973 resultados para National Borders.


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Archipel des Petites Antilles, la Martinique est une société née de la traite transatlantique, de l’esclavage et du colonialisme français. Cette société créole, liée à sa métropole depuis près de quatre siècles, est devenue un département français en 1946, conférant à ses habitants le statut de citoyen français. Dès lors, l’émigration vers son centre, l’Ile-de-France, s’intensifia peu à peu pour s’institutionnaliser au cours des années 1960 grâce à un organisme d’Etat, le BUMIDOM. La présence antillaise en France est aujourd’hui telle, qu’on parle de la métropole comme d’une « troisième île ». Toutefois, on assiste de nos jours à de nouvelles pratiques de mobilités transatlantiques, plurales et multiformes, dont les migrations de retour font partie intégrante. Les acteurs du retour, les dits « retournés » ou « négropolitains », ont témoigné de plusieurs obstacles à l’heure de réintégrer leur terre d’origine. La présente étude entend démontrer cette tendance à considérer le migrant de retour comme un nouveau type d’ « outsider », soit comme un étranger culturel ; manifestation inédite qui dévoile une autre facette de l’altérité à la Martinique ainsi qu’une nouvelle configuration de sa relation postcoloniale avec la République française. Suite à un terrain ethnographique auprès de ces « retournés », et d’une observation participante auprès de la population locale, cette étude entend soumettre les représentations de l’île et de ses habitants à une analyse qualitative et comprendre comment l’expérience en territoire français transformera le migrant, sa façon d’appartenir à la culture martiniquaise et/ou à la culture française. Nous nous livrons ainsi à un examen des représentations et des pratiques des acteurs du retour pour permettre un éclairage novateur sur les nouvelles allégeances identitaires et les nouveaux déterminants de l’altérité à l’intersection de ces deux espaces à la fois proches et distants. Aussi, nous interrogerons comment le prisme du retour s’articule au cas martiniquais. En effet, le retour acquiert une dimension particulière dans le contexte de ces itinéraires de mobilité de « citoyens de couleur » qui expérimentent souvent un double rejet social et ce, sans même s’être écartés de leurs frontières nationales.

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L’historien n’écrit pas de nulle part. Ancré dans son présent et participant à la société, il en épouse – ou critique – les projets, les utopies et les grands récits. Nous proposons dans ce travail d’approfondir cet ancrage à travers une histoire croisée et comparée des expériences du temps de deux historiens français (Michel de Certeau, François Furet) et d’un historien-sociologue québécois (Fernand Dumont). Notre objectif est double : il s’agit d’établir, dans un premier temps, les correspondances entre leurs expériences lors de deux tournants, celui des années 1960 et celui des années 1970. Tout en prenant en compte les contextes des auteurs à l’étude, nous élargirons l’échelle d’analyse afin de cerner la contemporanéité d’expériences du temps qui ne se réduisent pas aux seuls cadres nationaux. Nous pourrons ainsi établir les coordonnées des régimes d’historicité à chaque tournant en contribuant à préciser les différentes combinaisons des modes futuristes et présentistes en jeu. Dans un deuxième temps, nous explorerons les liens entre historiographie et régime d’historicité afin de mettre en évidence les jonctions entre les considérations épistémologiques et l’horizon d’attente des historiens à l’étude. En abordant plus spécifiquement la question du rôle de l’historien dans sa société, nous jaugeons les transformations parallèles de son expérience du temps et de ses pratiques historiographiques. Le passage de l’expérience d’une Histoire en marche au tournant de 1960 à celle d’une histoire bloquée au tournant de 1970 affecte considérablement la place et le statut de l’historien. D’éminent passeur du temps à l’écoute du sens du progrès, l’historien voit son statut contesté et marginalisé, ce qui ne veut pas dire que son rôle est moins important. Qu’il débusque des alternatives passées ou court-circuite des téléologies, il est chargé de maintenir coûte que coûte ouverts les horizons du temps. Nous verrons spécifiquement le sens que prenait cette tâche à un moment où la possibilité d’une « société nouvelle », après Mai 68, pointait à l’horizon des contemporains.

