96 resultados para Nobody


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Este trabalho tem como objetivo estudar e discutir as maneiras pelas quais os jovens na atualidade vêm construindo trajetórias, narrativas e projetos de vida a partir das novas configurações assumidas pelo trabalho. Com a finalidade de atingir o objetivo proposto além do levantamento de referencial teórico-bibliográfico foi realizada pesquisa de campo. O referencial teórico-bibliográfico foi desenvolvido em torno das três principais categorias que envolvem o tema e dos desdobramentos delas provenientes: cenário atual, trabalho e juventude. Nessa abordagem, tanto sujeito quanto subjetividade são compreendidos como produções culturais e sociais, modos de ser e de estar no mundo que emergem dentro de contextos históricos específicos. O trabalho é entendido como uma instância privilegiada de inserção social e, portanto, como categoria que contribui de modo central para as produções de subjetividade, possuindo fundamental papel para que os jovens possam construir projetos de vida que possibilitem o desenvolvimento de trajetórias e narrativas consistentes. Pelo caráter múltiplo e heterogêneo da juventude, foi realizado um recorte desse universo para a realização do trabalho de campo, participando deste jovens entre 21 e 26 anos pertencentes à classes médias e media alta, moradores do Rio de Janeiro que exercem função de estagiários em uma empresa nacional privada localizada no mesmo Estado. Foi utilizada metodologia qualitativa para a realização da pesquisa baseada em entrevistas individuais como instrumento de coleta de dados. A análise dos resultados seguiu pressupostos teórico-metodológicos da análise de discurso. Os principais resultados mostraram que os projetos de vida dos jovens carregam em si muitas características inerentes ao contexto contemporâneo e às maneiras como o trabalho se configura: as idéias de flexibilidade, mudança, aceleração, movimento constante, abertura ao novo, entre outras. São projetos de vida múltiplos caracterizados pela mutabilidade, nos quais uma das poucas certezas que os guia é a de que ninguém pode ficar parado. As trajetórias são marcadas pelo movimento e pela lógica do cada um por si havendo um enorme comprometimento consigo mesmo. Os projetos possuem caráter individual, não sendo a eles integrados interesses coletivos. De um modo geral, pode-se observar que os projetos se mostram como tentativas de adaptação ao complexo cenário atual que parece facilitar a emergência de modos de ser e estar cada vez mais individualizados.

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Partindo da perspectiva evolucionista da psicologia, que oferece uma compreensão filogenética dos comportamentos de cooperação e compartilhamento como decisivos para o processo adaptativo da espécie humana, e de um olhar ontogenético sobre o desenvolvimento moral, que aporta a dimensão cultural na qual esses comportamentos sociais são ainda hoje necessários para a vida harmoniosa em sociedade, o sentido de propriedade se destaca como um tema pouco estudado, porém de grande relevância, uma vez que a inserção da criança na cultura adulta de negociação e de trocas sociais dependerá do desenvolvimento do sentido de propriedade. A depender do ambiente e da intervenção de adultos com quem a criança convive, o desenvolvimento da noção de posse tenderá mais ou menos a comportamentos coletivistas. Com o objetivo de observar o impacto da escola sobre o desenvolvimento do sentido de propriedade em crianças entre cinco e oito anos de idade, foi desenvolvido um estudo correlacional que demonstrou haver diferenças estatisticamente significativas entre o desenvolvimento da noção de posse em crianças que frequentam uma escola de metodologia tradicional e crianças que assitem a uma escola de metodologia alternativa. Foram abordadas 78 crianças divididas em dois grupos. Um grupo de 38 crianças de uma escola tradicional e outro grupo de 40 crianças de uma escola alternativa. O procedimento consistiu na contação de quatro histórias, na quais os personagens se relacionam de diferentes maneiras e acabam por disputar um mesmo objeto. As crianças opinaram de quem elas achavam que era o objeto, quem elas achavam que merecia ficar com o objeto, e, então, entregaram elas mesmas o objeto ao personagem escolhido. Existindo as opções de dar para ninguém ou para ambos. De modo geral, o grupo de crianças da escola alternativa recorreu ao compartilhamento do objeto entre ambos os personagens em um maior número de situações, quando comparadas às crianças da escola tradicional. O que revela ser o contexto da escola alternativa mais propício aos comportamentos sociais de cooperação e compartilhamento, uma vez que eles fazem parte do cotidiano das crianças neste contexto escolar. Os resultados aqui desvendados corroboraram a hipótese inicial do estudo e encontraram respaldo na literatura. Espera-se, com isso, fortalecer o debate sobre os processos de escolarização com argumentação a favor dos contextos escolares inovadores e enriquecer os conhecimentos empíricos acerca do desenvolvimento do sentido de propriedade.

