O que faz do conselheiro Aires um cético?

Há um consenso nos meios crítico e acadêmico de que Joaquim Maria Machado de Assis é o maior ficcionista brasileiro. Além da qualidade inegável, sua ficção é notável por sua dimensão, atingindo uma dezena de romances e mais de duzentos contos. Com esta união singular entre extensão e qualidade, a obra machadiana acumulou a maior fortuna crítica no Brasil e uma das maiores da literatura universal. Ainda assim, sua fortuna é a que mais cresce no Brasil. Diante de tamanha dedicação dos estudiosos, em que seria relevante a apresentação de mais uma dissertação sobre o Bruxo do Cosme Velho? Acreditando que, apesar do tamanho da investigação que já se fez sobre Machado, alguns dos aspectos cruciais da vida e da obra do escritor ainda não foram devidamente elucidados, este trabalho nasce com a intenção de contribuir para a diminuição dessa lacuna. Um desses aspectos é o conteúdo filosófico da ficção machadiana. Durante muitas décadas, a ideia de que Machado de Assis se alinhara filosoficamente ao pessimismo foi hegemônica. Entretanto, muitas características da ficção machadiana, tais como o humour e a ironia, podem ser sinais de outra orientação filosófica: o ceticismo. A identificação entre Machado e ceticismo não é, entretanto, algo novo, mas durante a maior parte do tempo, a crítica identificou o ceticismo de Machado com a acepção popular do termo: descrença no campo metafísico e desengano no campo político-social. Este modo de ver o ceticismo acaba por aproximar o termo, e reaproximar Machado de Assis, ao pessimismo. Por outro lado, há algumas décadas, alguns estudiosos brasileiros começaram a verificar que a filosofia da ficção machadiana estaria de fato associada ao ceticismo, mas a outro tipo de ceticismo, o ceticismo pirrônico ou filosófico, iniciado com Pirro de Elis, filósofo grego que viveu entre 360 e 270 a.C., e estabelecido pelos escritos de Sexto Empírico, filósofo e médico do século 2. Fazendo jus à origem grega do termo skepticós, aquele que investiga, o ceticismo pirrônico prima não pela descrença, mas pela busca contínua da verdade. Esta busca se mantém indeterminada em virtude da limitação dos sentidos e do pensamento humanos. Não podemos alcançar a verdade das coisas, mas apenas descrever como elas aparentam. Esta impossibilidade não conduz o pirrônico ao pessimismo, o conduz, ao contrário, à tranquilidade, pois ele aceita a sua limitação, não fica se debatendo contra ela. Na ficção machadiana, o conselheiro Aires é o personagem cético por excelência, a começar pelo tão famoso tédio à controvérsia. Entretanto, apesar da semelhança entre a ficção de Machado de Assis e a filosofia cética, há um problema a ser enfrentado: como o escritor poderia ter criado um personagem tão próximo do pirronismo se Machado nunca chegou a ler uma página de Sexto Empírico?

Aspects de la représentation de l'autre dans les romans grecs et "Les Métamorphoses" d'Apulée