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La presente investigación tiene como objetivo explicar la manera en que la movilización social de Túnez, ocurrida en el año 2010, pasó a ser un fenómeno de acción política contenciosa a nivel trasnacional, extendido hacia Egipto. Mediante la utilización de los conceptos de movilización social trasnacional, difusión y marcos de acción colectiva, este proyecto examina las formas en que las ideas fueron difundidas a través de las fronteras, y analiza el proceso de enmarcamiento (framing) realizado por los activistas egipcios. A través de dicho análisis, esta investigación busca demostrar que aunque las situaciones sociales y políticas de Túnez y Egipto fueran similares, esto no implica una automática reacción análoga por parte de las poblaciones civiles afectadas. Una serie de procesos debe llevarse a cabo al interior de cada movimiento social para que éste decida encaminarse en la acción política contenciosa.

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En la actualidad el proceso de globalización ha incrementado el nivel de intercambio comercial a internacional. Sin embargo, en países como Colombia, en donde el mundo empresarial está caracterizado por la prevalencia de pequeñas y medianas empresas o PYMES, éstas en dicha apertura y tendencias de mercados internacionales, pueden encontrar una oportunidad o por el contrario una amenaza. Así pues, dado el nivel de competencia que se traslada fuera del ámbito nacional, la competitividad y productividad se ha convertido en una variable fundamental, en donde el rendimiento es resultado de procesos óptimos de innovación, calidad y eficiencia, incrementando la capacidad de respuesta ante el entorno cambiante, a lo que normalmente se conoce como competitividad. Ahora bien, dado a que existe la tendencia a relacionar la buena competitividad con el nivel de exportaciones, el principal objetivo de esta investigación, es el de resolver a la cuestión de cómo por medio de las importaciones se puede también aumentar la competitividad empresarial. Para esto, se desarrolló un modelo importador en donde se establecieron diferentes variables, que ayudaron a determinar el escenario adecuado: la región, el sector, subsector, los productos, los mercados potenciales teniendo en cuenta los TLC’s suscritos, para posteriormente proceder a aplicar a una base de 800 PYMES. De esta manera, se logró determinar que la importación puede aportar grandes beneficios a la hora de establecer modelos de negocios rentables para los empresarios: esto representado en la disminución de costos materias primas o insumos dada la amplia oferta, consiguiendo productos que no se oferten en la economía nacional y que contribuya a mantener o mejorar la calidad.

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As the field of international business has matured, there have been shifts in the core unit of analysis. First, there was analysis at country level, using national statistics on trade and foreign direct investment (FDI). Next, the focus shifted to the multinational enterprise (MNE) and the parent’s firm specific advantages (FSAs). Eventually the MNE was analysed as a network and the subsidiary became a unit of analysis. We untangle the last fifty years of international business theory using a classification by these three units of analysis. This is the country-specific advantage (CSA) and firm-specific advantage (FSA) matrix. Will this integrative framework continue to be useful in the future? We demonstrate that this is likely as the CSA/FSA matrix permits integration of potentially useful alternative units of analysis, including the broad region of the triad. Looking forward, we develop a new framework, visualized in two matrices, to show how distance really matters and how FSAs function in international business. Key to this are the concepts of compounded distance and resource recombination barriers facing MNEs when operating across national borders.

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Port authorities increasingly need to communicate with a variety of external stakeholders in order to maintain and strengthen the societal acceptance of seaport activities. The availability of socio-economic impact studies on port authority and regional development agency websites has often made this information accessible to the public at large. However, the differences in methodologies adopted, in terms of selecting, defining and measuring various types of socio-economic impacts, sometimes lead to misconceptions as well as misleading comparisons across ports within and between regions. In this paper, we suggest guidelines for the design and application of a potential best practice from an interregional perspective (UK, France and Belgium), based on research in the framework of a European Commission co-funded project, ‘IMPACTE’. The paper also aims to develop guidelines for comparing the socio-economic impacts of ports across regional and national borders and discusses the development of a European port economic impact measurement toolkit. We analyse a sample of 33 recent socio-economic impact assessment reports in terms of methodologies adopted and types of impacts measured. The review shows a great diversity among these studies, leading to important differences between the impacts of port activity communicated to stakeholders.