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[EN] The goal of this contribution is twofold: on the one hand, to review two relatively recent contributions in the field of Eskimo-Aleut historical linguistics in which it is proposed that Eskimo-Aleut languages are related genealogically to Wakashan (Holst 2004) and?/or Nostratic (Krougly-Enke 2008). These contributions can be characterized by saying that their authors have taken little care to be diligent and responsible in the application of the comparative method, and that their familiarity with the languages involved is insufficient. Eskimo-Aleut languages belong to a very exclusive group of language families that have been (and still are) used, sometimes compulsively, in the business of so-called “long-range comparisons”. Those carrying out such studies are very often unaware of the most basic facts regarding the philological and linguistic traditions of those languages, as a result of what mountains of very low quality works with almost no-relevancy for the specialist grow every year to the desperation of the scientific community, whose attitude toward them ranges from the most profound indifference to the toughest (and most explicit) critical tone. Since Basque also belongs to this group of “compare-with-everything-you-come- across” languages, it is my intention to provide the Basque readership with a sort of “pedagogical case” to show that little known languages, far from underrepresented in the field, already have a very long tradition in historical and comparative linguistics, i.e. nobody can approach them without previous acquaintance with the materials. Studies dealing with the methodological inappropriateness of the Moscow School’s Nostratic hypothesis or the incorrectness of many of the proposed new taxonomic Amerindian subfamilies (several of them involving the aforementioned Wakashan languages), that is to say, the frameworks on which Krougly-Enke and Holst work, respectively, are plenty (i.a. Campbell 1997: 260-329, Campbell & Poser 2008: 234-96), therefore there is no reason to insist once more on the very same point. This is the reason why I will not discuss per se Eskimo-Aleut–Wakashan or Eskimo-Aleut–Nostratic. On the contrary, I will focus attention upon very concrete aspects of Krougly-Enke and Holst´s proposals, i.e. when they work on “less ambitious” problems, for example, dealing with the minutiae of internal facts or analyzing certain words from the sole perspective of Eskimo-Aleut materials (in other words, those cases in which even they do not invoke the ad hoc help of Nostratic stuff). I will try to explain why some of their proposals are wrong, demonstrate where the problem lies, and fix it if possible. In doing so, I will propose new etymologies in an attempt at showing how we may proceed. The main difference between this and handbook examples lies in the reality of what we are doing: this is a pure etymological exercise from beginning to end. I will try to throw a bit of light on a couple of problematic questions regarding Aleut historical phonology, demonstrating how much work should be done at the lowest level of the Eskimo-Aleut pyramid; it is technically impossible to reach the peak of the pyramid without having completed the base. As far as Aleut is regarded, I will mainly profit not only from the use of the traditional philological analysis of Aleut (and, eventually, of Eskimo) materials, but also of diachronic typology, bringing into discussion what in my opinion seems useful, and in some cases I think decisive, parallels. It is worth noting that this paper makes up yet another part of a series of exploratory works dealing with etymological aspects of the reconstruction of Proto-Eskimo-Aleut, with special emphasis on Aleut (vid. i.a. Alonso de la Fuente 2006/2007, 2008a, 2008b, 2010a), whose main goal is to become the solid basis for an etymological dictionary of the Aleut language, currently in progress.