Les romans grecs et les Métamorphoses d'Apulée - même si les modalités sont différentes pour ce dernier - sont des fictions en prose qui fonctionnent autour de topoi auxquels la figure de l'Autre n'échappe pas. Bien que le monde grec soit alors radicalement différent de ce qu'il était au Ve siècle avant J.-C, période à laquelle l'identité grecque est construite par opposition à la figure du barbare, les romanciers qui prennent la plume à partir du 1er siècle avant notre ère utilisent un certain nombre de stéréotypes hérités de l'époque classique, alors mise à l'honneur par le mouvement de la Seconde Sophistique. Il s'agit d'étudier dans le détail certains éléments de la représentation de l'Autre pour déterminer qui il est, comment il se comporte, ce qui le constitue en Autre. Puis, à partir de cette esquisse, nécessairement incomplète, d'évaluer ce que cette représentation peut induire sur l'image de l'identité grecque à l'époque impériale, par le jeu de miroir que F. Hartog a décelé dans l'oeuvre d'Hérodote. Une première partie est consacrée aux rapports entre l'homme et l'animal ainsi qu'à l'image de la sauvagerie, ce qui permet d'explorer les bornes romanesques de l'humanité. La seconde partie s'attache à des éléments que l'époque classique a plus particulièrement mis en avant pour distinguer les Grecs des non-Grecs : le critère de la langue, l'art de faire la guerre et le discours politique qui est tenu sur les institutions barbares. La troisième partie étudie la place des dieux et des pratiques religieuses dans la définition de l'Autre. J'espère ainsi contribuer à la compréhension du genre romanesque et des représentations culturelles de l'empire « gréco-romain ». -- The Greek novels and The Metamorphoses of Apuleius, even if it is in different terms for the last, are prose fictions which are based on topoi, and the figure of the Other is one of them. Although the Greek world was radically different of what it was in the fifth century BC, time during which Greek identity is contructed as opposed to the figure of the barbaros, the authors of novels, who wrote from the first century BC onward, used some stereotypes inherited from classical period, which was celebrated by the Second Sophistic movement. The aim of this thesis is to study in detail some elements of the representation of the Other to determine who it is, how he behaves, what makes him other. Then, from this sketch, necessarily incomplete, to evaluate what this representation says about the image of Greek identity in the imperial age, according to the play of the mirror detected by F. Hartog in the text of Herodotus. The first part of the thesis is dedicated to the relationship between man and animal and to the image of savagery, in order to explore the novelistic limits of humanity. The second part concentrates on elements that classical period had particularly insisted on to promote the distinction between Greeks and non-Greeks : the linguistic criterion, the way to make war, and the politic discourse on the barbaric institutions. The third part study the place of the gods and of religious practices in the definition of the Other. I hope to contribute to the understanding of novel genre and of cultural representations of the « greco- roman- empire ».

Le pouvoir impérial romain et les cultes isiaques à Rome (IIIe-IVe siècles)

Les cultes isiaques se répandent autour du bassin méditerranéen entre le IVe s. av. et la fin du IVe s. apr. J.-C., arrivant à Rome au Ier siècle av. notre ère et y disparaissant conjointement aux cultes païens traditionnels avec ou peu après le coup porté par Théodose. Leur diffusion romaine s’étale donc sur une grande partie de l’histoire de l’Empire d’Occident, et ils vont ainsi se retrouver face à l’homme désormais considéré comme primus inter pares, grâce à l’accumulation de ses pouvoirs. L’empereur est pontifex maximus, c’est-à-dire maitre des cultes publics et du droit religieux, et il est ainsi l’agent du pouvoir qui a le potentiel religieux et législatif pour avoir un discours varié sur les autres traditions religieuses. Il semble donc inévitable que la sphère cultuelle isiaque rencontre et interagisse avec la sphère religieuse traditionnelle romaine, et que certains empereurs interfèrent, par renforcement ou au contraire par opposition, avec les cultes isiaques arrivés peu de temps avant l’avènement du pouvoir impérial. Cette thèse se propose non seulement d’étudier la dialectique entre institué romain (la force d’inertie) et instituant isiaque (la force de changements) dans la direction d’une potentielle altérité incluse (soit le dialogue évolutif du Nous par rapport à l’Autre), mais notamment par les liens publics romains et évolutifs entre l’empereur et les divinités isiaques. Nous effectuons cette recherche grâce à quatre types de sources antiques : la littérature pour le point de vue de l’élite littéraire gréco-romaine ; les inscriptions isiaques pour une définition surtout populaire de l’identité évolutive de l’instituant isiaque ; les monnaies et les oeuvres monumentales pour le point de vue public (et parfois plus personnel) impérial. Nous concentrons notre étude à partir de la dynastie sévérienne, qui laisse supposer que les cultes romano-orientaux profitent de la nouvelle configuration impériale avec des empereurs originaires d’Afrique et d’Orient, dans un phénomène d’« impérialisation » isiaque intensifié par un engagement tant impérial que populaire. En outre, nous nuancerons les conséquences sur la diffusion isiaque des troubles qui surviennent dans la deuxième moitié du IIIe siècle. Enfin, le IVe siècle, avec la christianisation de l’Empire et donc un christianisme devenant institué, ouvre sur une analyse des débats entre les défenseurs actifs du paganisme et les auteurs chrétiens, et de là, vers des interrogations sur l’intervention de la sphère isiaque dans ce face-à-face.

