La responsabilité internationale pour le dommage transfrontière médiat

L’interdépendance de l’environnement a mis en évidence le besoin de la communauté internationale de trouver des mécanismes capables de dépasser les frontières et de protéger les biens naturels d’intérêt commun. Étant donné l’inefficacité du concept de patrimoine commun de l’humanité en ce qui a trait à la protection des biens soumis à la souveraineté d’un État, cette étude analyse l’application de la responsabilité internationale au « dommage transfrontière médiat » (c’est-à-dire, le dommage environnemental qui a lieu à l’intérieur d’un territoire étatique, mais qui caractérise une perte au patrimoine environnemental planétaire) comme mesure capable de surmonter les frontières et de protéger l’environnement. La responsabilité internationale se présente sous deux formes en droit international public général, soit la responsabilité des États pour les activités non interdites par le droit international (ou la responsabilité objective), soit celle découlant d’un fait internationalement illicite. Cette dernière comporte encore deux subdivisions : celle ayant pour cause une « violation d’une obligation internationale » et celle pour une « violation grave d’obligation découlant de normes impératives du droit international général ». L’analyse des principes de droit environnemental international et du principe de la souveraineté démontre que le « dommage transfrontière médiat » pourrait, en théorie, être considéré comme un fait internationalement illicite permettant donc la responsabilisation d’un État.

De retour de France métropolitaine : une étude des représentations (post)coloniales et des nouvelles formes d’altérité à la Martinique

Archipel des Petites Antilles, la Martinique est une société née de la traite transatlantique, de l’esclavage et du colonialisme français. Cette société créole, liée à sa métropole depuis près de quatre siècles, est devenue un département français en 1946, conférant à ses habitants le statut de citoyen français. Dès lors, l’émigration vers son centre, l’Ile-de-France, s’intensifia peu à peu pour s’institutionnaliser au cours des années 1960 grâce à un organisme d’Etat, le BUMIDOM. La présence antillaise en France est aujourd’hui telle, qu’on parle de la métropole comme d’une « troisième île ». Toutefois, on assiste de nos jours à de nouvelles pratiques de mobilités transatlantiques, plurales et multiformes, dont les migrations de retour font partie intégrante. Les acteurs du retour, les dits « retournés » ou « négropolitains », ont témoigné de plusieurs obstacles à l’heure de réintégrer leur terre d’origine. La présente étude entend démontrer cette tendance à considérer le migrant de retour comme un nouveau type d’ « outsider », soit comme un étranger culturel ; manifestation inédite qui dévoile une autre facette de l’altérité à la Martinique ainsi qu’une nouvelle configuration de sa relation postcoloniale avec la République française. Suite à un terrain ethnographique auprès de ces « retournés », et d’une observation participante auprès de la population locale, cette étude entend soumettre les représentations de l’île et de ses habitants à une analyse qualitative et comprendre comment l’expérience en territoire français transformera le migrant, sa façon d’appartenir à la culture martiniquaise et/ou à la culture française. Nous nous livrons ainsi à un examen des représentations et des pratiques des acteurs du retour pour permettre un éclairage novateur sur les nouvelles allégeances identitaires et les nouveaux déterminants de l’altérité à l’intersection de ces deux espaces à la fois proches et distants. Aussi, nous interrogerons comment le prisme du retour s’articule au cas martiniquais. En effet, le retour acquiert une dimension particulière dans le contexte de ces itinéraires de mobilité de « citoyens de couleur » qui expérimentent souvent un double rejet social et ce, sans même s’être écartés de leurs frontières nationales.

Régime d'historicité et historiographie en France et au Québec, 1956-1975. Michel de Certeau, Fernand Dumont et François Furet.

