907 resultados para Popular initiative. Social emancipation. Democracy
Resumo:
The birth models of care are discussed, in the light of classical and contemporary social science theoretical background, emphasizing the humanistic model. The double spiral of the sociology of absences and the sociology of emergences is detailed, being based, on one hand, on the translation of experiences of knowledge, and, on the other, on the translation of experiences of information and communication, by revealing the movement articulated by Brazilian women on blogs that defend and bring into light initiatives aiming to recover natural and humanized birth. A cartography of the thematic ideas in birth literature is produced, resulting in the elaboration of a synthetic map on obstetric models of care in contemporaneity, pointing out the consequences of the obstetric model that has become hegemonic in contemporary societies, and comparing that model to others that work more efficaciously to mothers and babies. A symbolic cartography of the activism for humanizing birth on the Brazilian blogosphere is configured by the elaboration of an analytical map synthetizing the main mottos defended by the movement: Normal humanized birth; Against obstetrical violence; and Planned home birth. The superposition of the obstetric models of care s map and the rebirth of birth s analytical map indicates it is necessary to reinforce three main measures in order to make a paradigmatic turn in contemporary birth models of care possible: pave the way for the humanistic care of assistance in normal birth, by defending and highlighting practices and professionals that act in compliance with evidence based medicine, respecting the physiology of birth; denaturalize obstetric violence, by showing how routine procedures and interventions can be means of aggression, jeopardizing the autonomy, the protagonism and the respect towards women; and motivate initiatives of planned home birth, the best place for the occurrence of holistic experiences of birth. It is concluded that Internet tools have allowed a pioneer mobilization in respecting women s reproductive rights in Brazil and that the potential of the crowd s biopower that resides on the blogosphere can turn blogs into a hegemonic alternative way to reach more democratic forms of social organization. In that condition of being virtually hegemonic in contesting the established power, these blogs can be understood, therefore, as potentially great contra-hegemonic channels for the rebirth of birth and for the reinvention of social emancipation, as their author s articulate and organize themselves to strive against the waste of experience, trying to create reciprocal intelligibility amongst different experiences of world
Resumo:
Our object is to analyze the experiences in participative management in the cities o Natal and Maceió. The center of our interests is to evaluate if the operational changes in public administration in Brazil have really caused transformations in the municipal government which tend to constitute democracy in our country. The enlargement of civil society participation experiences in public management (at least as a proposal) has led to a great diversity of results even when executed by individuals from the same political party or with the same ideological interests. Thus, we investigate why the participative management process takes place in different forms even when the managers belong to the same party and share the same ideas. We based our analysis in the analytical scheme developed by Esping-Andersen (1991) in his studies about the cause for different welfare states in the world. We defend the thesis that the specifities in management are explained through an integrative analysis between the capacity of organization existent in society, the kind of govern coalition and the institutional legacy present in both cities. The complete analysis of the two experiences studied shows that there are similarities specially in the mayors government forms and in the importance they give in their speech to the participation of society as the element which sustains the management. Nevertheless, although both mayors are connected to the political party project, there are also differences in the advance of such process mainly because of the basis work performed by the left party among the popular movement, the kind of govern coalition which has been developed in the city and by the institutional legacy left by the former administration
Resumo:
The question of participation has been debated in Brazil since the 1980 decade in search a better way to take care of poulation s demand. More specificaly after the democratic open (1985) begins to be thought ways to make population participates of decisions related to alocation of public resources. The characteristic of participates actualy doesn t exist, population to be carried through is, at top, consulted, and the fact population participates stays restrict to some technics interests at the projects, mainly of public politics of local development. Observe that this implementation happens through a process and that has its limits (pass) that could be surpassed through strategies made to that. This dissertation shows results of a research about participative practices in city of Serrinha between 1997 and 2004, showing through a study of the case of Serrinha what was the process used to carry through these pratices in a moment and local considered model of this application. The analyses were developed through a model of research elaborated by the author based on large literature respects the ideal process to implant a participative public politics. The present research had a qualitative boarding, being explorative and descritive nature. The researcher (author of this dissertation) carried through all the research phases, including the transcriptions of interviews that were recorded with a digital voice recorder. Before the analysis of these data was verified that despite the public manager (former-mayor) had had a real interest in implant a process of local development in city, he was not able to forsee the correct process to do it. Two high faults were made. The first was the intention to have as tool a development plan, what locked up to make this plan was the booster of supossed participative pratice and no the ideal model that would be a plan generate by popular initiative. The second one was absence of a critical education project for the population that should be the fisrt step to carry through a politc like that
Resumo:
Incluye Bibliografía
Resumo:
Pós-graduação em Ciências Sociais - FFC
Resumo:
Pós-graduação em Ciências Sociais - FFC
Resumo:
Presentaciones de Alicia Bárcena y Christof Kersting.
