"You can see some eagles. And hear the trumpets": the literary and political hinterland of T.S. Eliot's 'Coriolan'

There has been an increased amount of scholarly interest lately in T.S. Eliot's unfinished sequence, Coriolan (1932)—interest drawn from its Shakespearian allusiveness, and from analysis of this writing's particularly rebarbative, jarring poetic. Although, however, the two parts of the sequence published by Eliot are acknowledged as being his nearest approach to poetic commentary upon contemporary political ideas, little criticism exists establishing the hinterland of the political thought, with which Eliot was most familiar, as editor of the Criterion. Coriolan emerges at a time when the lure of fascism pulled hardest at Eliot's sensibility. This article reviews the full political context provided by Eliot's journal, as well as considering the connections between that political engagement and the readings of Shakespeare he was also promulgating through this forum, in order to provide a more complex sense than hitherto of the diverse pressures underlying the unsettled nature of the existing Coriolan poems.

Theology and politics in Richard Hooker's thought

Although Richard Hooker’s private attitudes were clericalist and authoritarian, his constitutional theory subordinated clergymen to laymen and monarchy to parliamentary statute. This article explains why his political ideas were nonetheless appropriate to his presumed religious purposes. It notes a very intimate connection between his teleological conception of a law and his hostility towards conventional high Calvinist ideas about predestination. The most significant anomaly within his broadly Aristotelian world-view was his belief that politics is nothing but a means to cope with sin. This too can be linked to his religious ends, but it creates an ambiguity that made his doctrines usable by Locke.

Emotion, reason and tradition : essays on the social, poltical and economic thought of Michael Polanyi

This collection of essays demonstrates the continuing importance of the work of Michael Polanyi for the understanding, not only of the great events of the 20th century, but also of the problems that face us in the 21st century. Polanyi moved liberalism away from a negative, sceptical and rationalist basis towards an acceptance of trust, tradition and faith in transcendent values. His conception of the free society is not one merely of doing as one pleases nor vacuously 'open', but one of individual and communal self-dedication to those values and ideals.These essays, authored by a distinguished international and interdisciplinary panel of invited contributors, examine Polanyi's specific insights in the theory of knowledge, the nature and source of social order and the philosophy of economics and science and draw relevant comparisons between Polanyi and related thinkers such as Popper, Hayek and Mises. This book shows the sources of Polanyi's ideas and his distinctive contribution to philosophy generally, to social and political thought and to economics.

Law and Original Contract in the Republican Thought of Immanuel Kant

This article discusses the concept of right and its identification with the power to coerce, to show a reciprocity between the original contract and the right, as a manifestation of the reciprocity between moral law and freedom, as Kant states in its Second Critique. The demonstration of this view will allow a republican stance evident in the legal and political thought of Kant, since the right of a people can only exist while the town itself is unified to enact.

Poverty in perception : a study of the twentieth-century prime ministers of Australia and New Zealand

Australia and New Zealand, as English-speaking nations with dominant white populations, present an ethnic anomaly not only in South East Asia, but also in the Southern Hemisphere. Colonised by predominantly workingclass British immigrants from the late eighteenth century, an ethnic and cultural connection grew between these two countries even though their indigenous populations and ecological environments were otherwise very different. Building a new life in Australia and New Zealand, the colonists shared similar historic perceptions of poverty – perceptions from their homelands that they did not want to see replicated in their new adopted countries. Dreams of a better life shaped their aspirations, self-identity and nationalistic outlook. By the twentieth century, national independence and self-government had replaced British colonial rule. The inveterate occurrence of poverty in Australia and New Zealand had created new local perspectives and different perceptions of, and about, poverty. This study analyses what relationship existed between the political directions adopted by the twentieth-century prime ministers of Australia and New Zealand and their perceptions of poverty. Using the existential phenomenological theory and methodology of Maurice Merleau-Ponty, the study adds to the body of knowledge about poverty in Australia and New Zealand by revealing the structure and origin of the poverty perceptions of the twentieth-century prime ministers.

Parrhesia and democracy : Truthtelling, WikiLeaks and the Arab Spring

Parrhesia — the practice of truth-telling — was adapted to various ancient legal, political, philosophical and religious contexts. In this essay we focus on parrhesia in politics and its relevance for democracy, concentrating on the account given by Michel Foucault. We suggest that Foucault’s approach to parrhesia and democracy is valuable because of its stress on the analysis of governmental rationalities and the ethical comportment of citizens, rather than on the normative dimensions of democracy, as is more usual (but more sterile) in political thought. We take two modern examples of truth-telling’s role in democracy – the recent WikiLeaks scandal and the political struggles in Tunisia and Egypt – as a way of assessing the value of Foucault’s distinctive approach and the relevance of parrhesia for democracy today.