L’historien n’écrit pas de nulle part. Ancré dans son présent et participant à la société, il en épouse – ou critique – les projets, les utopies et les grands récits. Nous proposons dans ce travail d’approfondir cet ancrage à travers une histoire croisée et comparée des expériences du temps de deux historiens français (Michel de Certeau, François Furet) et d’un historien-sociologue québécois (Fernand Dumont). Notre objectif est double : il s’agit d’établir, dans un premier temps, les correspondances entre leurs expériences lors de deux tournants, celui des années 1960 et celui des années 1970. Tout en prenant en compte les contextes des auteurs à l’étude, nous élargirons l’échelle d’analyse afin de cerner la contemporanéité d’expériences du temps qui ne se réduisent pas aux seuls cadres nationaux. Nous pourrons ainsi établir les coordonnées des régimes d’historicité à chaque tournant en contribuant à préciser les différentes combinaisons des modes futuristes et présentistes en jeu. Dans un deuxième temps, nous explorerons les liens entre historiographie et régime d’historicité afin de mettre en évidence les jonctions entre les considérations épistémologiques et l’horizon d’attente des historiens à l’étude. En abordant plus spécifiquement la question du rôle de l’historien dans sa société, nous jaugeons les transformations parallèles de son expérience du temps et de ses pratiques historiographiques. Le passage de l’expérience d’une Histoire en marche au tournant de 1960 à celle d’une histoire bloquée au tournant de 1970 affecte considérablement la place et le statut de l’historien. D’éminent passeur du temps à l’écoute du sens du progrès, l’historien voit son statut contesté et marginalisé, ce qui ne veut pas dire que son rôle est moins important. Qu’il débusque des alternatives passées ou court-circuite des téléologies, il est chargé de maintenir coûte que coûte ouverts les horizons du temps. Nous verrons spécifiquement le sens que prenait cette tâche à un moment où la possibilité d’une « société nouvelle », après Mai 68, pointait à l’horizon des contemporains.

La transnacionalización de la movilización social de Túnez (2010-2011)

La presente investigación tiene como objetivo explicar la manera en que la movilización social de Túnez, ocurrida en el año 2010, pasó a ser un fenómeno de acción política contenciosa a nivel trasnacional, extendido hacia Egipto. Mediante la utilización de los conceptos de movilización social trasnacional, difusión y marcos de acción colectiva, este proyecto examina las formas en que las ideas fueron difundidas a través de las fronteras, y analiza el proceso de enmarcamiento (framing) realizado por los activistas egipcios. A través de dicho análisis, esta investigación busca demostrar que aunque las situaciones sociales y políticas de Túnez y Egipto fueran similares, esto no implica una automática reacción análoga por parte de las poblaciones civiles afectadas. Una serie de procesos debe llevarse a cabo al interior de cada movimiento social para que éste decida encaminarse en la acción política contenciosa.

La importación como oportunidad para aumentar la competitividad de las pymes manufactureras en Colombia, caso telecomunicaciones y sonido

En la actualidad el proceso de globalización ha incrementado el nivel de intercambio comercial a internacional. Sin embargo, en países como Colombia, en donde el mundo empresarial está caracterizado por la prevalencia de pequeñas y medianas empresas o PYMES, éstas en dicha apertura y tendencias de mercados internacionales, pueden encontrar una oportunidad o por el contrario una amenaza. Así pues, dado el nivel de competencia que se traslada fuera del ámbito nacional, la competitividad y productividad se ha convertido en una variable fundamental, en donde el rendimiento es resultado de procesos óptimos de innovación, calidad y eficiencia, incrementando la capacidad de respuesta ante el entorno cambiante, a lo que normalmente se conoce como competitividad. Ahora bien, dado a que existe la tendencia a relacionar la buena competitividad con el nivel de exportaciones, el principal objetivo de esta investigación, es el de resolver a la cuestión de cómo por medio de las importaciones se puede también aumentar la competitividad empresarial. Para esto, se desarrolló un modelo importador en donde se establecieron diferentes variables, que ayudaron a determinar el escenario adecuado: la región, el sector, subsector, los productos, los mercados potenciales teniendo en cuenta los TLC’s suscritos, para posteriormente proceder a aplicar a una base de 800 PYMES. De esta manera, se logró determinar que la importación puede aportar grandes beneficios a la hora de establecer modelos de negocios rentables para los empresarios: esto representado en la disminución de costos materias primas o insumos dada la amplia oferta, consiguiendo productos que no se oferten en la economía nacional y que contribuya a mantener o mejorar la calidad.