Resumo:
Pós-graduação em Serviço Social - FCHS
Resumo:
Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico (CNPq)
Resumo:
Este artigo trata da interelação entre justiça, razão comunicativa e emancipação social. Ao referir-se à justiça e à injustiça, retorna a um tema de fundamental importância para a história da Filosofia do Direito, sem com isto assumir os riscos das teorias metafísicas da justiça. É a partir da teoria do discurso, de Jürgen Habermas, que as condições e os pressupostos para o desenvolvimento de uma noção de justiça pós-metafísica se torna possível. Investigar a tarefa da Filosofia do Direito, e o desafio do conceito de justiça, são tarefas desdobradas nos estudos e debates envolvidos neste texto.
Resumo:
At the time of writing, all three elements that are evoked in the title – emancipation and social inclusion of sexual minorities, labour and labour activism, and the idea and substance of “Europe” – are being invested by deep, long-term, and – to varied degrees – radical processes of social transformation. The meaning of words like “equality”, “rights”, “inclusion”, and even “democracy” is as precarious and uncertain as are the lives of those European citizens who are marginalised by intersecting conditions of gender, sexuality, ethnicity, and class – in a constellation of precarities that is both unifying and fragmented (fragmenting). Conflicts are played, in hidden or explicit ways, over material processes of redistribution as well as discursive practices that revolve around these words. Against this backdrop, and roughly ten years after the European Union provided an input for institutional commitment to the protection of LGBT* workers' rights with the Council Directive 2000/78/EC, the dissertation contrasts discourses on workplace equality for LGBT* persons produced by a plurality of actors, seeking to identify values, semantics, and agendas framing and informing organisations’ views and showing how each actor has incorporated LGBT* rights into its own discourse, each time in a way that is functional to the construction and/or confirmation of its organisational identity: transnational union networks, by presenting LGBT* rights as a natural, neutral commitment within the framework of universal human rights protection; left-wing organisations, by collocating activism for LGBT* rights within a wider project of social emancipation that is for all the marginalised, yet is not neutral, but attached to specific values and opposed to specific political adversaries (the right-wing, the nationalists); business networks, by acknowledging diversity as a path to better performance and profits, thus encouraging inclusion and non-discrimination of “deserving” LGBT* workers.
Resumo:
This article seeks to bring some clarity to the publicly held debate on the Swiss federal popular initiative to limit immigration as it was adopted on 9 February 2014 by the Swiss people. It considers the crux of the matter, which is the implementation of the new Swiss constitutional article in the context of public international law. The initiative is stuck in between Swiss constitutional sovereignty and Swiss treaty obligations flowing from the agreement on free movement of persons between the European Union and the Swiss Confederation. Specific attention is paid to the democratic element anchored in the Swiss Constitution which, in contrast to other systems where the judicial element prevails, is of high importance for whole the process of a bilateral contractual relationship between the European Union and the Swiss Confederation.
Resumo:
Este trabajo expresa un avance de investigación sobre la perspectiva de los educadores populares insertos en organizaciones populares autónomas. Inicialmente se caracterizan estos sujetos y experiencias y se presentan algunos rasgos de sus reflexiones pedagógicas. Luego nos detenemos en lo que concierne a las reflexiones sobre modos de considerar la práctica social en los procesos de formación que ocurren en esos contextos de participación y de lucha social. Se ensaya un ordenamiento de acuerdo a las dimensiones de la práctica social que abordan: la experiencia previa de los sujetos, la cotidianidad de los procesos de participación y movilización, la dimensión de construcción de proyectos alternativos de sociedad.
Resumo:
El presente articulo analiza las principales transformaciones experimentadas por la identidad política peronista desde los años iniciales de la 'transición a la democracia' hasta la actualidad. En la primera parte reconstruye, a través de las páginas de la revista Unidos, los debates suscitados al interior del peronismo en la década del 80 alrededor de las relaciones y tensiones entre la tradición nacional-popular, el socialismo y la democracia. En la segunda sección se pregunta por las continuidades y rupturas experimentadas por la identidad peronista en los 90, apuntando a captar bajo qué formas seguía presente esta identidad en un contexto marcado por el neoliberalismo y el clientelismo. Finalmente, en la última sección se aventuran algunas hipótesis sobre la recomposición del peronismo bajo el liderazgo kirchnerista en el periodo posterior a la crisis social y política de 2001
Resumo:
El presente articulo analiza las principales transformaciones experimentadas por la identidad política peronista desde los años iniciales de la 'transición a la democracia' hasta la actualidad. En la primera parte reconstruye, a través de las páginas de la revista Unidos, los debates suscitados al interior del peronismo en la década del 80 alrededor de las relaciones y tensiones entre la tradición nacional-popular, el socialismo y la democracia. En la segunda sección se pregunta por las continuidades y rupturas experimentadas por la identidad peronista en los 90, apuntando a captar bajo qué formas seguía presente esta identidad en un contexto marcado por el neoliberalismo y el clientelismo. Finalmente, en la última sección se aventuran algunas hipótesis sobre la recomposición del peronismo bajo el liderazgo kirchnerista en el periodo posterior a la crisis social y política de 2001