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Small indigenous fish species (SIS) provide food, nutrition, subsistence and supplemental income to a great majority of the people particularly the poor and disadvantaged people of Bangladesh. To date nobody explored the possibilities of culturing these species in combination with the indigenous major carps viz. catla, Catla catla; rohu, Labeo rohita, and mrigal Cirrhinus cirrhosus and grass carp, Ctenopharyngodon idellus. An experiment on the polyculture of carps with a popular SIS, bata (Labeo bata) was carried out to evaluate the production performance of carp-SIS culture in on-farm condition during 15 March to 15 September 2003. Three treatments each having three replications with different stocking densities of bata were tested keeping the carp species combination and stocking density similar in all the treatments viz. treatment 1 (T1), bata (5,000/ha) + catla, rohu and mrigal (5,000/ha at the ratio of 1:1:1) + grass carp (250/ha); treatment 2 (T2), bata (7,500/ha) + catla, rohu and mrigal (5,000/ha at the ratio of 1:1:1) + grass carp (250/ha); and treatment 3 (T3), bata (1 0,000/ha) + catla, rohu and mrigal (5,000/ha at the ratio of 1:1:1) + grass carp (250/ha). After six months rearing, the production obtained were 2,466±77, 2,395±85 and 2,074±72 kg/ha from T1, T2 and T3, respectively. The highest production was obtained from T1, where the stocking density of bata was the minimum (5,000/ha) while the lowest production was obtained from T1 [sic], where the stocking density of bata was maximum (10,000/ha). Significant difference (P<0.05) exists in the production levels as obtained from different treatments. The contribution of bata to total production was 10.31%, 13.96% and 14.38% in case of T1, T2 and T3, respectively.

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The researches of the CC's form processing mainly involved the effects of all kinds of form properties. In most of the cases, the researches were conducted after the lexical process completed. A few which was about early phases of visual perception focused on the process of feature extraction in character recognition. Up till now, nobody put forward a propose that we should study the form processing in the early phases of visual perception of CC. We hold that because the form processing occurs in the early phases of visual perception, we should study the processing prelexically. Moreover, visual perception of CC is a course during which the CC becomes clear gradually, so that the effects of all kinds of form properties should not be a absolute phenomena of an all-or-none. In this study we adopted 4 methods to research the form processing in the early phases simulatedly and systematically, including the tachistoscopic repetition, increasing time to present gradually, enlarging the visual angle gradually and non- tachistoscopic searching and naming. Under all kinds of bad or degraded visual conditions, the instantaneous course of early-phases processing was slowed down and postponed, and then the growth course was open to before our eyes. We can captured the characteristics of the form processing in the early phases by analyzing the reaction speed and recognition accuracy. Accompanying the visual angle and time increasing, the clarity improved and we can find out the relation between the effects of form properties and visual clarity improving. The results were as follows: ①in the early phases of visual perception of CC, there were the effects of all kinds of form properties. ②the quantity of the effects would cut down when the visual conditions were being changed better and better. We raised the concept of character's space transparency and it's algorithm to explain these effects of form properties. Furthermore, a model was discussed to help understand the phenomenon that the quantity of the effects changed as the visual conditions were improved. ③The early phases of visual perception of CC isn't the loci of the frequency effect.

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It is in the interests of everybody that the environment is protected. In view of the recent leaps in environmental awareness it would seem timely and sensible, therefore, for people to pool vehicle resources to minimise the damaging impact of emissions. However, this is often contrary to how complex social systems behave – local decisions made by self-interested individuals often have emergent effects that are in the interests of nobody. For software engineers a major challenge is to help facilitate individual decision-making such that individual preferences can be met, which, when accumulated, minimise adverse effects at the level of the transport system. We introduce this general problem through a concrete example based on vehicle-sharing. Firstly, we outline the kind of complex transportation problem that is directly addressed by our technology (CO2y™ - pronounced “cosy”), and also show how this differs from other more basic software solutions. The CO2y™ architecture is then briefly introduced. We outline the practical advantages of the advanced, intelligent software technology that is designed to satisfy a number of individual preference criteria and thereby find appropriate matches within a population of vehicle-share users. An example scenario of use is put forward, i.e., minimisation of grey-fleets within a medium-sized company. Here we comment on some of the underlying assumptions of the scenario, and how in a detailed real-world situation such assumptions might differ between different companies, and individual users. Finally, we summarise the paper, and conclude by outlining how the problem of pooled transportation is likely to benefit from the further application of emergent, nature-inspired computing technologies. These technologies allow systems-level behaviour to be optimised with explicit representation of individual actors. With these techniques we hope to make real progress in facing the complexity challenges that transportation problems produce.