Fifty years of international business theory and beyond

As the field of international business has matured, there have been shifts in the core unit of analysis. First, there was analysis at country level, using national statistics on trade and foreign direct investment (FDI). Next, the focus shifted to the multinational enterprise (MNE) and the parent’s firm specific advantages (FSAs). Eventually the MNE was analysed as a network and the subsidiary became a unit of analysis. We untangle the last fifty years of international business theory using a classification by these three units of analysis. This is the country-specific advantage (CSA) and firm-specific advantage (FSA) matrix. Will this integrative framework continue to be useful in the future? We demonstrate that this is likely as the CSA/FSA matrix permits integration of potentially useful alternative units of analysis, including the broad region of the triad. Looking forward, we develop a new framework, visualized in two matrices, to show how distance really matters and how FSAs function in international business. Key to this are the concepts of compounded distance and resource recombination barriers facing MNEs when operating across national borders.

Towards a meta-analysis and toolkit for port-related socio-economic impacts: a review of socio-economic impact studies conducted for seaports

Port authorities increasingly need to communicate with a variety of external stakeholders in order to maintain and strengthen the societal acceptance of seaport activities. The availability of socio-economic impact studies on port authority and regional development agency websites has often made this information accessible to the public at large. However, the differences in methodologies adopted, in terms of selecting, defining and measuring various types of socio-economic impacts, sometimes lead to misconceptions as well as misleading comparisons across ports within and between regions. In this paper, we suggest guidelines for the design and application of a potential best practice from an interregional perspective (UK, France and Belgium), based on research in the framework of a European Commission co-funded project, ‘IMPACTE’. The paper also aims to develop guidelines for comparing the socio-economic impacts of ports across regional and national borders and discusses the development of a European port economic impact measurement toolkit. We analyse a sample of 33 recent socio-economic impact assessment reports in terms of methodologies adopted and types of impacts measured. The review shows a great diversity among these studies, leading to important differences between the impacts of port activity communicated to stakeholders.

Multi-jurisdictional merger review procedures - a better way

Corporate mergers whose effects transcend national borders have faced increasing regulation over the past few decades as more jurisdictions have developed merger laws and imposed pre-merger notification requirements. The level of regulatory response to multi-jurisdictional mergers is likely to continue to increase as even more jurisdictions contemplate the introduction of competition laws. This level of regulation now goes beyond that required to protect national economies from potentially harmful mergers and has seen burgeoning costs to business, regulators and, ultimately, the public. In recognition of this, the relatively newly formed International Competition Network has placed merger regulation at the forefront of its agenda for greater harmonisation and cooperation in competition law. This has seen, over the past three years, the development of a set of guiding principles and recommended practices for merger notification procedures designed to reduce the regulatory burden. This article evaluates these recommendations and discusses areas for further reform.

Behavioral adaptation within cross-cultural virtual teams

With today's business environments no longer confined to national borders, much work is undertaken in global virtual teams. Such teams consist of members located in different countries that communicate via technology media to complete a project task. Much of the research in this area has been focused on the technological aspects of such environments; there is, however, a lack of research into the behavioral aspects and the issue of cultural differences in particular. It has been acknowledged that when cultural diversity is neither recognized nor acted upon, significant challenges can arise for the team. Current advice in the literature suggests that team members should adapt their normal working behavior in consideration of cultural differences. However, there is little indication of how team members should do so. This study investigated if and/or how team members adapt their behavior in cross-cultural virtual teams. The results of this study indicate that team members can adapt their behavior in both spoken and written communication as well as allowing for religious beliefs and time zone differences. This paper discusses specifically how behavior can be adapted, including a discussion of behaviors that caused concern. Finally, a framework of behavioral adaptations is presented for ways to improve cross-cultural virtual team interactions.

