Essais sur des questions internationales en économie des ressources naturelles

Cette thèse s'articule autour de trois essais portant sur des questions internationales en économie des ressources naturelles. Le premier essai examine la production et l'échange des ressources non-renouvelables dans un modèle spatial et souligne le rôle de la superficie des pays et du coût des transports dans la détermination du sens de l'échange. Le deuxième essai considère le tarif d'extraction de la rente de rareté liée aux ressources naturelles non-renouvelables avec le modèle spatial développé dans premier essai. Le cadre spatial (plus général) permet de représenter des pays qui sont à la fois importateurs et producteurs de la ressource, ce qui n'est pas possible dans les modèles traditionnels de commerce international où les pays sont traités comme des points (sans dimension). Le troisième essai aborde la question des droits de propriétés sur les zones maritimes et examine l'allocation d'une population de pêcheurs entre les activités productives et non-productives dans une communauté côtière. Le premier chapitre propose un modèle spatial de commerce international des ressources non-renouvelables. Le cadre spatial considère explicitement la différence de taille géographique (superficie) entre les pays et permet ainsi de tenir compte du fait que les gisements naturels et leurs utilisateurs soient dispersés dans l'espace, même à l'intérieur d'un pays. En utilisant un modèle spatial à la Hotelling, nous examinons l'évolution dans le temps du sens de l'échange entre deux pays (ou régions) qui diffèrent du point de vue de leur technologie de production, de leur superficie et de leur dotation en gisement d'une ressource naturelle non-renouvelable. Le chapitre met en évidence le rôle de la taille géographique dans la détermination du sens de l'échange, à côté des explications traditionnelles que sont l'avantage comparatif et les dotations des facteurs. Notre analyse est fondamentalement différente des autres contributions dans la littérature sur le commerce international des ressources naturelles parce qu'elle souligne l'importance de la taille géographique et du coût de transport par rapport à d'autres facteurs dans la détermination des flux de ressource à l'équilibre. Le coût unitaire de transport joue un rôle capital pour déterminer si la différence de superficie entre les pays influence le sens de l'échange à l'équilibre plus que les autres facteurs. Le chapitre discute aussi du caractère régional des échanges qui a été observé pour certaines ressources telles que le minerai de fer et la bauxite. Le chapitre deux aborde la question de la répartition de la rente de rareté liée aux ressources naturelles non-renouvelables entre les pays producteurs et les pays consommateurs. Cette question a été abordée dans la littérature sous une hypothèse quelque peu restrictive. En effet, dans la plupart des travaux portant sur ce sujet le pays importateur est automatiquement considéré comme dépourvu de gisement et donc non producteur de la ressource. Pourtant la réalité est qu'il existe des ressources pour lesquelles un pays est à la fois producteur et importateur. Le cadre d'analyse de ce second essai est le modèle spatial développé dans le premier essai, qui permet justement qu'un pays puisse être à la fois importateur et producteur de la ressource. Le pays importateur détermine alors simultanément le tarif optimal et le taux d'extraction de son propre stock. Nous montrons que le tarif optimal croît au taux d'intérêt et de ce fait, ne crée aucune distorsion sur le sentier d'extraction de la ressource. Le tarif optimal permet de récupérer toute la rente lorsque le pays exportateur ne consomme pas la ressource. Néanmoins, la possibilité pour le pays exportateur de consommer une partie de son stock limite la capacité du pays importateur à récupérer la rente chez le pays exportateur. La présence de gisements de la ressource dans le pays importateur réduit la rente du pays exportateur et de ce fait renforce la capacité du pays importateur à récupérer la rente chez le pays exportateur. Le tarif initial est une fonction décroissante du stock de ressource dans le pays importateur. Cet essai aborde également la question de la cohérence dynamique du tarif obtenu avec la stratégie en boucle ouverte. Le troisième chapitre examine un problème d'allocation de l'effort entre les activités productives (par exemple la pêche) et les activités non productives (par exemple la piraterie maritime) dans une population de pêcheurs. La répartition de la population entre les activités de pêche et la piraterie est déterminée de façon endogène comme une conséquence du choix d'occupation. Nous établissons l'existence d'une multiplicité d'équilibres et mettons en évidence la possibilité d'une trappe de piraterie, c'est-à-dire un équilibre stable où une partie de la population est engagée dans les actes de piraterie. Le modèle permet d'expliquer l'augmentation significative des attaques de piraterie dans le Golfe d'Aden au cours des dernières années. Le chapitre discute aussi des différents mécanismes pour combattre la piraterie et souligne le rôle crucial des droits de propriété.