Soil geochemical analyses as an indication of metal working at the excavation of a house in the Roman City at Silchester (UK)

Silchester is the site of a major late Iron Age and Roman town (Calleva Atrebatum), situated in northern Hampshire (England (UK)) and occupied between the late first century BC and the fifth or sixth century AD. Extensive evidence of the nature of the buildings and the plan of the town was obtained from excavations undertaken between 1890 and 1909. The purpose of this study was to use soil geochemical analyses to reinforce the archaeological evidence particularly with reference to potential metal working at the site. Soil analysis has been used previously to distinguish different functions or land use activity over a site and to aid identification and interpretation of settlement features (Entwistle et al., 2000). Samples were taken from two areas of the excavation on a 1-metre grid. Firstly from an area of some 500 square metres from contexts of late first/early second century AD date throughout the entirety of a large 'town house' (House 1) from which there was prima facie evidence of metalworking.

Tip top result goes stale: ACCC-v- Australian Safeway Stores Pty Ltd(No 2)

Bread, its constituents, its methods of manufacture and its price and availability to consumers can claim to be the leitmotiv of competition law, both ancient and modern. The inelasticity of demand for such a staple food explains laws against monopolies being included in the eighteenth century BC Code of Hammurabi, why corn laws exercised the minds of the Gracchi brothers in second century B.C. Rome, and why ineffective regulation of the price of bread was seen as an important precipitator of revolutions in Europe in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. In the common law the early restraint of trade case, Mitchell v Reynolds saw a parish wide five year non-competition clause in a contract for the sale of a bakery upheld as reasonable. In the post-Shennan Anti-Trust Act (1890) United States, attempts by manufacturers of macaroni to change its constituents because of the prevailing high price of durm wheat were held in National Macaroni Manufacturers Association v FCT) to constitute price-fixing, an offence illegal per se under American anti-trust law.

Cultura materiale ed espansione di Roma: Il caso dell'Ager Gallicus

Lo scritto ha l’obiettivo di definire dinamiche e cronologie di quel complesso processo espansionistico che portò Roma alla conquista dei territori dell’Ager Gallicus, partendo dall’analisi dettagliata della cultura materiale e dei rispettivi contesti di provenienza emersi dalle recenti indagini archeologiche realizzate dal Dipartimento di Storia Culture Civiltà dell’Università degli Studi di Bologna nella città di Senigallia. In armonia con quanto testimoniato dalle sequenze stratigrafiche documentate, si delineano quattro principali fasi di vita dell’abitato: la prima preromana, la seconda riferibile alla prima fase di romanizzazione del sito, la terza inerente allo sviluppo dell’insediamento con la fondazione della colonia romana e l’ultima riferibile all’età repubblicana. Emerge con chiarezza la presenza già dalla fine del IV-inizio III a.C., di un insediamento romano nel territorio della città, sviluppatosi con la fondazione di un’area sacra e la predisposizione di un’area produttiva. La scelta del sito di Sena Gallica fu strategica: un territorio idoneo allo sfruttamento agricolo e utile come testa di ponte per la conquista dei territori del Nord Italia. Inoltre, questo centro aveva già intrecciato rapporti commerciali con gli insediamenti costieri adriatici e mediterranei. La presenza di ceramica di produzione locale, il rinvenimento di elementi distanziatori e le caratteristiche geomorfologiche del sito, fanno ipotizzare la presenza in loco di un’officina ceramica. Ciò risulta di grande importanza dato che tutte le attestazioni ceramiche prodotte localmente e rinvenute nel territorio, fino ad oggi sono attribuite alle officine di Aesis e Ariminum. Dunque Sena Gallica sarebbe stata un centro commerciale e produttivo. La precoce presenza di ceramica a Vernice Nera di tipo romano-laziale prodotte localmente prima dell’istituzione ufficiale della colonia, che permette di ipotizzare uno stanziamento di piccoli gruppi di Romani in territori appena conquistati ma non ancora colonizzati, attestata a Sena Gallica, trova riscontro anche in altri centri adriatici come Ariminum, Aesis, Pisaurum, Suasa e Cattolica.

Simulated transition to agropastoralism in the Indus valley 7500-3000 BC

The Indus Valley Civilization (IVC) was one of the first great civilizations in prehistory. This bronze age civilization flourished from the end of the fourth millennium BC. It disintegrated during the second millennium BC; despite much research effort, this decline is not well understood. Less research has been devoted to the emergence of the IVC, which shows continuous cultural precursors since at least the seventh millennium BC. To understand the decline, we believe it is necessary to investigate the rise of the IVC, i.e., the establishment of agriculture and livestock, dense populations and technological developments 7000-3000 BC. Although much archaeologically typed information is available, our capability to investigate the system is hindered by poorly resolved chronology, and by a lack of field work in the intermediate areas between the Indus valley and Mesopotamia. We thus employ a complementary numerical simulation to develop a consistent picture of technology, agropastoralism and population developments in the IVC domain. Results from this Global Land Use and technological Evolution Simulator show that there is (1) fair agreement between the simulated timing of the agricultural transition and radiocarbon dates from early agricultural sites, but the transition is simulated first in India then Pakistan; (2) an independent agropas- toralism developing on the Indian subcontinent; and (3) a positive relationship between archeological artifact richness and simulated population density which remains to be quantified.

