El proceso de securitización del problema de las drogas por parte de Estados Unidos como dinamizador de las relaciones con Colombia

Este documento surge de la pregunta ¿por qué a pesar de los costos y los inconcluyentes resultados de la guerra contra las drogas, ésta se ha mantenido por más de 40 años? El texto analiza los factores que motivaron a Estados Unidos a iniciar un proceso de construcción discursiva para transformar el problema de las drogas en una amenaza a la seguridad nacional de ese país y del mundo, y cómo Colombia ha aprovechado esa situación para redefinir constantemente su identidad nacional e impulsar sus intereses. La aproximación al problema de las drogas se desarrolla desde la perspectiva del proceso de securitización y desde la óptica de la búsqueda de los intereses nacionales, soportada sobre la base teórica del constructivismo. Desde esa perspectiva, se evidencia cómo la construcción de la guerra contra las drogas ha dependido de la identidad (personalidad) de los Estados, de las políticas e intereses de sus gobernantes, pero también de elementos propios del contexto histórico que han potenciado su desarrollo. Finaliza con el planteamiento de un posible proceso de des-secutiritización del problema de las drogas.

Movimientos sociales su construcción narrativa desde los nuevos medios: los Indignados bogotanos en Twitter

Se analiza la relación entre movimientos sociales y nuevos medios en Colombia, preguntando en particular por las posibilidades narrativas que tienen los movimientos sociales en el nuevo espacio comunicativo abierto por internet. Para ello, se lleva a cabo un estudio descriptivo del relato elaborado en la red social Twitter por activistas virtuales del movimiento de indignación surgido en Bogotá tras la destitución del alcalde mayor, Gustavo Petro, a finales de 2013. Se encontró que Twitter fue un espacio esencialmente de disputa. El relato del movimiento fue construido en permanente contrapunteo no solo con las informaciones de los medios de comunicación tradicionales y las intervenciones de los líderes políticos, sino también con expresiones ciudadanas rivales, que se movilizaron paralelamente en la misma red social en un ejercicio de contestación. Esta investigación emplea como marco analítico la “autocomunicación de masas” propuesta por Manuel Castells.

Nova Talenta: 2014-2015

Contenido Introducción 1. Inteligencia emocional, liderazgo transformacional y género: factores que influencian el desempeño organizacional / Ana María Galindo Londoño, Sara Urrego Mayorga; Director: Juan Carlos Espinosa Méndez. 2. El rol de la mujer en el liderazgo / Andrea Patricia Cuestas Díaz; Directora: Francoise Venezia Contreras Torres. 3. Liderazgo transformacional, clima organizacional, satisfacción laboral y desempeño. Una revisión de la literatura / Juliana Restrepo Orozco, Ángela Marcela Ochoa Rodríguez; Directora: Françoise Venezia Contreras Torres. 4. “E-Leadership” una perspectiva al mundo de las compañías globalizadas / Ángela Beatriz Morales Morales, Mónica Natalia Aguilera Velandia; Director: Juan Carlos Espinosa. 5. Liderazgo y cultura. Una revisión / Daniel Alejandro Romero Galindo; Directora: Francoise Venezia Contreras Torres. 6. La investigación sobre la naturaleza del trabajo directivo: una revisión de la literatura / Julián Felipe Rodríguez Rivera, María Isabel Álvarez Rodríguez; Director: Juan Javier Saavedra Mayorga. 7. La mujer en la alta dirección en el contexto colombiano / Ana María Moreno, Juliana Moreno Jaramillo ; Directora: Françoise Venezia Contreras Torres. 8. Influencia de la personalidad en el discurso y liderazgo de George W. Bush después del 11 de septiembre de 2011 / Karen Eliana Mesa Torres; Director: Juan Carlos Espinosa. 9. La investigación sobre el campo del followership: una revisión de la literatura / Christian D. Báez Millán, Leidy J. Pinzón Porras; Director: Juan Javier Saavedra Mayorga. 10. El liderazgo desde la perspectiva del poder y la influencia. Una revisión de la literatura / Lina María García, Juan Sebastián Naranjo; Director: Juan Javier Saavedra Mayorga. 11. El trabajo directivo para líderes y gerentes: una visión integradora de los roles organizacionales / Lina Marcela Escobar Campos, Daniel Mora Barrero; Director: Rafael Piñeros. 12. Participación emocional en la toma de decisiones / Lina Rocío Poveda C., Gloria Johanna Rueda L.; Directora: Francoise Contreras T. 13. Estrés y su relación con el liderazgo / María Camila García Sierra, Diana Paola Rocha Cárdenas; Director: Juan Carlos Espinosa. 14. “Burnout y engagement” / María Paola Jaramillo Barrios, Natalia Rojas Mancipe; Director: Rafael Piñeros.