Poor people and risky business

We try to explain why economic conflicts and illegal business often take place in poor countries. We use the concept of subsistence level of consumption (d) and assume a regular concave utility function for consumption levels higher than d. For consumption levels lower than d utility is constant and equal to zero. Under this framework poor agents are risk-lovers. This result helps to explain why economic conflicts are more likely to appear in poor economies and why poor agents are more willing to undertake illegal business.

Publicness of goods and violent conflict : evidence from Colombia

How the degree of publicness of goods affect violent conflict? Based on the theoretical model in Esteban and Ray (2001) we find that the effect of the degree of publicness depends on the group size. When the group is small (large), the degree of publicness increases (decreases) the likelihood of conflict. This opens an empirical question that we tackle using microdata from the Colombian conflict at the municipality level. We use three goods with different publicness degree to identify the sign of the effect of publicness on conflict. These goods are coca crops (private good), road density (public good subject to congestion) and average education quality (a purer public good). After dealing with endogeneity issues using an IV approach, we find that the degree of publicness reduces the likelihood of both paramilitary and guerrilla attacks. Moreover, coca production exacerbates conflict and the provision of both public goods mitigates conflict. These results are robust to size, geographical, and welfare controls. Policies that improve public goods provision will help to fight the onset of conflict.

Conflict, wages, and multiple equilibria

Firms’ compensation practices affect the protection of investors’ interests and the degree of economic inequality by changing the stakes of engaging in appropriation activities versus respecting the status quo. We use a general equilibrium model where workers can either work peacefully or join a guerrilla movement that expropriates entrepreneurs. If workers are peaceful, they receive a competitive wage. If they join a guerrilla movement, they receive a share of the appropriated wealth, which depends positively on the number of guerrilla members. In this framework, we find one low-income, low-wage equilibrium with guerrilla activity and one peaceful, high-income, high-wage equilibrium. The peaceful equilibrium can be reached through redistribution policies, which can be implemented at the firm level. In essence, through their compensation policies entrepreneurs, not the state might be able to protect their assets against expropriation and simultaneously control the internal principal-agent problem.

Informality in the City: a Theoretical Analysis

This thesis theoretically studies the relationship between the informal sector (both in the labor and the housing market) and the city structure.

Natural resources, redistribution and Human capital formation

How do resource booms affect human capital accumulation? We exploit time and spatial variation generated by the commodity boom across local governments in Peru to measure the effect of natural resources on human capital formation. We explore the effect of both mining production and tax revenues on test scores, finding a substantial and statistically significant effect for the latter. Transfers to local governments from mining tax revenues are linked to an increase in math test scores of around 0.23 standard deviations. We find that the hiring of permanent teachers as well as the increases in parental employment and improvements in health outcomes of adults and children are plausible mechanisms for such large effect on learning. These findings suggest that redistributive policies could facilitate the accumulation of human capital in resource abundant developing countries as a way to avoid the natural resources curse.

Nationalised large-scale mining, trade unions and community representation: perspectives from Northern Madagascar

This article critically explores the nature and purpose of relationships and inter-dependencies between stakeholders in the context of a parastatal chromite mining company in the Betsiboka Region of Northern Madagascar. An examination of the institutional arrangements at the interface between the mining company and local communities identified power hierarchies and dependencies in the context of a dominant paternalistic environment. The interactions, inter alia, limited social cohesion and intensified the fragility and weakness of community representation, which was further influenced by ethnic hierarchies between the varied community groups; namely, indigenous communities and migrants to the area from different ethnic groups. Moreover, dependencies and nepotism, which may exist at all institutional levels, can create civil society stakeholder representatives who are unrepresentative of the society they are intended to represent. Similarly, a lack of horizontal and vertical trust and reciprocity inherent in Malagasy society engenders a culture of low expectations regarding transparency and accountability, which further catalyses a cycle of nepotism and elite rent-seeking behaviour. On the other hand, leaders retain power with minimal vertical delegation or decentralisation of authority among levels of government and limit opportunities to benefit the elite, perpetuating rent-seeking behaviour within the privileged minority. Within the union movement, pluralism and the associated politicisation of individual unions restricts solidarity, which impacts on the movement’s capacity to act as a cohesive body of opinion and opposition. Nevertheless, the unions’ drive to improve their social capital has increased expectations of transparency and accountability, resulting in demands for greater engagement in decision-making processes.

Constituição, finanças públicas e desempenho econômico

Esta pesquisa mostra que há uma relação entre a economia e a política no estudo da escolha pública e coletiva. Mais precisamente, eu defendo que a política governamental (ou planejamento estratégico) é influenciada pelo processo político e depende da organização da sociedade em grupos de pressão caçadores de renda. A primeira parte analisa as limitações exógenas à ação individual no Estado; a segunda parte refere-se ao problema de agenciamento, estudando o papel das limitações internas à ação individual dentro da organização. A conclusão discute como essa visão sobre política governamental introduzida aqui deve complementar o ponto de vista tradicional sobre a análise do processo político e as ações dos agentes públicos.