The Formation and Circulation of Early Yanzi Lore, Fourth Century B.C. - Third Century A.D.

Thesis (Ph.D.)--University of Washington, 2016-06

Seeing and believing: three episodes in the history of neurophysiology

In this contribution I look at three episodes in the history of neurophysiology that bring out the complex relationship between seeing and believing. I start with Vesalius in the mid-sixteenth century who writes that he can in no way see any cavity in nerves, even in the optic nerves. He thus questions the age-old theory (dating back to the Alexandrians in the third century BC) but, because of the overarching psychophysiology of his time, does not press his case. This conflict between observation and theory persisted for a quarter of a millennium until finally resolved at the beginning of the nineteenth century by the discoveries of Galvani and Volta. The second case is provided by the early history of retinal synaptology. Schultze in 1866 had represented rod spherules and bipolar dendrites in the outer plexiform layer as being separated by a (synaptic) gap, yet in his written account, because of his theoretical commitments, held them to be continuous. Cajal later, 1892, criticized Schultze for this pusillanimity, but his own figure in La Cellule is by no means clear. It was only with the advent of the electron microscopy in the mid-twentieth century that the true complexity of the junction was revealed and it was shown that both investigators were partially right. My final example comes from the Hodgkin-Huxley biophysics of the 1950s. Their theory of the action potential depended on the existence of unseen ion pores with quite complex biophysical characteristics. These were not seen until the Nobel-Prize-winning X-ray diffraction analyses of the early twenty-first century. Seeing, even at several removes, then confirmed Hodgkin and Huxley’s belief. The relation between seeing and believing is by no means straightforward.

La lunga diacronia di un sito archeologico toscano: il complesso di Pava (Siena) dal II al XIII sec. d.C.

The paper is centred on southern Tuscany on the archaeological complex of Pieve di Pava where archaeological research have been conducted since the 2000 by the University of Siena. The parish church is first mentioned as the baptisterium Sancti Petri in Pava in a document of AD 715 part of a long dispute between the bishop of Siena and the bishop of Arezzo. But the archaeological excavation revealed a longer history of the site that start from the Roman period with a villa dated between the second to the fourth century BC. The villa continued to grow in Late Antiquity since it was transformed by a church. The paper is centred on these fluctuations of the site and on the implications of the transformations on the landscape. One of the stronger element of the Pava site, in addition to the very particular plan of the early church (built with two opposing apses) was the huge cemetery around the church that was used from the seventh century BC until the Middle Ages. The 900 excavated graves make this one of the largest and most long-lasting late-Roman to medieval cemeteries excavated in Europe.

Vihara architecture: defining the existential foothold of VIII century Buddhist monastery "Somapura Mahavihara" of ancien Bengal