2005-2006, año electoral en los Andes, ¿El fin del ajuste político? (Coyuntura)

El artículo analiza, a la luz de la evidencia empírica, la hipótesis acerca de que la coyuntura política actual es, en efecto crítica, pero que no marca un giro hacia la izquierda, sino la culminación de un largo período de ajuste político en los Andes. Tomando como punto de partida la coyuntura electoral andina del 2006, el autor clasifica a los países de la región en dos grupos: aquellos en los que el proceso de ajuste ha culminado, produciendo nuevas configuraciones de actores político-electorales (partidos y/o movimientos), este conjunto incluye a Venezuela y Colombia. Y un segundo grupo de países en los que el ajuste estaría todavía en proceso: Ecuador, Perú y Bolivia.

Narrativising the facts: acting in screen and stage docudrama

This article presents findings and seeks to establish the theoretical markers that indicate the growing importance of fact-based drama in screen and theatre performance to the wider Anglophone culture. During the final decade of the twentieth century and the opening one of the twenty-first, television docudrama and documentary theatre have grown in visibility and importance in the UK, providing key responses to social, cultural and political change over the millennial period. Actors were the prime focus for the enquiry principally because so little research has been done into the special demands that fact-based performance makes on them. The main emphasis in actor training (in the UK at any rate) is, as it always has been, on preparation for fictional drama. Preparation in acting schools is also heavily geared towards stage performance. Our thesis was that performers called upon to play the roles of real people, in whatever medium, have added responsibilities both towards history and towards real individuals and their families. Actors must engage with ethical questions whether they like it or not, and we found them keenly aware of this. In the course of the research, we conducted 30 interviews with a selection of actors ranging from the experienced to the recently-trained. We also interviewed a few industry professionals and actor trainers. Once the interviews started it was clear that actors themselves made little or no distinction between how they set about their work for television and film. The essential disciplines for work in front of the camera, they told us, are the same whether the camera is electronic or photographic. Some adjustments become necessary, of course in the multi-camera TV studio. But much serious drama for the screen is made on film anyway. We found it was also the case that young actors now tend to get their first paid employment before a camera rather than on a stage. The screen-before-stage tendency, along with the fundamental re-shaping that has gone on in the British theatre since at least the early 1980s, had implications for actor training. We have also found that theatre work still tends to be most valued by actors. For all the actors we interviewed, theatre was what they liked doing best because it was there they could practice and develop their skills, there they could work most collectively towards performance, and there they could more directly experience audience feedback in the real time of the stage play. The current world of television has been especially constrained in regard to rehearsal time in comparison to theatre (and, to a lesser extent, film). This has also affected actors’ valuation of their work. Theatre is, and is not, the most important medium in which they find work. Theatre is most important spiritually and intellectually, because in theatre is collaborative, intensive, and involving; theatre is not as important in financial and career terms, because it is not as lucrative and not as visible to a large public as acting for the screen. Many actors took the view that, for all the industrial differences that do affect them and inevitably interest the academic, acting for the visible media of theatre, film and television involved fundamentally the same process with slightly different emphases.