O debate sobre reformas e regulação e o caso da ANEEL

Este trabalho tem como objetivo verificar em que medida a flexibilização da gestão de recursos humanos na agência reguladora do setor elétrico brasileiro é consistente com a independência regulatória, entendida como autonomia de gestão nas dimensões financeira, técnica e de recursos humanos. A independência das agências reguladoras constitui mecanismo contra os efeitos negativos das ações de interesses privados, ou rent-seekers, e o uso político inadequado, gerador de ineficiências econômicas. O trabalho descreve o processo de constituição da diretoria colegiada, o regime e o quadro de pessoal vigente, e analisa o processo de reestruturação do setor elétrico brasileiro, concluindo que a contratação temporária e a tentativa de implementar regime jurídico diferenciado repete os equívocos e disfunções que caracterizaram a burocracia pública desde os anos trinta.

Um modelo de equilíbrio geral computável com corrupção para o Brasil

Corrupção é um problema antigo que tem recebido, nos últimos anos, uma atenção global destacada, chamando a atenção, tanto de organismos públicos como de privados, dos meios de comunicação, dos formuladores de políticas públicas, bem como do conjunto da sociedade civil, acerca das suas formas de atuação, seus determinantes e seus efeitos para a sociedade. Enquanto não existe ainda um consenso na literatura sobre como definir o fenômeno da corrupção, uma coisa está clara: corrupção é um problema de governo. Mais precisamente, corrupção envolve a ação racional de burocratas que possuem um poder de monopólio sobre a oferta de um bem ou serviço público, ou ainda, o poder discricionário na tomada de decisões que afetam a renda de grupos na sociedade civil. Este estudo apresenta três contribuições para a literatura da economia da corrupção. Primeiro, ele contribui para a organização da discussão apresentando as diferentes formas como a Economia Política da Corrupção analisa o problema da corrupção: a) como um problema de rent-seeking, b) como um problema de crime, c) como um problema de estrutura de mercado do serviço público. Segundo, este trabalho contribui na identificação das variáveis econômicas que estão relacionados com o fenômeno da corrupção, o que permite uma melhor compreensão dos efeitos das políticas econômicos no incentivo à atividade corrupta e, terceiro, este trabalho contribui para a identificação do volume de recursos envolvido com a corrupção no Brasil. Os resultados alcançados mostram que o fechamento comercial do país, a expansão dos gastos do governo e a prática de política industrial ativa, com a elevação dos impostos de importação, funcionam como incentivadores de práticas corruptas na relação entre Estado e sociedade. Por outro lado, a aplicação de um modelo de equilíbrio geral com corrupção endógena possibilitou a obtenção de um valor para o volume de recursos envolvidos com corrupção no Brasil, em torno de 12% do PIB. A simulação do modelo para política comercial e fiscal não permite concluir que a corrupção, necessariamente, ressulte em menor crescimento econômico.

Demand- side resistance to creative destruction in schumpeterian growth theory

The Schumpelerian model of endogeno~s growlh is generalized with lhe introduction of stochastic resislance. by agenls other Ihan producers. to lhe innovations which drive growth. This causes a queue to be formcd of innovations, alrcady discovered, bUI waiting to be adopled~ A slationary stochastic equilibrium (SSE) is obtained when the queue is stable~ It is shown that in the SSE, such resistance will always reduce lhe average growth iate hut it may increa~e wclfare in certain silualions. In an example, Ihis is when innovatiuns are small anti monopoly power great. The cont1icl hetween this welfare motive for resistance and those of rent-seeking innovalors.may well explain why growth rates differ.

A economia política da corrupção: o escândalo do orçamento

A abertura democrática no Brasil criou um otimismo com a possibilidade do resolver seus problemas crônicos como inflação e corrupção. Foi feita uma panaceia sobre democracia; da democracia surgiriam as soluções para todos os males. Entretanto, a história recente mostra que a democracia não coincide com a eliminação da corrupção e inflação crônicas. Ao contrário, a corrupção causou danos a algumas instituições fundamentais da democracia como o Presidente e o Confresso. Infelizmente, a corrupção é muito perigosa para a democracia. Como observou Tocqueville, com sua perspicácia natural, o povo até tolera a corrupção numa tirania, por ser um fato comum neste tipo de governo. Não obstante, em uma democracia, a corrupção é inaceitável porque pessoas comuns são eleitas para representar cidadãos, e não para trabalhar contra eles. Os últimos escândalos envolvendo corrupção no Brasil, como o caso Collor e principalmente o uso “inadequado” do orçamento nacional foram importantes porque mostraram a incapacidade da sociedade para controlar este fator de risco institucional.. É interessante notar que em outros grandes casos de corrupção na América Latina, como no Gráu, Cuba , Portillo, México ou mesmo na Venezuela, durante os eufóricos anos 70, a situação econômica e até mesmo política não eram ruins. Entretanto, no Brasil, aparentemente, a corrupção política cresceu num período de crises estruturais. Infelizmente este fato tem um resultado considerável: o crescente pessimismo do homem comum sobre o futuro. Entretanto a corrupção pode ser estudada cientificamente. Pode ser vista como uma escolha racional de comportamento compelido por instituições e esquemas de incentivos. Talvez alguns resultados interessantes possam emergir deste tipo de especulação histórica e teórica sobre o comportamento corrupto. Este é o maior objetivo deste estudo.