Lost in history, the ruin of ‘Somapura Mahavihara’ was not recognized separated from its birthplace, i.e. nature, for more than 700 years. Yet, within its silent presence, the monument dominated the name of the region: ‘Paharpur’ (land of hillock), according to its appearance surrounds by its flat land topo¬graphy. Discovered in 1919, the single largest Buddhist Vihara (monas¬tery) of ancient Bengal came into light, pronouncing the flou¬rishing minute of Buddhist architecture, once dominant religious force of the subcontinent. The earliest historical monumental architecture of greater Asia, had long been deriving itself from the Buddhist monastic architecture as early as VI century BC. In line of history, the discovery of ‘Somapura Mahavihara’ contributed attesting the sensitivities of a highly sophisticated architectonic typology of Vihara Architecture in the land of ancient Bengal. The recovery of ‘Somapura Mahavihara’ was not only from its cradle of nature, but also from its remarkable existence imprinted in the reign of Pala dynasty (750 - 1155 AD) announcing the existential foothold of man in his nature. The existential foothold of ‘Somapura Mahavihara’ comprises the factors, responsible in shaping the anchorage of the mo¬nument since the birth of Vihara architecture, as early as 530 BC. These factors not only denote the building technology in response to its environment but also the amalgamation of be¬lief, upon which the dwellers transformed the site as a place announcing their existence on earth. This research paper aims at exploring the existential foothold of ‘Somapura Mahavihara’, in terms of its territorial, functional, structural, social, cultural, religious sym¬bolic hierarchies of human achievement while clarifying the architectonic typology that shaped ‘Somapura Mahavihara’ through evolution process of ‘Vihara Architecture’. This understanding intends to combine the archaeological knowledge with comparative architectural analysis of contem¬porary Viharas of ancient Bengal, to define the singularity of ‘Somapura Mahavihara’. In consequence, the glorious past of ‘Somapura Mahavihara’ is intended to portray through iden¬tifying the relation of religious and functional rationalism with the connotation of art, architecture and belief moulded within natural forces, as one complete entity; RESUMO: Vihara Arquitetura: Definindo a posição existencial do século VIII Budista mosteiro “Somapura Mahavihara” de Bengala antiga. Perdidas na História, as ruínas de ‘Somapura Mahavihara’ foram confundidas com uma montanha durante mais de setecentos anos. Contudo, no seu silêncio presente, o monumento marcou a toponímia da região; ‘Paharpur’ significa ‘a terra do outeiro’, evidenciando a singularidade deste monumento numa região dominada por uma extensa planície. Em 1919, foi descoberto o maior mosteiro budista da antiga região de Bengal, demonstrando a prosperidade da arquitectura budista. Tem¬poralmente, a descoberta de ‘Somapura Mahavihara’ contribuiu para atestar a evolução e a sofisticação da tipologia arquitectónica denominada ‘Arquitectura Vihara’, existente na antiga região de Bengal. A noção de pegada existencial de ‘Somapura Mahavihara’ compreende os factores responsáveis por moldar a ancoragem do monumento ao lugar em que se insere desde o início da arquitectura Vihara, que remonta a 530 a.C. Estes factores evidenciam a tecnologia construtiva empregue para responder ao ambiente envolvente mas também a evolução da religião, factores estes que os monges construtores consideraram ao transformar o lugar e anunciar a sua existência na Terra. Esta investigação tem por objectivo explorar a noção de pegada existencial de ‘Somapura Mahavihara’, nas suas dimensões territoriais, funcionais, estruturais, sociais, culturais e nas hierarquias simbólicas das realizações humanas para clarificar a tipologia arquitectónica que deu forma a ‘Somapura Mahavihara’ durante a evolução da arquitectura Vihara. Este entendimento pretende combinar/cruzar o conhecimen¬to arqueológico com estudos arquitectónicos comparativos de Viharas na antiga região de Bengal, com o objectivo de definir a singularidade de ‘Somapura Mahavihara’. Neste estudo estudar-se-á também o confronto entre a dimensão religiosa e a artística (divino vs. humano), integrados na arquitectura de ‘Somapura Mahavihara’ em perfeita harmonia.

Writing and the disappearance of architecture theory

One of the first architects to write a book was Vitruvius, the Roman architect who published De Architectura in the 1st century BC, a book that would become the foundation for Western Architectural Thought. When I was an undergraduate, the history of architecture was taught via a series of books by architects that were at least, if not more significant than the buildings. From De Architectura to Alberti’s rejoinder De re aedificatoria (On the Art of Building) in the fifteenth century, Palladio’s Quattro Libri (The Four Books of Architecture) 1570, and Laugier’s Essai sur l'Architecture 1753. In the 1990s, we treasured the heroic architecture books of the 20th century from Le Corbusier, Vers une Architecture, to Aldo Rossi’s the Architecture of the City, Rem Koolhaas’s Delirious New York, and of course Robert Venturi’s Learning from Las Vegas which for me was the very starting point for the postmodern movement.