Hanoi, Vietnam : representing power in and of the nation

Hanoi, like most capital cities, performs functions at three levels. It is home to its residents and provides local level services for them. But it also has a role as a city for all citizens of the Vietnamese state, performing capital city functions across the entire national territory as well as beyond national borders. Hanoi is especially interesting because of the uneasy way in which it has been forced to share power internally with Ho Chi Minh City in the south—Hanoi maintaining political and cultural sway but its rival becoming stronger in economic and demographic terms. Externally, it has struggled for recognition, having been regarded as capital of a weak political state open to the interventions of the Chinese, French, Americans and the Soviet Union. This paper argues that Hanoi's double vulnerability has made its rulers acutely aware of the need to demonstrate the city's power as a capital city—or at least to give the semblance of power—through urban planning and architectural design, the building of heroic monuments and the naming of city features after key historic events and people. Major events and projects have become an important way in which the Vietnamese government has sought to strengthen Hanoi's place—and hence its own—in the national consciousness. The regime also continues to push on with efforts to make a future Hanoi dominant both within the Vietnamese urban hierarchy and as the country's undisputed international metropolis.

Political patriotism

As evidenced by the reactions to Martha Nussbaum’s famous essay of 1996, patriotism is a contested notion in moral debate. This paper explores the suggestion made by Stephen Nathanson that patriotism might be understood as “love of one’s country”, and suggests that this phrase is misleading. It suggests that patriotism, like love, is not rational, and it fails to distinguish two kinds of object for that love: one’s cultural community and one’s political community. Accordingly, this phrase can lead to a kind of nationalism which involves chauvinism and militarism and that is, therefore, morally objectionable. The problem arises from ambiguities in the notion of “country” which is said to be the object of such love. Moreover, “love” is not the appropriate term for a relationship whose central psychological function is that of establishing an individual’s identity as a citizen. I suggest that the proper mode of attachment involved in patriotism is identification with one’s political community, and that the proper object of a patriot’s allegiance is the political community thought of without the emotional, nationalistic and moralistic connotations that often accompany the concept of community. The “political patriotism” that arises from such an attitude is sceptical of “the national interest” and does not accept that our moral responsibilities to others stop at national borders. In this way political patriotism is consistent with a cosmopolitan stance towards human rights and global justice.

Cross-Territorial heritage sites : towards a cross-cultural heritage practice

This paper will describe a current research project at Deakin University’s Cultural Heritage Centre for Asia and the Pacific which aims to develop our current understanding of heritage beyond the national frame usually given to it. The project focuses on a number of heritage sites associated with Australia’s war time heritage. However, all of these sites are located on foreign soil, in land which is not owned by the Australian government. Moreover, because of their location, these sites may or may not have significance for the countries where they are located or to other participants in the same war. Their location in another country and in other people’s narratives poses a complex problem for those who want to conserve, manage and interpret these sites in a manner which preserves their significance to Australia. Is it possible to do this while also recognising other people’s investment or lack of, in these sites? What do we need to think about when recognising the existence of dissonant heritage not only within a nation but across nations? And can this dissonance be used to encourage crosscultural dialogue? Using current understandings of heritage as potentially dissonant, and accepting the need to work within a pluralist frame which supports and argues for cultural diversity, this project explores what happens when this dissonance and diversity occurs not simply within a nation but across national borders. The paper will explore these issues by looking at the interpretation of the Thai-Burma railway, one of a handful of sites which Australians use to mark Anzac Day, the national day of remembrance for those who died fighting for their country.

Cosmo girls : new configurations of class and femininity in elite educational settings

