985 resultados para Regional disparities


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Thèse numérisée par la Division de la gestion de documents et des archives de l'Université de Montréal

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It examine the aspects of Madhya Pradesh’s industrial structure which throw light on the development, viability and the efficiency of not only the over all industrial sector but also some of the selected industries of the state. The major objectives of are to examine the nature and characteristics of economic backwardness in Madhya Pradesh in an inter-state comparative framework and to analyse the pace and pattern of industrial growth in Madhya Pradesh against the backdrop of liberalization. To explore the industrial structure of Madhya Pradesh using the major structural ratios and industry mix. This study has underlined some structural as well as region specific constraints to the accelerated growth of the manufacturing industry in Madhya Pradesh. The industrial structure of Madhya Pradesh is concentrated and lop-sided. This is evidenced by the dominancy of single industry, basic metal and alloys. A diversified industrial structure is essential for promoting interdependent growth of the manufacturing industry based on the inter-industry linkages and agglomeration. The thesis gives a broad spectrum of regional disparities in development and evidence for Madhya Pradesh’s backwardness also portrayed and reflects the changing industrial structure of the state.

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The low levels of unemployment recorded in the UK in recent years are widely cited as evidence of the country’s improved economic performance, and the apparent convergence of unemployment rates across the country’s regions used to suggest that the longstanding divide in living standards between the relatively prosperous ‘south’ and the more depressed ‘north’ has been substantially narrowed. Dissenters from these conclusions have drawn attention to the greatly increased extent of non-employment (around a quarter of the UK’s working age population are not in employment) and the marked regional dimension in its distribution across the country. Amongst these dissenters it is generally agreed that non-employment is concentrated amongst older males previously employed in the now very much smaller ‘heavy’ industries (e.g. coal, steel, shipbuilding). This paper uses the tools of compositiona l data analysis to provide a much richer picture of non-employment and one which challenges the conventional analysis wisdom about UK labour market performance as well as the dissenters view of the nature of the problem. It is shown that, associated with the striking ‘north/south’ divide in nonemployment rates, there is a statistically significant relationship between the size of the non-employment rate and the composition of non-employment. Specifically, it is shown that the share of unemployment in non-employment is negatively correlated with the overall non-employment rate: in regions where the non-employment rate is high the share of unemployment is relatively low. So the unemployment rate is not a very reliable indicator of regional disparities in labour market performance. Even more importantly from a policy viewpoint, a significant positive relationship is found between the size of the non-employment rate and the share of those not employed through reason of sickness or disability and it seems (contrary to the dissenters) that this connection is just as strong for women as it is for men

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We run a standard income convergence analysis for the last decade and confirm an already established finding in the growth economics literature. EU countries are converging. Regions in Europe are also converging. But, within countries, regional disparities are on the rise. At the same time, there is probably no reason for EU Cohesion Policy to be concerned with what happens inside countries. Ultimately, our data shows that national governments redistribute well across regions, whether they are fiscally centralised or decentralised. It is difficult to establish if Structural and Cohesion Funds play any role in recent growth convergence patterns in Europe. Generally, macroeconomic simulations produce better results than empirical tests. It is thus possible that Structural Funds do not fully realise their potential either because they are not efficiently allocated or are badly managed or are used for the wrong investments, or a combination of all three. The approach to assess the effectiveness of EU funds should be consistent with the rationale behind the post-1988 EU Cohesion Policy. Standard income convergence analysis is certainly not sufficient and should be accompanied by an assessment of the changes in the efficiency of the capital stock in the recipient countries or regions as well as by a more qualitative assessment. EU funds for competitiveness and employment should be allocated by looking at each region’s capital efficiency to maximise growth generating effects or on a pure competitive.