The non-literary Latin letters. A study of their syntax and pragmatics

This dissertation studies the language of Latin letters that were written in Egypt and Vindolanda (in northern Britain) during the period 1st century BC 3rd century AD on papyri, ostraca, and wooden tablets. The majority of the texts is, in one way or another, connected with the Roman army. The focus of the study is on syntax and pragmatics. Besides traditional philological methods, modern syntactic theory is used as well, especially in the pragmatic analysis. The study begins with a critical survey of certain concepts that are current in the research on the Latin language, most importantly the concept of vulgar Latin , which, it is argued, seems to be used as an abstract noun for variation and change in Latin . Further, it is necessary to treat even the non-literary material primarily as written texts and not as straightforward reflections of spoken language. An examination of letter phraseology shows that there is considerable variation between the two major geographical areas of provenance. Latin letter writing in Egypt was influenced by Greek. The study highlights the importance of seeing the letters as a text type, with recurring phraseological elements appearing in the body text as well. It is argued that recognising these elements is essential for the correct analysis of the syntax. Three areas of syntax are discussed in detail: sentence connection (mainly parataxis), syntactically incoherent structures and word order (the order of the object and the verb). For certain types of sentence connection we may plausibly posit an origin in spoken Latin, but for many other linguistic phenomena attested in this material the issue of spoken Latin is anything but simple. Concerning the study of historical syntax, the letters offer information about the changing status of the accusative case. Incoherent structures may reflect contaminations in spoken language but usually the reason for them is the inability of the writer to put his thoughts into writing, especially when there is something more complicated to be expressed. Many incoherent expressions reflect the need to start the predication with a thematic constituent. Latin word order is seen as resulting from an interaction of syntactic and pragmatic factors. The preference for an order where the topic is placed sentence-initially can be seen in word order more generally as well. Furthermore, there appears a difference between Egypt and Vindolanda. The letters from Vindolanda show the order O(bject) V(erb) clearly more often than the letters from Egypt. Interestingly, this difference correlates with another, namely the use of the anaphoric pronoun is. This is an interesting observation in view of the fact that both of these are traditional Latin features, as opposed to those that foreshadow the Romance development (VO order and use of the anaphoric ille). However, it is difficult to say whether this is an indication of social or regional variation.

Locus Bonus : The Relationship of the Roman Villa to its Environment in the Vicinity of Rome

The aim of this study is to examine the relationship of the Roman villa to its environment. The villa was an important feature of the countryside intended both for agricultural production and for leisure. Manuals of Roman agriculture give instructions on how to select a location for an estate. The ideal location was a moderate slope facing east or south in a healthy area and good neighborhood, near good water resources and fertile soils. A road or a navigable river or the sea was needed for transportation of produce. A market for selling the produce, a town or a village, should have been nearby. The research area is the surroundings of the city of Rome, a key area for the development of the villa. The materials used consist of archaeological settlement sites, literary and epigraphical evidence as well as environmental data. The sites include all settlement sites from the 7th century BC to 5th century AD to examine changes in the tradition of site selection. Geographical Information Systems were used to analyze the data. Six aspects of location were examined: geology, soils, water resources, terrain, visibility/viewability and relationship to roads and habitation centers. Geology was important for finding building materials and the large villas from the 2nd century BC onwards are close to sources of building stones. Fertile soils were sought even in the period of the densest settlement. The area is rich in water, both rainfall and groundwater, and finding a water supply was fairly easy. A certain kind of terrain was sought over very long periods: a small spur or ridge shoulder facing preferably south with an open area in front of the site. The most popular villa resorts are located on the slopes visible from almost the entire Roman region. A visible villa served the social and political aspirations of the owner, whereas being in the villa created a sense of privacy. The area has a very dense road network ensuring good connectivity from almost anywhere in the region. The best visibility/viewability, dense settlement and most burials by roads coincide, creating a good neighborhood. The locations featuring the most qualities cover nearly a quarter of the area and more than half of the settlement sites are located in them. The ideal location was based on centuries of practical experience and rationalized by the literary tradition.

The Walls of Agios Donatos Zervochoriou : A case study of a fortress in Thesprotia, northwestern Greece

The study deals with the dating and the function of the fortress of Agios Donatos, which is located in the Kokytos river valley in Thesprotia, northwestern Greece. To solve the dating problem one had to use parallels found in research literature, preferably within as close range as possible. As most of the fortresses within a close proximity had not been adequately published, one had to use parallels within a larger area, throughout the Hellenistic world. Archaeological material found in trial trenches on site was used when possible. To think of the function of the site one had to study the site itself and its relation to the environment, and to compare the situation with the parallels found in research literature, mostly different archaeological survey projects in Greece and Asia Minor. The fortress was built during a period ranging from the final decades of the fourth century down to the mid-third century BC. Most likely it was built during the first quarter of the third century, that is the reign of Pyrrhus of Epirus when the area experienced a boom in fortress building activity. The function of the site was most likely to protect a trade route from the major port in the area to the central areas of the valley and on to Kalamas river, which was the major route on to Macedon. In the end an appendix dealing with the other fortified sites in Thesprotia has been compiled.