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With the improvement of the international trade on the last decades, the Brazilian firms are searching to operate beyond the national borders in order to guarantee its presence on the key markets. The dissertation aimed to analyze the motivations and the strategies of internationalization implemented by the firms: Petrobras, Vale, Embraer, Gerdau and Marcopolo as well as determine the existence of a dominant strategy. In order to do that, Dunning¿s eclectic paradigm and the strategies of internationalization supported by him were revised along with the main literature from Brazilian authors on the internationalization process of the selected firms. The comparative analysis between the strategies of internationalization selected and the industrial sector, origin of capital and the preferred mode of entrance on the markets were done through an exploratory research, with a qualitative character and collection of secondary data from the internationalization process of the firms. At the end of this research, it was possible to identify that each firm had adopted a predominant strategy however it was also possible to observe that new strategies were aggregated in complementation of the previous one. Besides that, no evidence was found between the predominant strategy of internationalization and the origin of the capital neither with the preferred mode of entrance.

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There is substantially more trade within national borders than across borders. An important explanation for this fact is the weak enforcement of international contracts. We develop a model in which agents build reputations to overcome this institutional failure. The model describes the interplay between institutional quality, reputations and the dynamics of international trade. It also rationalizes several empirical regularities. We find that history matters for trade volumes, but that its effects vary with the institutional setting of the country. The same is true for the efticacy of trade liberalization programs. Moreover, while stricter enforcement of contracts enhances trade in the short run, it makes it harder for individual traders to develop good reputations. We show that this indirect negative effect may produce an "institutional trap": for sufliciently low initial levels of contract enforcement, a small tightening in enforcement reduces future trade fiows. We find also that search frictions aggravate the problems created by weak enforceability of contracts, even if they impose no direct cost on agents. The model allows extensions in several directions. We outline two of them, indicating how one could study transnational networks and the effects of firm heterogeneity within our structure.

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The apportionment of natural resources between sovereign States is a subject that relates many aspects of International law, as long as Constitutional Law, at the execution and application phases of international treaties that regulates the exploration of common goods. In this sense, because of their natural characteristics that creates an environment of constant migration and fixation in transboundary regions, terrestrial or maritime, the petroleum and the natural gas bound a complex juridical apparatus that can control the sovereign rights involved. This research is aim at accomplishing a study concerning the international agreements that enable the non-unilateral action, specifically the unitization treaties between sovereign States, as a manner to resolve situations related to the individualization of oil and/or gas reservoirs that go across their national borders. These agreements will be analyzed considering the international public law sources theory, bearing in mind yet the already existed experiences in this sense, not disregarding the way that this fact could affect Brazil. It will begin with an historical incursion over the unitization institute, covering its main characteristics and its formation and execution procedures, and finally it will address the Brazilian legal system and the comparative law threats the institute. The clauses of these relevant agreements will be analyzed in details, concerning its particularities and its contents. Because these agreements are international obligatory rules of law, it is indispensable that they are considered under the auspices of the international law system, focusing their nature and the subjects of international law and establishing them as sources of the international law, analyzing them, then, as international rules and the applicable law to these juridical relations, the conventional established, the consolidated international custom and the applicable International Law principles, appearing the State s responsibility as an important subject for the verification of the acts lawful practiced by States. The analysis of the apportionment of these natural resources ends with the individualization of possible exploitable marine oil fields located between the exclusive economic zone and the continental platform ends and the region administrated by the International Seabed Authority. At last, the Brazilian constitutional system appears as the mechanism of integration, application and execution of the international unitization agreements in Brazil, detaching the format and the proceedings that the international treaties take to acquire validity at the national legal system, passing through the treaties interpretation and the applicable constitutional principles, coming to its application in Brazil, considering the existing constitutional peculiarities and the role played by the National Agency of Petroleum, Natural Gas and bio-fuel ANP

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Includes bibliography

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Includes bibliography

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Includes bibliography