Architecture et révolution : Le Corbusier and the fascist revolution

In a letter to a close friend dated April 1922 Le Corbusier announced that he was to publish his first major book, Architecture et révolution, which would collect “a set ofarticles from L’EN.”1—L’Esprit nouveau, the revue jointly edited by him and painter Amédée Ozenfant, which ran from 1920 to 1925.2 A year later, Le Corbusier sketched a book cover design featuring “LE CORBUSIER - SAUGNIER,” the pseudonymic compound of Pierre Jeanneret and Ozenfant, above a square-framed single-point perspective of a square tunnel vanishing toward the horizon. Occupying the lower half of the frame was the book’s provisional title in large handwritten capital letters, ARCHITECTURE OU RÉVOLUTION, each word on a separate line, the “ou” a laconic inflection of Paul Laffitte’s proposed title, effected by Le Corbusier.3 Laffitte was one of two publishers Le Corbusier was courting between 1921 and 1922.4 An advertisement for the book, with the title finally settled upon, Vers une architecture, 5 was solicited for L’Esprit nouveau number 18. This was the original title conceived with Ozenfant, and had in fact already appeared in two earlier announcements.6 “Architecture ou révolution” was retained as the name of the book’s crucial and final chapter—the culmination of six chapters extracted from essays in L’Esprit nouveau. This chapter contained the most quoted passage in Vers une architecture, used by numerous scholars to adduce Le Corbusier’s political sentiment in 1923 to the extent of becoming axiomatic of his early political thought.7 Interestingly, it is the only chapter that was not published in L’Esprit nouveau, owing to a hiatus in the journal’s production from June 1922 to November 1923.8 An agitprop pamphlet was produced in 1922, after L’Esprit nouveau 11-12, advertising an imminent issue “Architecture ou révolution” with the famous warning: “the housing crisis will lead to the revolution. Worry about housing.”9

Striving for the Impossible : The Hegelian background of Judith Butler

This study analyses the Hegelian roots of the subject-theory and the political theory of Judith Butler. Butler can be seen as the author of "gender performativity". Butler claims that subject's identities are linquistic "terms". Linquistic identities are performative and normative: they produce, according to cultural rules, the identities which they just claim to describe. Butler's theory of the performativity of identities is based on her theory of identities as "ek-static" constructions. This means that there is a relation between the self and the Other in the heart of identities. It is claimed in this study that Butler's theory of the relation between the self and the Other, or, between the subject and the constitutive outside, is based on G.W.F. Hegel's theory of the dialectics of recognition in The Phenomenology of Spirit. Especially the sections dealing with the relation between "Lord" and "Bondsman" set the theoretical base for Butler's theory. Further, it is claimed that Hegel's own solution for the enslaving and instrumentalizing relation between the self and the Other, reciprocal recognition, remains an important alternative to the postmodernist conception supported by political theorists like Butler. Chapter 2, on Hegel, goes through the dialectics of recognition between the self and the Other in The Phenomenology of Spirit up until the ideal of reciprocal recognition and absolute knowledge. Chapter 3 introduces two French interpretations of Hegel, by Alexandre Kojéve and Louis Althusser. Both of these interpretations, especially the Kojevian one, have deeply influenced the contemporary understanding of Hegel as well as the contemporary thought - presented e.g. in the postmodern political thought - on the relations between the self and the Other. The Kojévian Marxist utopia with its notion of "the End of History" as well as the Althusserian theory of the Interpellative formation of subjects have influenced how Hegel's theory of the self and the Other have travelled into Butler's thought. In chapter 5 these influences are analyzed in detail. According to the analysis, Butler, like numerous other poststructuralist theorists, accepts Kojéve's interpretation as basically correct, but rejects his vision of "the End of History" as static and totalitarian. Kojéve's utopian philosophy of history is replaced by the paradoxical idea of an endless striving towards emancipation which, however, could not and should not be reached. In chapter 6 Butler's theory is linked to another postmodern political theory, that of Chantal Mouffe. It is argued that Mouffe's theory is based on a similar view of the relation of the self and the other as Butler's theory. The former, however, deals explicitly with politics. Therefore, it makes the central paradox of striving for the impossible more visible; such a theory is unable to guide political action. Hegel actually anticipated this kind of theorizing in his critique of "Unhappy Consciousness" in the Phenomenology of Spirit. Keywords: Judith Butler, G.W.F. Hegel, Chantal Mouffe, Alexandre Kojéve, Postmodernism, Politics, Identities, Performativity, Self-consciousness, Other