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Brazil is a large complex country that is undergoing rapid economic, social, and environmental change In this Series of six articles, we have reported important improvements in health status and life expectancy, which can be ascribed largely to progress in social determinants of health and to implementation of a comprehensive national health system with strong social participation. Many challenges remain, however. Socioeconomic and regional disparities are still unacceptably large, reflecting the fact that much progress is still needed to improve basic living conditions for a large proportion of the population. New health problems arise as a result of urbanisation and social and environmental change, and some old health issues remain unabated. Administration of a complex, decentralised public-health system, in which a large share of services is contracted out to the private sector, together with many private insurance providers, inevitably causes conflict and contradiction. The challenge is ultimately political, and we conclude with a call for action that requires continuous engagement by Brazilian society as a whole in securing the right to health for all Brazilian people.

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Em 1988 o Congresso Brasileiro promulgou uma nova Constituição que propiciava uma descentralização da arrecadação tributária entre os entes federativos. Apesar das profundas mudanças promovidas, a nova Constituição não foi capaz de assegurar a estabilidade macroeconômica assim como a redução das desigualdades regionais. Ao contrário, as mudanças promovidas estimularam um contínuo processo de 'remendos' legais que elevaram o 'custo Brasil' e estimularam a 'Guerra Fiscal' entre estados. O resultado foi a emergência de um sistema tributário arcaico, complexo, estruturalmente injusto e excessivamente oneroso para o contribuinte. Inserido nesse contexto, os principais objetivos deste estudo serão (i) avaliar o atual sistema tributário brasileiro que resultou da Constituição de 1988, e (ii) as principais propostas de reforma tributária que vêm sendo discutidas nos últimos anos.

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O compromisso político com a redução da desigualdade regional é antigo e reaparece, na história do Brasil, em todos os momentos de rediscussão do pacto federativo. Um dos instrumentos centrais de sustentação do federalismo fiscal é a partilha de receitas arrecadadas, de maneira centralizada, pela União. No Brasil, o Fundo de Participação dos Estados (FPE), criado em 1967, responde pela função de partilha, entre os estados, das receitas arrecadadas com impostos federais. O presente trabalho propõe um modelo de análise do FPE, tendo como objetivo avaliar seus impactos sobre a dinâmica de redução da desigualdade interestadual observada no período recente. Em verdade, busca-se avaliar se as expectativas dos atores políticos que engendraram a criação do fundo se confirmaram, isto é, se a partilha de receitas entre os estados foi eficaz para promover a redução das disparidades regionais no processo de desenvolvimento econômico ocorrido no Brasil.

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This research objectify to analyze the effects of minimum wage recovery in the household consumption in the Brazil, northeastern region of the Brazil and the state of the Rio Grande do Norte, in the period of 1995 to 2011. This is because the search for the strengthening of the internal market, via incentive policies to private demand has assumed prominence in the Government agenda. Thus, under the justification of the fierce debate about the effectiveness of countercyclical policies of Brazil, in view of the recent economic crisis, aims to: 1) retake the theoretical debate and, to a certain extent, the evolution of the theory of household consumption, as well as some conclusions about their connection with the minimum wage; 2) to describe the experiences and the effects of this legislation in economic history, with emphasis on the Brazilian case; 3) to present some of the available statistics to research bases, with attention to the specifics of each and the empirical results found for consumption in Brazil; 4) to estimate the effects of minimum wage variation in household consumption in Brazil (BR), northeast (NE) and Rio Grande do Norte (RN). From this, in order to quantify this relationship, makes inferences from the effects of the wage bill and the minimum wage on consumption, in quarterly series (with ad hoc adjustment from the "weights" of each quarter), from classic model of multiple linear regression. The hypothesis is that released: increments in income, derived from the policy of minimum wage recovery will influence directly the household consumption. However, when comparing the results between the units analyzed, the expressiveness of the northeastern families of Brazil and Rio Grande do Norte families front national dynamics with income linked to this floor, drives most significant impacts spending decisions in NE and RN, thus reducing regional disparities in the consumer. The results indicate contrary evidence, because while for the BR a unitary variation in minimum wage increases the consumption in units monetary 1.28, to the NE and RN these parameters are respectively 1.05 and 1.09