In this paper we offer a unique contribution to understandings of schooling as a site for the production of social class difference, by bringing together recent work on middle-class educational identities in neoliberal times (O’Flynn and Petersen 2007, Reay et al 2007, 2008) with explorations of classed femininity from the field of critical girlhood studies (Harris 2004, Ringrose and Walkerdine 2008). Drawing on data generated in two recent research projects in Australia and the UK our aim will be to explore how class mediates the construction of young femininities in the private girls’ school. Our particular focus will be on exploring how articulations of identity within such schools are configured through discourses of mobility and global social responsibility. In line with the broader ‘cultural turn’ in the social sciences (Devine 2005) we discuss class and femininity in this paper in cultural and symbolic terms. We draw on Butler’s (1993) notions of performativity to understand the multiple and processual nature of identity constitution and Bourdieu’s (1987) understandings of class (based on symbolic struggles for capital in social space) to enable us to explore the ‘subjective micro distinctions’ through which class is expressed, embodied and lived; viewing class as a set of fictional discourses that inscribe and produce identities (Walkerdine et al 2001). This understanding of class, as something that is ‘done’ rather than something that ‘we are’, was deemed particularly important in these studies of elite education, for the research was undertaken in schools where class was apparently ‘everywhere and nowhere’, never named or ‘directly known as class’ (Lawler 2005, Skeggs 2004). This underplaying of class identity is often linked to neo-liberalism, and in this paper we would like to link these constructions of ‘the private school girl’ with neoliberal subjectivity by focusing on two main characteristics. First we will consider the notion of mobility, where we will discuss the ways in which these girls constructed themselves as ‘cosmo’ girls (global citizens at ease with traversing national borders) and the ways in which the schools supported this through educational practices which enabled the students and their families ‘to exploit and strategically pursue economic and cultural capital’ (Doherty et al 2009). We will also focus on the struggles that the schools and students encountered as they attempted to juggle these discourses of global mobility with more traditional discourses of privilege (often associated with national boundaries and based within a predominantly British model of schooling steeped in colonial history). Second, we will look at discourses of responsibility, to explore how these girls were incited to take responsibility for themselves and their futures but also to embrace diversity and to commit themselves to social service. We will also examine the competing discourses of instrumentalism and social justice that were at play in these schools.

Exporting detention : Australia-funded immigration detention in Indonesia

Since 2000, Australia has provided significant levels of funding and resources to encourage Indonesia to use immigration detention to deter asylum seekers from making the onward journey to Australia. In this way Australia has effectively extended its domestic policy of immigration detention beyond its own national borders. The provision of Australian funding for detention in Indonesia has resulted in an increased propensity of Indonesian officials to detain. This article examines the outcomes and implications of this transfer of immigration detention policy for asylum seekers and refugees in Indonesia. It draws on interviews conducted with individuals who have spent time in Indonesia’s immigration detention centres, and Indonesian immigration officials, to assess the conditions of the detention centres. The particular arrangement between Australia and Indonesia, however, fails adequately to protect the human rights of immigration detainees. Ultimately, the detention of asylum seekers in Indonesia serves as one more barrier to finding effective protection in the Asia-Pacific region.

Ethical transnational corporate activity at home and abroad: A proposal for reforming continuous disclosure obligations in Australia and the United States

Multinational Corporations establish operations in states with lower legal and ethical standards in areas including the environment, wages, labor standards, human rights, corruption, and company taxation. Corporate law scholars cannot be indifferent to the horrific consequences of these lax standards. From contributing to rapes and violent incidents stemming from trade in conflict minerals in the Congo to the killing of workers due to poor conditions in garment manufacturing units in Bangladesh, multinational corporations exploit conditions in developing countries abroad without disclosing their actions at home. We advance a normative argument to clarify and strengthen the existing model of disclosure-based regulation to hold MNCs accountable. We argue that, since the core expectations held by shareholders of companies are the same whether they are operating within our borders or externally, a harmonization of disclosure obligations imposed by law would be a more flexible and less costly solution. We posit that a broader reading of the disclosure obligations of companies under existing legislation like the Reg. S-K in the United States, the continuous disclosure rules under * Dean and Professor of Law, University of Newcastle Law School. Sandeep Gopalan would like to thank Terrie Troxel, Jack Tatom, Professor Bill Wilhelm, and the Networks Financial Institute at Indiana State University College of Business for their valuable support in conducting research for this article. We are also grateful to Audrey Son, Bassam Khawaja, and the editorial staff of the Columbia Human Rights Law Review for their excellent editorial work. ** Solicitor and doctoral candidate, University of Newcastle Law School. 2 COLUMBIA HUMAN RIGHTS LAW REVIEW [46.2:1 the Australian Corporations Act 2001, and listing rules such as those adopted by the Australian Securities Exchange and the New York Stock Exchange would require the disclosure of material corporate practices outside our national borders.