Política de compras e contratações: trajetória e mudanças na administração pública federal brasileira

A tese analisa as mudanças da política de compras e contratações da administração pública federal brasileira descrevendo de forma sistemática os seis casos nos quais as regras e procedimentos sofrem alteração substancial, na forma de leis gerais ou estatutos: a centralização das compras no período Vargas, em dois momentos decisivos (1931 e 1940); a revisão das regras de licitação pelo Decreto-lei n. 200, no contexto da reforma administrativa do governo Castello Branco; a edição de um estatuto das licitações (o Decreto-lei n 2.300) no governo Sarney; a aprovação no Legislativo de uma lei de licitações voltada para o combate à corrupção e ao direcionamento dos contratos públicos (Lei 8.666); a tentativa frustrada de uma nova lei alinhada com a reforma gerencial do primeiro governo Fernando Henrique Cardoso e a criação do pregão como nova modalidade de licitação, em 2000. A pesquisa focaliza o processo político de formulação dos problemas, especificação de soluções e tomada de decisão, com base no modelo de John Kingdon, desdobrando a análise em fluxos do processo político, dos problemas emergentes e das soluções, em cada contexto histórico específico. Os seis casos são descritos por meio de narrativas estruturadas e comparados a partir das categorias do modelo teórico para elucidar como se desenvolveu o processo de mudança, quais os atores relevantes, idéias, modelos e eventos políticos que explicam suas circunstâncias e resultado.

A prelude of a 'little army'? São Paulo police force in the early years of the Republic (1890-1895)

This article analyzes the creation and development of the São Paulo police force during the early years of the republican regime. In a period of political change and turbulence, institutional upheaval (uprising of the Navy and federalist revolution), and social pressure, São Paulo's police force played an important role. As the state sought to organize the public sphere, the police force became a tool in the new government's hands. A more martial set of demands mobilized a large portion of the troops on behalf of the federal government against the Custodio de Mello uprising, and sought to defend São Paulo's borders. Despite official discourse that fomented a militarized response, São Paulo's police force found itself unable to dismiss old personnel and practices and dislodge entrenched interests.

Espaços educativos impulsionadores da educação ambiental

A educação ambiental (EA) vem-se expandindo no Brasil em diversos espaços educativos formais e não-formais. Este texto considera a EA provocadora de mudanças políticas, estimuladora de uma racionalidade ética e ecológica e promovedora de atitudes e valores pessoais e de práticas sociais compatíveis com a sustentabilidade da vida na Terra. Sob esta visão, o artigo tem como objetivo refletir sobre a expansão da educação ambiental nas universidades brasileiras, nos últimos vinte anos; discutir as possíveis mudanças educacionais das políticas públicas da área, a partir da Constituição de 1988; considerar a possível influência das forças dos movimentos sociais da sociedade organizada e das redes de EA locais, regionais e nacionais formadas com a generalização do uso da informática, como impulsionadora da sua expansão. A EA se constitui e se formaliza com o respaldo de uma política nacional que propicia sua permanência e aprofundamento nos espaços já conquistados e promove sua inserção nos demais contextos da sociedade organizada.