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Recent shifts in technology have seen some writers question the value of tablet computers as phones becomes bigger, more powerful and their battery life improves: (http://www.wired.com/2015/01/nobody-knows-ipad-good-anymore/ In trying to encourage greater student engagement with their studies, lecturers can be caught unsure of how to proceed. Moodle has improved since its introduction and now it adjusts the content to match the screen size. Does that matter? Results from a recent module survey suggests that 75% of students access Moodle from their phone which would suggest that when we design our Moodle pages we may need to think about the placement of information. What works on a 21" HD monitor in our office may not give the same result on a laptop, tablet or phone.

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Francis, Matthew, New Collected Poems of W. S. Graham, (London: Faber and Faber, 2004 RAE2008

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E-poltergeist takes over the user’s internet browser, automatically initiating Web searches without their permission. Web-based artwork which explores issues of user control when confronted with complex technological systems, questioning the limits of digital interactive arts as consensual reciprocal systems. e-poltergeist was a major web commission that marked an early stage of research in a larger enquiry by Craighead and Thomson into the relationship between live virtual data, global communications networks and instruction-based art, exploring how such systems can be re-contextualised within gallery environments. e-poltergeist presented the 'viewer' with a singular narrative by using live internet search-engine data that aimed to create a perpetual and virtually unstoppable cycle of search engine results, banner ads and moving windows as an interruption into the normal use of an internet browser. The work also addressed the ‘de-personalisation’ of internet use by sending a series of messages from the live search engine data that seemed to address the user directly: 'Is anyone there?'; 'Can anyone hear me?', 'Please help me!'; 'Nobody cares!' e-poltergeist makes a significant contribution to the taxonomy of new media art by dealing with the way that new media art can re-address notions of existing traditions in art such as appropriation and manipulation, instruction-based art and conceptual art. e-poltergeist was commissioned ($12,000) for 010101: Art in Technological Times, a landmark international exhibition presented by the San Francisco Museum of Modern Art, which bought together leading international practitioners working with emergent technologies, including Tatsuo Miyajima, Janet Cardiff, Brian Eno. Peer recognition of the project in the form of reviews include: Curating New Media. Gateshead: Baltic Centre for Contemporary Art. Cook, Sarah, Beryl Graham and Sarah Martin ISBN: 1093655064; The Wire; http://www.wired.com/culture/lifestyle/news/2000/12/40464 (review by Reena Jana); Leonardo (review Barbara Lee Williams and Sonya Rapoport) http://www.leonardo.info/reviews/feb2001/ex_010101_willrapop.html All the work is developed jointly and equally between Craighead and her collaborator, Jon Thomson, Slade School of Fine Art.

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G.H. Mead (1863-1931) oriented much of his intellectual efforts around three unavoidable questions for anyone living in a modern society: how are selfhood, knowledge, and politics understood and organized in such a society? Modern individuals continually seek answers to questions although nobody has ever come up with a definitive answer to them. Modernity, in other words, confronts us with inevitable problematics that fundamentally shape the way in which we think about certain topics. For the purposes of my discussion of Mead, I focus upon three of these modern problematics: science, selfhood, and democratic politics. But before I discuss Mead’s treatment of these problem areas, allow me to briefly situate Mead as a pragmatist in relation to Dewey and James within pragmatism.