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Nos anos 60/70, do século XX, ocorreu um processo de “Integração político-econômica” da Amazônia ao Brasil, executada pelo Governo Federal. Esse processo gerou consequências profundas ao imaginário dos habitantes da região Amazônica, pois, dentro da estratégia governamental foi incluída a inserção de difusores de comunicação, bem como de rodovias e todo um aparato para interligar e diminuir as disparidades regionais. A “integração” criou uma infraestrutura capaz de atrair indústrias para a região. Porém muitos intelectuais acadêmicos e jornalistas deste período viram esse processo como uma “nova colonização”. Segundo eles, o capital gerado não resultou em melhorias sociais aos habitantes da Amazônia. Além dessa perspectiva, o contato com a cultura brasileira através da Televisão e do Rádio influenciou de forma contundente os rumos da política e da arte paraense. A música popular no Pará foi influenciada pela MPB nos anos 60. Porém, a partir destes debates em torno de uma “nova colonização” podemos perceber que o sentido artístico passou a ser regionalista amazônico, como uma estratégia de apoio político aos intelectuais e jornalistas regionais-progressistas. Neste trabalho, demonstraremos como esse “pano de fundo” se processou na obra do cantor e compositor Paulo André, em parceria com seu pai Ruy Barata (poeta e letrista). Assim como, é elaborada uma análise a respeito da carreira da cantora Fafá de Belém. Será discutido como suas aparições na mídia influenciaram no debate e na (re) construção do imaginário em torno da Amazônia.

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Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico (CNPq)

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Vietnam has been praised for its achievements in economic growth and success in poverty reduction over the last two decades. The incidence of poverty reportedly fell from 58.1% in 1993 to 19.5% in 2004 (VASS [2006, 13]). The country is also considered to have only a moderate level of aggregate economic inequality by international comparisons. As of the early 2000s, Vietnam’s consumption-based Gini coefficient is found to be comparable to that of other countries with similar levels of per capita GDP. The Gini index did increase between 1993 and 2004, but rather slowly, from 0.34 to 0.37 (VASS [2006, 13]). Yet, as the country moves on with its market oriented reforms, the question of inequality has been highlighted in policy and academic discourses. In particular, it is pointed out that socio-economic inequalities between regions (or provinces) are significant and have been widening behind aggregate figures (NCSSH [2001], Mekong Economics [2005], VASS [2006]). Between 1993 and 2004, while real per capita expenditure increased in all regions, it grew fastest in those regions with the highest per capita expenditures and vice versa, resulting in greater regional disparities (VASS [2006, 37]). A major contributing factor to such regional inequalities is the uneven distribution of industry within the country. According to the Statistical Yearbook of Vietnam, of the country's gross industrial output in 2007, over 50% belongs to the South East region, close to 25% to the Red River Delta, and about 10% to the Mekong River Delta. All remaining regions share some 10% of the country's gross industrial output. At a quick glance, the South East increased its share of the total industrial gross output in the 1990s, while the Red River Delta started to gain ground in more recent years. How can the government deal with regional disparities is a valid question. In order to offer an answer, it is necessary in the first place to grasp the trend of disparities as well as its background. To that end, this paper is a preparatory endeavor. Regional disparities in industrial activities can essentially be seen as a result of the location decisions of enterprises. While the General Statistics Office (GSO) of Vietnam has conducted one enterprise census (followed by annual enterprise surveys) and two stages of establishment censuses since 2000, sectorally and geographically disaggregated data are not readily available. Therefore, for the moment, we will draw on earlier studies of industrial location and the determinants of enterprises’ location decisions in Vietnam. The remainder of this paper is structured as follows. The following two sections deal with the country context. Section 2 will outline some major developments in Vietnam’s international economic relations that may affect sub-national location of industry. According to the theory of spatial economics, economic integration is seen as a major driver of changes in industrial location, both between and within countries (Nishikimi [2008]). Section 3, on the other hand, will consider some possible factors affecting geographic distribution of industry in the domestic sphere. In Section 4, existing literature on industrial and firm location will be examined, and Section 5 will briefly summarize the findings and suggest some areas for future research.