Eleição direta para diretor escolar: desafio à democratização da gestão

Esta pesquisa analisou a eleição direta para diretores escolares via estudo de caso da Escola Estadual de Ensino Fundamental e Médio Brigadeiro Fontenele em Belém do Pará, na perspectiva da democratização da gestão, cujas questões norteadoras foram: De que modo as eleições diretas podem contribuir para a construção da gestão democrática na escola? Como se deu o processo de implantação das eleições diretas para provimento do cargo de diretor da Escola Estadual de Ensino Fundamental e Médio Brigadeiro Fontenele, do ponto de vista do Sistema e da comunidade escolar? Para tanto, desenvolvemos este estudo utilizando abordagem qualitativa com pesquisa de campo, e coletamos os dados por intermédio de documentos e entrevistas semiestruturadas destinadas a 17 sujeitos, assim distribuídos: ex-secretária adjunta de ensino, representantes do Conselho Escolar, comissão eleitoral, grêmio estudantil, professores, alunos do ensino fundamental, ensino médio, da educação de jovens e adultos, comunidade e equipe gestora. A democratização da gestão da educação e da escola foi analisada em sua concretude na Secretaria de Educação do Estado do Pará e na escola selecionada, a partir dos seguintes elementos: Conselho Escolar atuante, Projeto Político Pedagógico construído coletivamente e em funcionamento e Autonomia escolar. As análises indicam que o processo eletivo para o provimento do cargo de diretor escolar enfrentou problemas comuns nas relações políticas no Brasil, e no Pará em particular, como o clientelismo, e a inexistência de um projeto político de mudança, discussões de campanhas centradas em pessoas e não em ideias, dentre outros. Podemos afirmar que a experiência estudada não foi um caso isolado, porque o exemplo se manifestou em diversas instituições da rede estadual; que a direção eleita finalizou seu mandato sem rever o Projeto Político Pedagógico, mesmo sendo um instrumento que não garante a democratização das relações de poder, mas é essencial, e se for produto de trabalho coletivo poderá concorrer para a construção de novas relações de poder e para nortear a organização política, administrativa e pedagógica da instituição. A construção da gestão democrática encontrou diferentes barreiras, pois os órgãos colegiados não conseguiram realizar seu papel enquanto órgão permanente de educação política, pois fica quase restrito a problemas burocráticos, como prestação de contas de recursos recebidos. A estrutura hierárquica tradicional presente na E. E. E. F. M. Brigadeiro Fontenele não permitiu uma significativa mudança nas relações de poder e a própria organização pedagógica possui barreiras quase intransponíveis, como a execução dos programas de disciplinas estanques, sem os professores discutirem ou se articularem. Por fim, consideramos que a forma autoritária de conduzir a escola pode reforçar a sociedade excludente e avaliamos que para a democratização da gestão, necessitamos de novos referenciais de formação para os gestores escolares, pois o cenário político e econômico e social impõe novas práticas gestoras.

Novos rumos, velhos hábitos: debates acerca do trabalhador rural na Assembléia Nacional Constituinte Portuguesa de 1911

Pós-graduação em História - FCLAS

Demokratie, good governance und Entwicklung: Eine quantitative Analyse für 191 Staaten im Zeitraum 1996 bis 2005