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In this thesis, I critically examine the discourses that inform how we conceptualise HIV/AIDS in Sub-Saharan Africa as they are produced in a sample of Canadian news articles, two nonfiction texts - Stephanie Nolen's 28 Stories of AIDS in Africa and Jonathan Morgan and the Bambanani Women's Group's Long Life ... Positive HIV Stories - as well as two literary texts - John Le Carre's popular fiction novel The Constant Gardener and an anthology of stories and poems from Southern Africa titled Nobody Ever Said AIDS, compiled and edited by Nobantu Rasebotsa, Meg Samuelson and Kylie Thomas. Paying particular attention to the role of metaphor in discursive formation, I have found that military metaphors, usually used in conjunction with biomedical discourses, continue to dominate what is said about HIV/AIDS. However, the use of military metaphors to conceptualise HIV/AIDS contributes to stigma and limits the effectiveness of responses to the pandemic. I argue that accessing alternative metaphors and discourses, such as biopsychosocial discourse, can lead to a more layered - and more beneficial - conceptualisation of HIV/AIDS, encouraging a more active response to the pandemic.

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Le 29 juillet 1994, Megan Kanka, une jeune fille de sept ans de la municipalité de Hamilton au New Jersey, est enlevée, agressée sexuellement et tuée par ce qui se révélera être son voisin d’en face, Jesse Timmendequas. À l’époque, l’assaillant de Megan avait déjà fait l’objet de deux condamnations pour agression sexuelle. Suite à cette tragédie, les parents de Megan luttèrent pour la création d’une loi qui révélerait automatiquement au public l’identité et le lieu de résidence des délinquants sexuels. Moins de trois mois plus tard, la « Loi de Megan » était ratifiée. Ainsi un répertoire étatique centralisé de délinquants sexuels en partie disponible au public fut créé. Notre étude se centre sur ce cas et tente de comprendre comment une construction particulière de la délinquance sexuelle comme problème social mena à la réponse pénale spécifique qu’était la Loi de Megan. Pour ce faire, nous analysons les discours et argumentaires politiques en lien avec l’affaire. Huit entretiens avec différents acteurs impliqués dans le débat politique menant à la création de la loi de Megan furent effectués. Une analyse de plus de 150 articles de journaux et de quelques projets et textes de lois fut également effectuée. Nos résultats soulignent d’abord le rôle primordial qu’avait le contexte sociopolitique autant sur la construction du problème social de la délinquance sexuelle que sur la solution qui lui était liée. L’analyse du cas nous indique également que la dyade problème-solution s’élabora en conjonction, dans un cadre temporel uniforme, dont les seules étapes détectables sont celles du narratif de la mort de Megan et de l’élaboration concrète de la loi. En d’autres mots, la mort de Megan ne constituait qu’un point focal qui permit à des acteurs de mettre en pratique des concepts déjà largement partagés. L’étude conclue en liant le contexte sociopolitique du Canada à celui retrouvé dans notre étude de cas et suggère qu’une construction similaire de la délinquance sexuelle comme problème peut facilement être envisageable chez nous. Si personne ne souhaite l’occurrence d’une situation comparable à celle vécue par Megan Kanka et sa famille, cet élément nous apparaît comme étant celui qui propulserait réellement cette construction sur la place publique, à condition bien évidemment qu’une personne ou un groupe de personnes en fassent une question à débattre.

