308 resultados para Neoliberalism
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Northern Ireland (NI) is emerging from a violent period in its troubled history and remains a
society characterized by segregation between its two main communities. Nowhere is this more
apparent than in education, where for the most part Catholic and Protestant pupils are
educated separately. During the last 30 years there has been a twofold pressure placed on the
education system in NI - at one level to respond to intergroup tensions by promoting
reconciliation, and at another, to deal with national policy demands derived from a global neoliberalist
economic agenda. With reference to current efforts to promote shared education
between separate schools, we explore the uneasy dynamic between a school-based
reconciliation programme in a transitioning society and system-wide values that are driven by
neo-liberalism and its organizational manifestation - new managerialism. We argue that whilst
the former seeks to promote social democratic ideals in education that can have a potentially
transformative effect at societal level, neoliberal priorities have the potential to both subvert
shared education and also to embed it.
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The provision of physical and social infrastructure in the form of roads, green spaces and community facilities has traditionally been provided for by the state through the general taxation system. However, as the state has been transformed along more neoliberal lines, the private sector is increasingly relied upon to deliver public goods and services. Planning gain agreements have flourished within this context by offering another vehicle through which local facilities are privately funded. Whilst these agreements reflect the broader dynamics of neoliberalism, they are commonly viewed as a tool which can be employed to challenge these very dynamics by empowering local communities to secure more just planning outcomes. This paper counters such claims. Based on evidence gathered from 80 interviews with planners, councillors, developers and community groups in Ireland, the paper demonstrates how planning gain agreements have been strategically redeployed by the holders of political and economic power to serve their own ends. In seeking to understand why and how this has occurred, specific consideration is given to the changing power dynamics between the state and private capital under neoliberalism. The paper highlights how institutional arrangements have enabled developers to infiltrate the political sphere in more subtle and implicit ways than ever before. We conclude by arguing that planning gain must be understood as a mechanism which has been manipulated in ways which essentially work to preserve and enhance, rather than redress, existing power imbalances in the planning system by facilitating large scale transfers of wealth upwards in society.
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Ornamental plant production in the State of Florida is an anomaly with respect to current theories of globalization and particularly their explanation of the employment of low-wage, immigrant labor. Those theories dictate that unskilled jobs that do not need to be performed within highly developed countries are outsourced to where labor is cheaper and more flexible. However, the State of Florida remains an important site of ornamental plant production in the US amidst a global economic environment of outsourcing and transnational corporate expansion. This dissertation relies on 50 semi-structured interviews with insiders of the Florida plant nursery industry, focus groups, and participant observation to explain how US trade, labor, and migration policy-making at local levels are not removed from larger global processes taking place in the world since the 1970s. In Florida, elite market players of the plant nursery industry have been able to resist global trends in free trade, operating instead in a protected market. They have done this by appealing to scientific justifications and through arbitrary implementations of neoliberal ideology that keeps small and middle range business alive, while maintaining a seemingly endless supply of marginalized and exploited low-wage, immigrant workers.
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This research challenges the origin story of neoliberalism in Latin America. Drawing on archival data from the Mont Pèlerin Society and the personal archives of leading but neglected figures in the post-war push to rebuild economic liberalism, I present a historical geography of elite counter-protest that both predates and broadens the generally accepted “birth” of neoliberalism in 1970s Chile. Beginning in the 1940s, Latin American elites found common cause with key figures from economic liberalism’s most radical wing: the Austrian School. While existing literature links the onset of neoliberalism in Chile to the Austrian School, particularly with respect to the School’s influence on the early Mont Pèlerin Society, this dissertation is the first comprehensive inquiry to place the Austrian tradition in the ideational and organizational landscape of Latin America. Embracing a new mission that promised to save the soul of Western civilization, Latin America’s retro-neoliberal leaders collaborated with transnational actors to build a network of Austrian-inspired think-tanks and institutes of higher learning in the region. These organizations, in turn, served as recruiting mechanisms to found the Hispanic quarter of the Mont Pèlerin Society, which was dominated not (as might be assumed) by Chileans, but rather by retro-neoliberal elites from Mexico, Argentina, Guatemala, and Venezuela. By 1975, when scholars began analyzing how a run-of-the-mill economics department had been transformed into a bastion of free-market thinking in Chile, an entire neoliberal university was up and running in Guatemala, exposing all students, regardless of discipline, to the Austrian tradition – the crowning achievement of Latin America’s retro-neoliberal network. Investigating, and accounting for, the development and impact of this initiative sheds new light on the neoliberal landscape in Latin America, and raises important questions for the study of neoliberalism more broadly.
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Universidade Estadual de Campinas . Faculdade de Educação Física
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Este estudo analisa a evolução das parcerias na implementação da Politica de Assistência Social no município de Serra, Espírito Santo (ES), contribuindo para a discussão sobre a complementariedade das ações previstas na Política Nacional de Assistência Social (PNAS). Trata-se de um estudo qualitativo, referenciado no método crítico-dialético. A estratégia metodológica baseou-se na pesquisa bibliográfica e documental. Os dados empíricos resultam do levantamento e análise dos Relatórios das Conferências Nacionais de Assistência Social; dos Planos e Relatórios Municipais de Gestão na área da Assistência Social; dos termos de convênio estabelecidos com as entidades em 2013. O crescimento das parcerias para execução da PNAS tem relação com a tendência nacional de focalização, descentralização e privatização das políticas sociais. Isso ajuda-nos a compreender essa tendência a nível municipal. As ideias que justificam a realização das parcerias relacionam-se com o neoliberalismo e a reforma do Estado e, também, com a perspectiva de fortalecimento da participação social a partir do contexto do debate que antecede a conformação da Constituição de 1988. O próprio histórico da assistência no Brasil revela que muitas das entidades já executavam ações antes da Lei Orgânica da Assistência Social (LOAS) e apenas se adaptaram à nova legislação. No caso do município pesquisado, o crescimento registrado no número de entidades entre 2001 e 2012 foi de 133,3%. Observamos, ainda, que as entidades não governamentais tem se constituído como a forma primeira de prestação dos serviços socioassistenciais. A maior parte das entidades é de cunho religioso e atua em apenas um âmbito da proteção social. A pesquisa reforça a importância do monitoramento e avaliação das parcerias realizadas e a necessidade da garantia da transparência e publicização das informações na área da assistência, de modo a contribuir com o controle social.