Das Jahr 1989 markiert nicht nur den Beginn entscheidender geopolitischer Veränderungen, sondern gleichzeitig den Ursprung eines bedeutsamen Wandels in der internationalen Entwicklungszusammenarbeit. Mit der viel beachteten Studie ‚Sub-Saharan Africa – From Crisis to Sustainable Growth’ initiierte die Weltbank eine Debatte über die Relevanz institutioneller Faktoren für wirtschaftliche Entwicklung, die in den folgenden Jahren unter dem Titel ‚Good Governance’ erhebliche Bedeutung erlangte. Nahezu alle zentralen Akteure begannen, entsprechende Aspekte in ihrer praktischen Arbeit zu berücksichtigen, und entwickelten eigene Konzepte zu dieser Thematik. Wenn auch mit der Konzentration auf Institutionen als Entwicklungsdeterminanten eine grundlegende Gemeinsamkeit der Ansätze festzustellen ist, unterscheiden sie sich jedoch erheblich im Hinblick auf die Einbeziehung politischer Faktoren, so dass von einem einheitlichen Verständnis von ‚Good Governance’ nicht gesprochen werden kann. Während die meisten bilateralen Akteure sowie DAC und UNDP Demokratie und Menschenrechte explizit als zentrale Bestandteile betrachten, identifiziert die Weltbank einen Kern von Good Governance, der unabhängig von der Herrschaftsform, also sowohl in Demokratien wie auch in Autokratien, verwirklicht werden kann. Die Implikationen dieser Feststellung sind weit reichend. Zunächst erlaubt erst diese Sichtweise der Bank überhaupt, entsprechende Aspekte aufzugreifen, da ihr eine Berücksichtigung politischer Faktoren durch ihre Statuten verboten ist. Bedeutsamer ist allerdings, dass die Behauptung der Trennbarkeit von Good Governance und der Form politischer Herrschaft die Möglichkeit eröffnet, Entwicklung zu erreichen ohne eine demokratische Ordnung zu etablieren, da folglich autokratische Systeme in gleicher Weise wie Demokratien in der Lage sind, die institutionellen Voraussetzungen zu verwirklichen, welche als zentrale Determinanten für wirtschaftlichen Fortschritt identifiziert wurden. Damit entfällt nicht nur ein bedeutsamer Rechtfertigungsgrund für demokratische Herrschaft als solche, sondern rekurrierend auf bestimmte, dieser zu attestierende, entwicklungshemmende Charakteristika können Autokratien nun möglicherweise als überlegene Herrschaftsform verstanden werden, da sie durch jene nicht gekennzeichnet sind. Die Schlussfolgerungen der Weltbank unterstützen somit auch die vor allem im Zusammenhang mit der Erfolgsgeschichte der ostasiatischen Tigerstaaten vertretene Idee der Entwicklungsdiktatur, die heute mit dem Aufstieg der Volksrepublik China eine Renaissance erlebt. Der wirtschaftliche Erfolg dieser Staaten ist danach auf die überlegene Handlungsfähigkeit autokratischer Systeme zurückzuführen, während Demokratien aufgrund der Verantwortlichkeitsbeziehungen zwischen Regierenden und Regierten nicht in der Lage sind, die notwendigen Entscheidungen zu treffen und durchzusetzen. Die dargestellte Sichtweise der Weltbank ist allerdings von verschiedenen Autoren in Zweifel gezogen worden, die auch für ein im Wesentlichen auf technische Elemente beschränktes Good Governance-Konzept einen Zusammenhang mit der Form politischer Herrschaft erkennen. So wird beispielsweise vertreten, das Konzept der Bank bewege sich ausdrücklich nicht in einem systemneutralen Vakuum, sondern propagiere zumindest implizit die Etablierung demokratischer Regierungsformen. Im Übrigen steht die aus den Annahmen der Weltbank neuerlich abgeleitete Idee der Entwicklungsdiktatur in einem erheblichen Widerspruch zu der von multilateralen wie bilateralen Akteuren verstärkt verfolgten Förderung demokratischer Herrschaft als Mittel für wirtschaftliche Entwicklung sowie der fortschreitenden Verbreitung der Demokratie. Besteht nun doch ein Einfluss der Herrschaftsform auf die Verwirklichung von Good Governance als zentraler Entwicklungsdeterminante und kann zudem davon ausgegangen werden, dass Demokratien diesbezüglich Vorteile besitzen, dann ist eine Entwicklungsdiktatur keine denkbare Möglichkeit, sondern im Gegenteil demokratische Herrschaft der gebotene Weg zu wirtschaftlichem Wachstum bzw. einer Verbesserung der Lebensverhältnisse. Aufgrund der mit den Schlussfolgerungen der Weltbank verbundenen bedeutsamen Implikationen und der bisher weitestgehend fehlenden ausführlichen Thematisierung dieses Gegenstands in der Literatur ist eine detaillierte theoretische Betrachtung der Zusammenhänge zwischen den zentralen Elementen von Good Governance und demokratischer Herrschaft notwendig. Darüber hinaus sollen die angesprochenen Beziehungen auch einer empirischen Analyse unterzogen werden. Gegenstand dieser Arbeit ist deshalb die Fragestellung, ob Good Governance eine von demokratischer Herrschaft theoretisch und empirisch unabhängige Entwicklungsstrategie darstellt.

Community Research as a Factor Building Inclusive Community in Lithuania

Social and political change in Europe, increasing labour mobility, development of the new European social policy and increasingly global nature of the social problems had a profound effect on the socio-cultural and socio-educational work in community and on its objectives. In order to keep these new communitarian standards of social policy, the first steps have to be made in fostering local community with the perspective it will reach the western European communitarian level. That is the reason why university in these changes started to turn more and more to the society and first of all has put a great emphasis on the community research. This initiative was induced by non-existence of civic tradition during the communist period, the gap in the development of civil society and its culture, the weakness and the poorness of the third sector. This paper is based on the analysis of the community and civil society research conducted during recent years by the researchers of Kaunas University of Technology, Faculty of Social Sciences. The paper involves a review of the research methodology, interpretation of the received data and summary of the results. It discusses both theoretical and empirical possibilities of building and developing inclusive community.