The Limits of political compromise: debt ceilings and political competition

We study the desirability of limits on the public debt and of political competition in an economy where political parties alternate in office. Due to rent-seeking motives, incumbents have an incentive to set public expenditures above the socially optimal level. Parties cannot commit to future policies, but they can forge a political compromise where each party curbs excessive spending when in office if it expects future governments to do the same. In contrast to the received literature, we find that strict limits on government borrowing can exacerbate political-economy distortions by rendering a political compromise unsustainable. This tends to happen when political competition is limited. Conversely, a tight limit on the public debt fosters a compromise that yields the efficient outcome when political competition is vigorous, saving the economy from immiseration. Our analysis thus suggests a legislative tradeoff between restricting political competition and constraining the ability of governments to issue debt.

The revenge of the market on the rentiers why neo-liberal reports of the end of history turned out to be premature

Starting from the perspective of heterodox Keynesian-Minskyian-Kindlebergian financial economics, this paper begins by highlighting a number of mechanisms that contributed to the current financial crisis. These include excess liquidity, income polarisation, conflicts between financial and productive capital, lack of intelligent regulation, asymmetric information, principal-agent dilemmas and bounded rationalities. However, the paper then proceeds to argue that perhaps more than ever the ‘macroeconomics’ that led to this crisis only makes analytical sense if examined within the framework of the political settlements and distributional outcomes in which it had operated. Taking the perspective of critical social theories the paper concludes that, ultimately, the current financial crisis is the outcome of something much more systemic, namely an attempt to use neo-liberalism (or, in US terms, neo-conservatism) as a new technology of power to help transform capitalism into a rentiers’ delight. And in particular, into a system without much ‘compulsion’ on big business; i.e., one that imposes only minimal pressures on big agents to engage in competitive struggles in the real economy (while inflicting exactly the opposite fate on workers and small firms). A key component in the effectiveness of this new technology of power was its ability to transform the state into a major facilitator of the ever-increasing rent-seeking practices of oligopolistic capital. The architects of this experiment include some capitalist groups (in particular rentiers from the financial sector as well as capitalists from the ‘mature’ and most polluting industries of the preceding techno-economic paradigm), some political groups, as well as intellectual networks with their allies – including most economists and the ‘new’ left. Although rentiers did succeed in their attempt to get rid of practically all fetters on their greed, in the end the crisis materialised when ‘markets’ took their inevitable revenge on the rentiers by calling their (blatant) bluff.

Why has productivity growth stagnated in most Latin American countries since the neo-liberal reforms?

Latin America’s economic performance since the beginning of neo-liberal reforms has been poor; this not only contrasts with its own performance pre-1980, but also with what has happened in Asia since 1980. I shall argue that the weakness of the region’s new paradigm is rooted as much in its intrinsic flaws as in the particular way it has been implemented. Latin America’s economic reforms were undertaken primarily as a result of the perceived economic weaknesses of the region — i.e., there was an attitude of ‘throwing in the towel’ vis-à-vis the previous state-led import substituting industrialisation strategy, because most politicians and economists interpreted the 1982 debt crisis as conclusive evidence that it had led the region into a cul-de-sac. As Hirschman has argued, policymaking has a strong component of ‘path-dependency’; as a result, people often stick with policies after they have achieved their aims, and those policies have become counterproductive. This leads to such frustration and disappointment with existing policies and institutions that is not uncommon to experience a ‘rebound effect’. An extreme example of this phenomenon is post-1982 Latin America, where the core of the discourse of the economic reforms that followed ended up simply emphasising the need to reverse as many aspects of the previous development (and political) strategies as possible. This helps to explain the peculiar set of priorities, the rigidity and the messianic attitude with which the reforms were implemented in Latin America, as well as their poor outcome. Something very different happened in Asia, where economic reforms were often intended (rightly or wrongly) as a more targeted and pragmatic mechanism to overcome specific economic and financial constraints. Instead of implementing reforms as a mechanism to reverse existing industrialisation strategies, in Asia they were put into practice in order to continue and strengthen ambitious processes of industrialisation.