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La présente étude porte sur l’expérience pénale de jeunes femmes ayant porté plainte ou témoigné contre un proxénète. En effectuant notre recherche, notre intention était de comprendre le vécu de ces jeunes femmes lors de leur relation avec le proxénète ainsi que de mieux saisir leurs motivations et attentes en recourant au système pénal. Nous avions également pour objectif de cerner les effets de leur expérience judiciaire sur leur vie en général. Afin de recueillir le point de vue des jeunes femmes et de rendre compte du sens qu’elles donnent à leur expérience au sein du processus pénal, nous avons effectué dix entretiens à tendance non-directive avec des jeunes femmes ayant fait cette expérience. L’analyse montre, dans un premier temps, qu’une fragilité émotionnelle conjuguée à une situation financière précaire constituent un facteur de risque de tomber sous l’emprise d’un proxénète. Malgré la présence d’une vulnérabilité les prédisposant à s’investir dans une relation d’abus, une majorité de jeunes femmes démontrent une ouverture face au monde prostitutionnel avant de faire la connaissance d’un proxénète. L’entrée dans le domaine de la prostitution ne peut donc être uniquement attribuable à l’influence d’un proxénète et constitue plutôt le corollaire d’un amalgame de facteurs. Au début de la relation, la manipulation du proxénète vise essentiellement à renforcer un intérêt à se prostituer déjà présent chez plusieurs jeunes femmes. Dans le cas de celles qui n’ont jamais envisagé de s’adonner à des activités de prostitution, c’est une dépendance affective préexistante qui les amènera à se laisser convaincre de s’engager dans cette avenue. Que la nature de la relation avec le proxénète soit professionnelle ou amoureuse, toutes les jeunes femmes que nous avons rencontrées sont rapidement confrontées à des stratégies de manipulation et font les frais de manifestations de violence visant à les assujettir. L’amorce d’une prise de conscience de la situation d’abus qui leur est imposée constitue l’élément-clé qui les amène à prendre la décision de quitter leur proxénète et à accepter de coopérer avec les policiers. Celles qui entretiennent une relation de travail avec le proxénète amorceront cette réflexion avant celles en relation de couple. Ce constat s’explique par l’amour que celles qui se considèrent en relation de couple ressentent à l’égard du proxénète qui, non seulement les rend plus vulnérables à sa manipulation, mais freine également toute tentative d’autonomisation face à lui. Le recours à l’aide des policiers ne va pas de soi pour toutes les jeunes femmes sous le joug d’un proxénète. Bien que l’influence d’une personne bienveillante joue souvent un rôle significatif sur leur décision de porter plainte, le choix de collaborer avec les intervenants judiciaires découle essentiellement de leur propre réflexion psychologique vis-à-vis de leur situation. En portant plainte, elles souhaitent généralement être délivrées de l’emprise du proxénète et être protégées par le système pénal afin d’avoir le temps nécessaire pour prendre des décisions quant à la réorganisation de leur vie. Pendant les procédures judiciaires, les jeunes femmes se disent pour la plupart anxieuses à l’idée de rendre témoignage. Leurs appréhensions sont essentiellement liées à la crainte de revoir le proxénète ainsi qu’à la peur de ne pas être crue par le juge. Les principales motivations qui poussent les interviewées à maintenir leur plainte sont le désir de démontrer au proxénète qu’il n’a plus d’emprise sur elles et de mettre un terme à cette expérience de vie. La représentation qu’elles se font du traitement reçu dans le cadre des procédures pénales est généralement positive pour peu que l’attitude des intervenants judiciaires à leur endroit ait été empreinte d’empathie et qu’elles aient été impliquées dans le dossier. Ainsi, qu’elles aient initié ou pas la démarche pénale, les jeunes femmes qui se sentent soutenues par les policiers et les intervenants judiciaires seront plus enclines à maintenir leur plainte jusqu’à la fin des procédures pénales. Suite à leur relation avec le proxénète, les jeunes femmes sont aux prises avec de multiples conséquences qui affectent différentes sphères de leur vie. Malgré leurs nombreuses séquelles psychologiques, physiques et sociales, peu sont celles qui s’impliquent jusqu'au bout d’une démarche thérapeutique. Plusieurs estiment ne pas être prêtes à se lancer dans une telle démarche, alors que d’autres ont l’impression que personne ne peut réellement les aider et préfèrent s’en remettre à leur résilience ou utiliser des moyens alternatifs pour passer au travers de cette épreuve de vie. Les jeunes femmes qui reçoivent l’aide de leurs proches et/ou d’organismes professionnels sont celles qui perçoivent le plus rapidement les effets bénéfiques de leur implication pénale. Il ressort de notre analyse que l’expérience pénale vient renforcer une autonomisation déjà amorcée par la jeune femme lors de la rupture avec le proxénète. Les impacts de l’implication pénale sont doubles : elle permet aux jeunes femmes d’augmenter l’estime qu’elles ont d’elles-mêmes, et de couper définitivement tous contacts avec le souteneur. Le système pénal comporte cependant des limites puisqu’il n’a aucun effet sur le contexte de vie des jeunes femmes et, par le fait même, sur leurs activités prostitutionnelles. Ainsi, bon nombre de jeunes femmes retournent dans leur milieu d’origine après la démarche pénale et doivent continuer à composer avec les conditions associées à leur mode de vie antérieur. Qui plus est, l’effet déstabilisant lié à l’expérience pénale a pour conséquence de retarder leur rétablissement psychologique et la réorganisation de leur existence. Celles qui arrivent à réorienter le plus rapidement leur vie sont les jeunes femmes qui reçoivent le soutien de leurs proches ainsi que celles qui n’entretenaient pas de relation amoureuse avec le proxénète. Mots-clés : proxénétisme, prostitution, système pénal, empowerment, stigmatisation.