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En este trabajo se analizan los cambios en el patrón de las migraciones interiores españolas a lo largo del período 1960-1989. De forma preliminar y de acuerdo con las teorías explicativas de los flujos migratorios, se contrasta econométricamente la consistencia de estos cambios con la existencia de sistemas regionales económicamente desequilibrados versus sistemas regionales con diferencias compensadoras. Como resultado, se encuentra que a pesar de la reciente intensificación de las migraciones interiores y a diferencia de lo sucedido en otras etapas y bajo otras circunstancias, ahora no se debería confiar en que los movimientos migratorios puedan contribuir al acercamiento a la media nacional de las regiones con tasas de desempleo más elevadas. Esta vía podría haberse agotado en la medida en que el peso de las barreras procedentes de los mercados de trabajo y de los mercados inmobiliarios es creciente y, paradójicamente, ha generado flujos inte-rregionales equilibrados y no polarizados. Si, además, la posibilidad de que la emigración cumpla un papel dinamizador del ajuste económico se ve afectada por el componente de desempleo de los trabajadores que se desplazan, entonces las políticas públicas no deberían centrarse en la incentivación de los flujos de forma indiscriminada sino, más bien, en los aspectos microeconómicos referentes a la disponibilidad de información, la orientación y la capacitación de los potenciales trabajadores emigrantes.

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By using three indicators of the standard of living (income per capita, the Human Development Index and the Physical Quality of Life Index), this article provides new information regarding the evolution of the differences in well-being between the Spanish provinces throughout the 20th century. The results reveal that the disparities were enormous at the beginning of the century, after which a highly significant process of convergence took place, which was comparatively lower in terms of income per person than it was with respect to the HDI or the PQLI. Another noteworthy finding is that, irrespective of the indicator used, the well-being of each province is significantly influenced by that of its neighbours throughout the whole of the period analysed.

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From Introduction. Regional economic disequilibria was viewed as both an obstacle to and result of integration (European Commission 1965; European Commission 1962; European Commission 1969). Even within the Treaty of Rome, the Community tried to establish mechanisms to alleviate regional inequality. However, it was not until 1975 that the main mechanism of regional policy was established as a result of British and Irish enlargement: the European Regional Development Fund (ERDF). Since then, cohesion policy has become a significant EU expenditure accounting for €347bn, or 35.7% of the total EU budget for 2007-13(European Commission Regional Policy-Info Regio 2012). It has also become a key policy linked to enlargement. The underlying principle of cohesion policy assumes that the market alone cannot solve development problems and therefore government intervention is needed. This notion is in direct contrast to the underlying principle of EU competition policy, which asserts that the free market can solve economic development problems (Meadows, interview by author, 2003). The logic underlying cohesion policy is not only counter to EU competition policy, but also regulatory policies. Unlike other EU policies, cohesion policy is not a sectoral policy, but rather territorial in nature (Leonardi, 2006). Thus at times EU regulatory policy has also unintentionally worked counter to the goals of regional policy, sometimes disadvantaging poorer regions (Dudek, 2005). As the Community has sought to ameliorate regional disparities, it meant that all levels of government: local, regional, national and supranational would need to be involved, however, member states have different territorial governance and European regional development programs have to varying degrees impacted the relationship and policy responsibility of different levels of government (Leonardi, 2006; Bachtler and Michie 1993; Marks, 1993). The very nature of regional development policy has provoked a re-examination of subsidiarity, or which level of government is the lowest and most appropriate level. The discussion of policy formulation and implementation at the lowest level possible also addresses the issue of the democratic deficit. Some argue that the closer government is to the people the more responsive and representative it is. Democracy, however, also implies that public funds are used in a transparent way and for public rather than private good. Yet, as we examine the history and current situation of EU regional funds we find that corruption and misuse still abound. Thus, to understand the history of regional policy it is imperative to look at the major transformations of the policy, how regional policy has impacted subsidiarity and the quality of democracy, become an important instrument of enlargement and contradicted or conflicted with other EU policies.