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The article deals with the internationalization of Brazilian businesses in the current decade. In the 1990s, Brazil embraced economic neoliberalism and promoted a huge opening up of its economy. At that time, Brazilian companies had to adapt rapidly. Twenty years later, the country has reinforced its presence in Latin America and has ensured a better position in the global markets, especially by through agricultural exports.
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This paper analyzes People's Republic of China (PRC) economic and political ascendance in the 21st century focusing on the evolution of the sui generis economic development model and its significances of the evolution of relationship between China and the developing countries in the peripheral "Global South." The objective of this article is to analyze the relationship between China and the Global South (Africa and South America) in the 21st century, characterized as a new Center-periphery global network power based on trade and investment that we call as "Asian Consensus."
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A pergunta é simples: para que é que afinal serve a Constituição? Será para fazer dos pobres cada vez mais pobres e dos ricos cada vez mais ricos? Será para deixar morrer os velhos na valeta, acabar com o Serviço Nacional de Saúde ou com a ADSE?; Abstract: The question is simple: what it is that ultimately serves the Constitution? Will be to make the poor poorer and the rich richer? Will be to let the old die in the gutter, end the National Health Service or the ADSE?
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As reformas educacionais implantadas nas últimas décadas no Brasil elegem a gestão democrática como um dos princípios básicos da educação em defesa da descentralização da educação. A forte influência do processo de globalização torna estas reformas unificadas. O presente estudo objetiva analisar o Conselho Escolar como instrumento da gestão democrática em duas escolas públicas do município de Cajazeiras -PB-BR. De acordo com evidências, o Estado Brasileiro institucionalizou este colegiado, que se tornou deslocado de uma política mais ampla de democratização da escola, ressaltando mais sua face burocrática. Na tentativa de compreender como se materializou este proces so de democratização é que surgiu a motivação para a realização deste trabalho, que tem como principais referências: Paulo Freire (1987, 1992, 1993), Vitor Paro (1986, 1996, 2001), Heloísa Lück (2006), Moacir Gadotti (1997), Boaventura Santos (1998, 1999, 2007), Licínio Lima (2002, 2006), entre outros. A investigação foi realizada através de uma amostra intencional, incluindo 12 membros da comunidade escolar. Na construção do material empírico e análise de dados foram utilizadas técnicas documentais, entrevistas não diretivas, o programa informático ALCESTE e a técnica da análise de conteúdo. Os resultados evidenciados na investigação revelam que a contribuição do conselho escolar para a democratização da gestão, ainda está em fase embrionária. São causas: as raízes históricas sedimentadas em princípios autocráticos, a ausência de uma cultura de participação, as condições de implantação. No entanto, já se tem consciência de que este é um relevante instrumento para efetivação de práticas democráticas, e já se materializam várias iniciativas nesse sentido.
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Comunicação apresentada na "Second Biennial Conference of the Standing Group on Regulation and Governance do ECPR Regulation & Governance, com o tema: (Re)Regulation in the Wake of Neoliberalism’ Consequences of Three Decades of Privatization and Market Liberalization, realizada na Universidade de Utrecht, the Netherlands, de 5 a 7 de Junho de 2008.
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Dissertação de mestrado em Relações Internacionais
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El FSM ha sido considerado el acontecimiento más relevante de la última década en el ámbito de la sociedad civil. La cuestión a la que trata de responder este trabajo es si el FSM será realmente capaz de contribuir de manera relevante a la transformación de la globalización capitalista neoliberal. Para responder a esta cuestión vamos a ir construyendo la argumentación necesaria para concluir si el FSM será el elemento clave para la transformación social que desde su seno se asegura que es, identificando el marco en el que nace y se desarrolla, la globalización capitalista neoliberal y los movimientos altermundistas; explicando el origen, las características, la evolución y las características novedosas que supone; mostrando los debates, retos logros y éxitos del Foro; e identificando el altermundismo y el desaprendizaje de la ideología capitalista neoliberal como la manera con la que el FSM incide en la transformación del sistema hegemónico actual.
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Numerous recent reports by non-governmental organisations (NGOs), academics and international organisations have focused on so-called 'climate refugees'. This article examines the turn from a discourse of 'climate refugees', in which organisations perceive migration as a failure of both mitigation and adaptation to climate change, to one of 'climate migration', in which organisations promote migration as a strategy of adaptation. Its focus is the promotion of climate migration management, and it explores the trend of these discourses through two sections. First, it provides an empirical account of the two discourses, emphasising the differentiation between them. It then focuses on the discourse of climate migration, its origins, extent and content, and the associated practices of 'migration management'. The second part argues that the turn to the promotion of 'climate migration' should be understood as a way to manage the insecurity created by climate change. However, international organisations enacts this management within the forms of neoliberal capitalism, including the framework of governance. Therefore, the promotion of 'climate migration' as a strategy of adaptation to climate change is located within the tendencies of neoliberalism and the reconfiguration of southern states' sovereignty through governance.