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Esta investigación se propuso definir y reflexionar acerca de las concepciones de conflicto, reportadas por un grupo de jóvenes de la Universidad del Rosario, identificando si se consideraba el vínculo y las categorías simbólicas del Modelo Relacional Simbólico: confianza, justicia y esperanza. Se realizaron entrevistas semiestructuradas, que se analizaron en su contenido. Se logró establecer que la concepción predominante acerca del conflicto fue la de algo que no debe suceder o debe evitarse, entendido en general como una confrontación o un choque. Ninguno consideró el vínculo como un elemento fundamental o vital del conflicto. Se pudo deducir que el conflicto se da en las relaciones entre personas, pero la importancia del vínculo en términos de encuentro de generaciones, estirpes y géneros, como un espacio de confianza, esperanza y justicia en las que se entregan dones y se tienen deudas; no está presente de ninguna forma en las definiciones de conflicto. Estos aspectos muestran la necesidad de acoger los fundamentos vinculares y simbólicos del modelo, como riquezas y fortalezas que necesitan ser introducidas en la cotidianidad de la población Colombiana, en la construcción de una cultura de la paz. Esto, a través de la educación a todo nivel y en particular a corto plazo; con los estudiantes de primeros semestres universitarios, por el papel que como profesionales tendrán de líderes sociales, empresariales, espirituales, políticos y laborales; y porque aún se encuentran en una etapa propicia para la formación integral que estimule el fortalecimiento del vínculo como un eje vital de las relaciones y en el que sus categorías simbólicas (esperanza, justicia y confianza) se vuelvan parte conciente en las relaciones personales, familiares y sociales. Igualmente se hace indispensable transformar la visión de conflicto; de forma que deje de ser negativo, no deseable y se convierta en parte de la vida y en una oportunidad para crecer, conocer, generar y regenerar vínculos. Finalmente se propone la creación de una línea de investigación que extienda el estudio a otras poblaciones de jóvenes de distinto nivel socioeconómico y cultural, incluidos los afectados directa e indirectamente por la violencia en Colombia.

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En la actualidad, el patrimonio cultural se encuentra inmerso en un entorno dinámico y cambiante, caracterizado por la globalización y la diversidad, que planeta nuevos retos a su gestión. En el plano internacional dos modelos de marketing han dado algunas respuestas a esto, el economicista o tradicional y el específico de las artes y la cultura. Ambos modelos se basan en una noción materialista del patrimonio cultural, concebido como producto o como recurso patrimonial, y la existencia de cuatro elementos comunes de contexto: El mercado, la organización, el sistema de información y el marketing mix. Sin embargo, estos enfoques no le son aplicables al patrimonio urbano colombiano, porque su contexto es diferente, caracterizado por una dinámica nula o de mercado inexistente, sin fuerzas de mercado que atiendan por su valoración, conservación y preservación o garanticen su sostenibilidad, que está referido a bienes de carácter público, por cuyo consumo nadie está dispuesto a pagar de manera directa, cuya tutela está atribuida al Estado y frente al cual coexiste una pluralidad de actores. Por lo anterior, un modelo de marketing aplicable a dicho patrimonio cultural, debe construirse sobre lineamientos conceptuales de mayor complejidad e hibridación, que permitan una concepción integral de aquel y de su gestión.