Advancing the theory of collective empowerment: A qualitative study

In order to fully describe the construct of empowerment and to determine possible measures for this construct in racially and ethnically diverse neighborhoods, a qualitative study based on Grounded Theory was conducted at both the individual and collective levels. Participants for the study included 49 grassroots experts on community empowerment who were interviewed through semi-structured interviews and focus groups. The researcher also conducted field observations as part of the research protocol.^ The results of the study identified benchmarks of individual and collective empowerment and hundreds of possible markers of collective empowerment applicable in diverse communities. Results also indicated that community involvement is essential in the selection and implementation of proper measures. Additional findings were that the construct of empowerment involves specific principles of empowering relationships and particular motivational factors. All of these findings lead to a two dimensional model of empowerment based on the concepts of relationships among members of a collective body and the collective body's desire for socio-political change.^ These results suggest that the design, implementation, and evaluation of programs that foster empowerment must be based on collaborative ventures between the population being served and program staff because of the interactive, synergistic nature of the construct. In addition, empowering programs should embrace specific principles and processes of individual and collective empowerment in order to maximize their effectiveness and efficiency. And finally, the results suggest that collaboratively choosing markers to measure the processes and outcomes of empowerment in the main systems and populations living in today's multifaceted communities is a useful mechanism to determine change. ^

AIDS talk

The observations of Michel Foucault, noted Twentieth Century French philosopher, regarding modern power relations and orders of discourse, form the framework utilized to analyze and interpret the power struggles of AIDS activists and their opponents--the religious and radical right, and the administrative agencies of the 'Liberal' welfare State. Supported by the tools of sociolinguistic inquiry, the analysis highlights the success of a safer sex campaign in Houston, Texas to illustrate the dynamics of cultural and political change by means of discursive transformations initiated by the gay micro-culture. The KS/AIDS Foundation, allied with both the biomedical community and gay entertainment spheres, was successful in conveying biomedical cautions that resulted in altered personal behavior and modified public attitudes by using linguistic conventions consonant with the discourse of the Houston gay micro-culture. The transformation of discursive practices transgressed not only the Houston gay micro-culture's boundaries, but the city boundaries of Houston as well. In addition to cultural and political change, moderate and confrontational gay activists also sought to change the cognitive boundaries surrounding 'the gold standard' for clinical research trials.^ From a Foucauldian perspective, the same-sex community evolved from the subordinated Other to a position of power in a period of five years. Transformations in discursive practices and power relations are exemplified by the changing definitions employed by AIDS policy-makers, the public validation of community-based research and the establishment of parallel track drug studies. Finally, transformations in discursive practices surrounding the issues of HIV antibody testing are interpreted using Foucault's six points of power relations. The Montrose Clinic provides the case study for this investigation. The clinic turned the technical rationalities of the State against itself to achieve its own ends and those of the gay micro-culture--anonymous testing with pre and post test counseling. AIDS Talk portrays a dramatic transformation in discursive practices and power relations that transcends the historical moment to provide a model for future activists. Volume 2 contains copies of fugitive primary source materials largely unavailable elsewhere. Original documents are archived in the Harris County Medical Archives in the Houston Academy of Medicine located in the Texas Medical Center Library, Houston, Texas. ^

Transition and Justice: An Introduction

Since the end of the Cold War, political new beginnings have increasingly been linked to questions of transitional justice. The contributions to this collection examine a series of cases from across the African continent where peaceful ‘new beginnings’ have been declared after periods of violence and where transitional justice institutions played a role in defining justice and the new socio-political order. Three issues seem to be crucial to the understanding of transitional justice in the context of wider social debates on justice and political change: the problem of ‘new beginnings’, of finding a foundation for that which explicitly breaks with the past; the discrepancies between lofty promises and the messy realities of transitional justice in action; and the dialectic between logics of the exception and the ordinary, employed to legitimize or resist transitional justice mechanisms. These are the particular focus of this Introduction.