Gender, Politics and Democratisation in Cameroon

Gender perceptions, religious belief systems, and political thought have excluded women from politics, for ages, around the world. Combining feminist and modernisation theorists in my theoretical framework, I examine the trends in patriarchal Europe and I highlight the gender-sensitive model of the Nordic countries. Retracing local gender patterns from precolonial to postcolonial eras in sub-Saharan Africa, I explore the links between perceptions, needs, resources, education and women's political participation in Cameroon. Democratisation is supposed to open up political participation, to grant equal opportunities to all adults. One ironic feature of the liberalisation process in Cameroon has been the decrease of women in parliamentarian representation (14% in 1988, 6% in 1992, 5% in 1997 and 10% in 2002). What social, cultural and institutional mechanisms produced this paradoxical outcome, the exclusion of half the population? The gender complementarity of the indigenous context has been lost to male prevalence privileged by education, church, law, employment, economy and politics in the public sphere; most women are marginalised in the private sphere. Nation building and development have failed; ethnicism and individualism are growing. Some hope lies in the growing civil society. From two surveys and 21 focus groups across Cameroon, in 2000 and 2002, some significant results of the processed empirical data reveal low electoral registration (34.5% women and 65.9% men), contrasted by the willingness to run for municipal elections (33.3 % women and 45.2% men). The co-existence of customary and statutory laws, the corrupt political system and fraudulent practices, contribute to the marginalisation of women and men who are interested in politics. A large majority of female respondents consider female politicians more trustworthy and capable than their male counterparts; they even foresee the appointment of a female Prime Minister. The Nordic countries have institutionalised gender equality in their legislation, policies and practices. France has improved women's political inclusion with the parity laws; Rwanda is another model of women's representation, thanks to its post-conflict constitution. From my analysis, Cameroonian institutions, men and more so women, may learn and borrow from these experiences, in order to design and implement a sustainable and gender-balanced democracy. Keywords: democratisation, politics, gender equality, feminism, citizenship, Cameroon, Nordic countries, Finland, France, United Kingdom, quotas, societal social psychology.

Augusto Del Noce : católicos y liberales. Maritain en el pensamiento filosófico-político italiano

Resumen: El pensamiento filosófico-político de Jacques Maritain tuvo una enorme influencia en Italia durante la segunda mitad del siglo XX, especialmente entre los dirigentes políticos de la democracia cristiana gobernante. En el plano más estrictamente teórico, fue Augusto Del Noce el encargado de introducir las ideas de Maritain en el mundo filosófico italiano. En este artículo el autor recorre las diferentes etapas por las que atravesó Del Noce en su interpretación del pensamiento del filósofo francés, subrayando la continuidad de una coincidencia de fondo en la visión de ambos acerca de la relación entre el Cristianismo y la cultura en la modernidad.

Utopía : relato de un viaje desde el medioevo hacia el Renacimiento

Resumen: En el estudio de las obras que expresan el pensamiento filosófico-político de Tomás Moro destaca la que será su obra fundamental, La mejor República y la isla de Utopía, publicada en el año 1516. Esta obra aborda y plantea la existencia de una organización social, política y económica ideal bajo la forma de “relato de viaje”, describiendo esa sociedad que imagina situada en la isla de Utopía —que pudiera llegar a ser real, o que se piensa como real o posible— para expresar cabalmente un pensamiento de orden filosófico político, verdadera intencionalidad de la obra de Moro. Moro y su “Utopía” encarnan “un viaje” entre el hombre Medieval apegado a una concepción del poder espiritual e incluso político, en crisis; y el hombre del Renacimiento, ávido de nuevas ideas y favorable a los horizontes que abría el estudio de la antigüedad clásica. En su obra Historia de los pueblos de habla inglesa, Winston Churchill escribe acerca de la obra de Moro: “Moro tomó la defensa de todo lo que había de bueno en la concepción medieval. Él encarna ante la historia la universalidad de la Edad Media, su creencia en los valores espirituales y su sentido instintivo de la trascendencia, y un sistema que durante mucho tiempo inspiró los sueños más radiantes de la humanidad”. Finalmente, es también el objeto del presente trabajo analizar la “Utopía” de Moro e identificar los principales recursos literarios y aspectos propios del “relato de viajes” desde un abordaje analítico-interpretativo-crítico.

