler Australia.