Os homens do Estado Novo

O presente estudo pretende observar as relações entre as imagens do homem existentes nas páginas da revista Cultura Política (1941-1945) e os projetos de educação que disputaram espaço no debate público a partir da década de 1930. O periódico, editado por Almir de Andrade no âmbito do Departamento de Imprensa e Propaganda, consistiu num dos mais importantes veículos oficiais de comunicação ao longo do Estado Novo. Ao pesquisar o conceito de homem em Cultura Política, fica evidente a exigência constante de um processo formador para este homem, ao final do qual um novo tipo humano emergirá. Este novo tipo humano é apresentado, então, como a base de uma nova sociedade e de um novo Estado. O protagonista destas reflexões na revista é o autor Paulo Augusto de Figueiredo, que tem seu pensamento e obra analisados em maior detalhe. O argumento central deste trabalho é que a imagem de homem construída por Figueiredo e outros articulistas do periódico, bem como os artigos educacionais publicados na revista, apontam para o favorecimento do projeto católico de educação para o país, apenas um dentre outros que disputavam hegemonia sobre o processo de formação dos homens no período

Uma genealogoa de princípios de demofilia em comcepções utópicas de democratização

Ao aplicar o método genealógico a teorias que apresentam subsídios à reflexão sobre a democratização, infere-se a constituição de duas matrizes de pensamento, a demofóbica e a demofílica. A concepção da demofobia deriva da ideia spinozista de que o pensamento político moderno se constitui em torno do medo das massas e das multidões. Os termos dessa demofobia manifestam-se no pensamento de teóricos liberais como Constant, Tocqueville, Stuart Mill, Spencer, Schumpeter, Pareto, entre outros; mas também se insinua no de teóricos socialistas, como Marx, Engels e Lênin. A compreensão de que a demofobia resulta em obstáculo epistemológico ao conhecimento da dinâmica das massas na política leva a buscar nova base teórica. Para isso, esta tese explora as distinções entre a noção de multidão, em Spinoza, e o conceito de povo, em Hobbes. A concepção de demofilia baseia-se fortemente nas premissas spinozistas, como a ideia de que a potência da multidão excede o ordenamento jurídico-político, sendo composta por elementos extraídos das éticas de Spinoza, Aristóteles e Cícero, nas quais a philia ou amizade revela-se como fundamento da comunidade política. A partir da análise desses elementos, formula-se a proposição demofílica que, à maneira de imperativo categórico, sentencia agir como se a demofilia fosse o mundo a realizar na esfera ético-política. Entendendo a demofilia como um ideal a partir do qual se julga a política, estabelece-se como âmbito teórico para derivação de princípios demofílicos o pensamento utópico, do qual participam também, mas não exclusivamente, teorias identificadas como anarquistas, comunistas e socialistas, estudadas nas figuras de Bakunin, Thoreau, Winstanley e Fourier.

Fortalecendo laços: o conceito chinês de parceria estratégica aplicado às relações bilaterais sino-russa e sino-brasileira

Esta dissertação trata das relações bilaterais sino-russa e sino-brasileira a partir do conceito de parceria estratégica, tal como este aparece na formulação teórica dos chineses. Neste sentido, a análise recai sobre o pensamento político chinês e como este articula uma concepção própria sobre as relações internacionais, na qual é dada uma ênfase às relações bilaterais da China com países aos quais confere peso estratégico no rol de suas relações bilaterais. O conceito de parceria estratégica, neste trabalho, refere-se a relações bilaterais constituídas com um grau de institucionalização de meios de consulta e organismos permanentes entre os Estados, sem com isso em traduzir-se em alianças entre os dois países ou voltadas contra um terceiro Estado. Oficialmente, o termo parceria estratégica aparece na diplomacia chinesa para caracterizar as relações bilaterais da China com o Brasil e a Rússia, por exemplo, entendidas como o tipo de relacionamento mais harmonioso do país asiático com outros Estados, uma vez que a República Popular não constitui mais alianças ou relações de muita proximidade com qualquer membro do sistema internacional. Levando em conta a validade deste conceito de parceria estratégica, são analisadas as relações bilaterais sino-russa e sino-brasileira, para compreender até que ponto é válido o conceito como ferramenta explicativa.